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1700 TO 1917 

By Thomas franklin Waters 

PuESiDiirr OF TBS Ipswich Hutorical Socistt 

The Ipswich Historical Society 






The first volume of Ipswich history, entitled Ipswich in 
the Massachusetts Bay Colony, 1633-1700, was published in 
1905. It was received with so much favor that I have been 
encouraged to continue my study and research to the present 
day. To the end that the book may be interesting to many 
readers, beside students of history, and may be something 
more than a series of disconnected annals, the topical method, 
followed in the first volume, has been continued. 

I have endeavored to portray as graphically as possible 
the changing life of the commimity in successive periods, in 
the common course of Town affairs and in critical periods of 
Colonial and National existence, and have not hesitated to 
make frequent excursions into the contemporaneous history 
of other towns to secure illustrative material. 

The churches have had such an important place, that their 
history has been made a prominent feature, and as their rec- 
ords are liable to destruction or loss, copious abstracts have 
been made that the essential facts may be preserved. The 
extensive fisheries and commerce, which formerly employed 
many men and gave thrilling and romantic interest to the 
daily life but are now almost forgotten, have received care- 
ful study. The history of the schools, especially that of the 
old Grammar School, and the Ipswich Seminary, so widely 
famous in its day, has been told at length. 

The field of Ipswich genealogy, however, is so vast and in- 
tricate and so much material for students is so readily avail- 
able in the published Vital Statistics and in the family his- 



tories, that it has not been entered. Neither has there been 
any attempt to compile the list of Revolutionary soldiers and 
sailors, as the cojnplete record of service is easily found in 
the bulky volumes published by the Commonwealth. But I 
have made the narrative of the French and Indian War as 
complete as possible, with copious extracts from the unpub- 
lished records in the Massachusetts Archives, and have en- 
deavored to compile an accurate record of the Ipswich volun- 
teers in the Civil War. 

The topographical studies, which constituted Part II of 
Volume I, have been continued in the Publications of the 
Ipswich Historical Society, I^o. XV, The Old Bay Road, No. 
XVI-XVII, Candlewood, No. XVIII, Jeffrey's Neck and 
The Way Thereto, and No. XIX, Ipswich Village and The 
Old Rowley Road. Brief sketches of these localities appear 
in Chapter XXXII, Along Some Old Roads. 

T. F. W. 
Ipswich, October, 1917. 



The Beginnings op the 18th Century^ .... 1 

Queen Anne's War, 31 

Some Great Funerals, 54 


Inns and Inn Keepers and the Traffic in Strong 

Drink, 66 

Laws, Courts and Judges, 90 


Division in the Parish. The Hamlet. Linebrook. 

The Great Awakening. The South Parish, . 110 

Colonial Currenot and the Ijand Bank, . . 139 


The French and Indian or Seven Years War, 1755- 
1762 AND The Acadians in Ipswich, . . ' . . 166 

Slaves, Servants and Apprentices, 210 

Fishing and Commerce in the 18th Century, . 230 

Trades and Bmpix)tments in the 18th Century, 250 

ScHOOiA AND School Masters op the 18th Century, 274 




The Breach with Great Britain, 293 

The Revolutionary War, 316 

After the Revoldtion, 361 

The Poor and the Stranger within the Gates, . 386 

The New Centdry. Wars and Rumors of Wars, . 403 


The First Church after 1747, ...?... 439 

The Linebrook Church, 1746, 452 

The South Church, 1747, 460 

The Baptist Church, 1806, 484 

The Methodist Episcopal Church, 1822, . . . 497 

Schools and School Teachers in the 19th Century, 513 


The Ipswich Ac-4J)emy, later known as the Ipswich 

Female Seminary, 538 

Ipswich, Seventy-Five Years Ago, 576 

Shipping and Sailors of the 19th Century, . . 600 

The Textile Industry, 626 

The Unitarian Church, 1830, 642 



The PEOTESTA?fT Episcopal Church, 647 

The Civil Was, 1861-1865, 65(8 


Some Public Utilities, Eoads and Bridges, Fire De- 
partment, Water and Light, 694 

Along Some Old Roads, 707 

Ipswich, Then and Now, 744 


A List of Soldiers and Sailors credited to Ipswich 

in the French and Indian War, 775 


Narrative op the Wreck op the ship, 'TDorchester,^' 

Captain Epen Caldwell, 783 


The Roll op Ipswich Soldiers and Sailors in the 
Civil War, the Spanish War, 1898, and on the 
Mexican Frontier, 1916, 788 



Bank Bill, Ipswich Land Bank, ....... 159 

Gkn. Washington's Obdes to Col. Wade, 347 

The Fibst Pabish Meeting House, 1847, 449 

The Meeting House of the Linebbook Chubch, 1848, 452 

The Meeting House of the South Chubch, 1837, . . 469 

The Meeting House of the Baptist Chubch, 1898, 48 i 

The Methodist Episcopal Chubch, 497 

Eunice Caldwell Cowles 573 

John Phelps Cowles, 574 

The Ship Malay, 623 

The Ship Highlandeb, 625 

Ipswich Mills about 1882, 636 

Foot bbidge and wateb-way half a centuby ago, . . 636 

Ipswich Mills, 1917, . • 640 

The Pbotestant Episcopal Chubch, 647 

Fbactional Cubbency issued by the Union Stobe in 

the Civil Wab, 683 

The Caleb Wabneb Homestead 695 

The besidbnce of Mb. A. Stoby Bbown, 707 

The besidence of Mb. Henby Bbown, 709 

The summeb home of Mb. Henby L. Dawes, .... 710 

The bbsidenoe of Miss Claba Bebtha Dobson — ^Wind 

Mux Hill, . , . . 711 



The summeb home of Mbs. Daniel Fulleb Appleton, 715 


MAN, . . . 716 

New House, the summeb home of Mb. Fbanois B. 

Appleton, 717 

Applefield, the summeb home of Mbs. Chables S. 

tuckebman, 718 

The Co^aqe, the besidbnce of Miss Bhoda F. Kins- 
man, .... 720 



The Jebemiah Kinsman House, 721 

The residence of Mb. James H. Pboctob, 722 

The Brown Homestead on the Aroilla Farm, ... 731 

The summer home of Mrs. Francis B. Harrington, 732 

The summer home of Mrs. Joseph Lord, 734 

The summer home of Dr. Joseph L. Goodale, . . . 736 
Thatch Banks, the summer home of Mr. Augustus N. 

Rantoul, •, , 738 

The summer home of Mr. Richard T. Crane, Jr., 

Castle Hill, 740 

Inglisby, the summer home of the late Charles P. 

Searle, i , . . . 741 

The Robert Paine Homestead now owned by Mr. 

Robert G. Dodge, 743 

The James Appleton Memorial Fountain, .... 759 

The Benjamin Stickney Cable Memorial Hospital, 761 


The Beginnings of the 18th Century. 

Ipswich began the new century worthily by building a new 
meeting house on the sightly hill top, hallowed by the two 
earlier houses of worship. The Town voted in January, 
1699-1700, that the new house should be built near the 
building soon to be vacated, and instructed the Committee 
to "levell the place for the floor of y® said new meeting 
house." The work was pressed vigorously during the sum- 
mer and in just a year. Judge Sewall notes in his Diary in 
January 1700-1701, that he heard Rev. John Rogers preach 
the last sermon in the old meeting house on the lecture day, 
and that on January 29, 1700-1 "Ipswich people meet the 
first time in their New Meeting House." 

It was a stately edifice, sixty-six feet long, sixty feet broad 
and twenty-six feet stud. In anticipation of the dignity of 
the new meeting house, provision was made for a new and 
much larger bell. A subscription paper was circulated for 
voluntary contributions, which is of great interest and value, 
as it introduces us to the fine group of men who were fore- 
most in Town affairs at the turn of the century. 

Feb. 29: 1699-'700 A copie of Subscriptions as follows 
For encouragement to all well & publick spirited p'sons for 
procuring of a bigger Bell for y® good of y* Towne. 

Wee, whose names are hereafted mentioned, doe promise 
to pay toward a Bell of about 5 or 6^^ weight as followeth, 

£. s. d. £. s. d. 

John Appleton 



Symond Epps 


Jn'. Wain Wright 



Sam" Appleton 

2- 0-0 

Fran* Wainwright 



Jn" Kogers 

5- 0-0 

Jn» Whipple 



Andrew Burdley 

0- 3-0 



James Bumum 2- 0-0 

FAw\ Brag 0-10-0 

Nehemiah Jewett 0-12-0 

Jn*» Lampson 0-10-0 

jSTath^ Knowlton 0-12-0 

Doc' Philemon Dane 0- 6-0 

Sam" Hart 0-12-0 

Isaac Appleton 0- 6-0 

Jn*» Adams Sen. 0-10-0 

Tho'. Jacobs 0- 6-0 

Jn*» Harris Marsh. ^ 0-10-0 

Joseph Fuller 0-10-0 

Richard Smith 0- 6-0 

Edward IS'ealand 0- 6-0 

Phillip Fowler 0-18-0 

Rob* Kinsman 0-18-0 

Jn^ Pen^y 0-12-0 

Joseph Whipple Jr. 1- 0-0 

Jacob Perkins Tai^^ 0- 6-0 

Xath^ Adams Sen. 0- 6-0 

Sam" Smith 0- 3-0 

Elihu Wardel 0-10-0 

Jn** Denison 0- 6-0 

Tho" Lull Sen. 0- 6-0 

Jn** Whipple, farmer. 0-10-0 

Jacob Boarman 0-10-0 

W°* Goodhue, farmer 0- 6-0 

Jn*»Pottar 0- 6-0 

W"" Baker 0- 3-0 

Tho». Smith 0- 3-0 

Michael Farley 1-10-0 

Mathew Perkins 0- 6-0 

Caleb Kimball 0- 3-0 

Dillingham Caldwell 0- 3-0 

Jn^ Shatswell 0- 6-0 

Daniell Rogers 0-12-0 

Dan'l Rindg 1- 0-0 

Francis Crompton 1- 0-0 

Joseph Calliffe 0- 9-0 

Jn^ Appleton Jun. 0-12-0 
Andrew Diamond toward a 

Pulpit cush*^ 
T^icholas Wallis 
Edm* Herd 
Robert Lord 
Widow Straw 
W^idow Pottar 
Robert Wallis 

2- 0-0 
0- 8-0 
0- 6-0 
0- 3-0 
0- 6-0 

The old bell was sold to the people of Marblehead for 
£37-10s and Col. John Wainwright was requested in April, 
1700 to procure the new one, at a cost of £72 and £1 6s. for 
the clapper. 

With the time of leaving the old meeting house close at 
hand, a new resolve seems to have been made, that the dis- 
order that had disturbed the public worship for some years, 
owing to the wanton and perverse behavior of the boys and 
young men, should be effectually quelled. They were seated 
by the Town Committee in long rows on the benches reserved 
for them in the gallery or in other less desirable locations, 
and as they grew restive under the long prayers and longer 
sermons, they turned naturally to mischief. The Records 
and Files of the old Quarter Sessions Court reveal their mis- 
doings. Edward Cogswell, a lad of some sixteen years, pro- 

* Marshal. 


voked the lad in front of him, pulling his new hat, telling 
him he was such a pretty fellow he didn't need such adorn- 
ing and the like, and Thomas Bragg at last landed a blow 
upon his tormentor's nose witii dire effect. The same Cogs- 
well, as witnesses testified, was idle in sermon time, "going 
from one gallerie to another, very idle, with a stick in his 
hand, going from seate to seate, talking and laughing with 
boys." (1670). Complaint was made against Thomas Mentor 
in 1673. 

That he carried himself very irreverently and most un- 
christianly upon the Sabbath days in the time of worship, by 
setting with his hat upon his head in the time of worship, 
by taking of maids by the aprons as they came in to the 
meeting house in the time of worship, by putting his hand 
in their bosoms and then taking or snatching away their 
posies or flowers, by laughing and allmost all the time of 
worship, whispering with those that are like himself and also 
with very little boys to the ill example of youth, and these 
the said Mentor has ordinarily done and practised the most 
of the Sabbaths of this year. (Sept. 1673). 

Three young fellows were presented for laughing and 
spitting in one another's faces, pricking one another in the 
legs, pulling boys off their seats and "heaving things into 
the other gallery among y* garls that sit there and Breaking 
y* glass windows." (May, 1674) Elizabeth Hunt, wife of 
Samuel, made frequent disturbances by her repeated shuf- 
fling against the chair of the daughter of her neighbor, so 
that the girl could hardly save herself from falling to the 
floor; and one Sunday Thomas Knowlton, Jr., made a bad 
matter worse by calling out on the Lord's day in prayer 
time, "Take notis of Gk)odwife Hunt that makes disturbance 

For this, Knowlton was sentenced to stand in the meeting 
house on the next lecture day with a paper on his breast, 
written "FOR DISTURBING Ye MEETING" all the 
lecture time and pay costs and fees. 

The gradual assignment of floor space on which pews were 
built by the gentry in the latter part of the century brought 


some relief, it may be presumed, as families then began to 
sit together. But there were many boys and young men, who 
belonged to the poorer families, and some who were bound 
out as apprentices or servants, and they still sat together and 
continued their pranks. 

Hence the stem regulations published by the Committee 
of the Town on Dec. 26, 1700. 

To prevent the Youth from prophaning y® Sabbath, & their 
misordering themselves in times of Grods Worshipp — It is 
Ordered They shall sitt together in y® two backside Seats of 
each front Gallery, which are y* Seats appointed for them — 
and that y^ Tything men & others Desired with them Shall 
take Turn by two in a Day to Sit with them to Inspect them : 
and such as will not be reclaimed by sd persons Discounte- 
nanceing of their 111 manners shall be complained of to the 
Justices and proceeded with by them as the Law Directs 
unless said Justices shall Instead of fineing of them — Im- 
prison such incorrigible persons or give them Corporal! pun- 

It is Ordered that y® young men that are not placed in 
particular seats shall sitt in y* hindemost fifth seat in y* 
no-west mens Gallery next to John Pottars & on the so-east 
mens Gallery next Mr. Appletons side of meeting-house, and 
shall be liable to pay as a fine five shillings If they occupy 
the other seats yt persons are placed in to be recovered as 
aforesd for y* use aforesaid. 

It is ordered y* y® maides and Girls y* are not p'ticularly 
Seated Shall sitt in y* two hindemost fifth seats on y* no-west 
Womens Gallery next Jn** Pottars & on y® so-east Women's 
Gallery next Mr. Appletons — . 

It is ordered y^ such maids & Girls as y® s** seats will not 
containe y* are other where provided for shall sett in y* 
Alleys below stairs — exceptin y® Alley in y* Middle of y® 
Meeting house and before y* mens fust seate, which alley is 
not allowed to be lumbred with Chairs & stools. 

The Tithing men & Constables are Reminded & Desired to 
take notice of & Informe agst such persons as shall prophane 
y** Sabbath betwixt meetings: Who Continue about or in y* 
meeting house at noone times : y* they be proceeded with as 
the Law Directs & requires and to Inspect such Youths as 
run in & Out in y® time of Gods Worship and Complaine to 


their parents & Masters unless such will be reclaimed by 
private Intimations given them. 

The Committee l)esir y* all Heads of families would In- 
forme & Warne their children & Servants not disturb 
j" selves and the Congregation by making more Noise y" 
Xeede in Goeing up & Uowne Stairs in y® time of y® Wor- 
shipp of God, which 111 practice is very prejudiciall to y* 
Auditory as well as Disturbant to serious Well minded per- 

Lt. Col.] John Appleton 
Col.] John Wainwright 
Mr.] Nehemiah Jewett 
Deacon] Nath'U Knowlton 
Serg.] Sam'U Hart 
Doctor] Philemon Dean 
Mr.] Daniell Rogers 

Committee for Ipswich. 

At the Town Meeting in March, 1700-01 renewed expres- 
sion of this serious purpose to secure reverent worship and 
a well ordered Town was made in the appointing of twenty- 
one Tithing men, Mr. Robert Paine heading the list, the son 
of Elder Robert Paine, a retired minister and a citizen of 
high standing. These men represented all the diflFerent 
neighborhoods and the outlying farm dwellers, Mr. John 
Whipple, farmer, Lieut, John Coggswell, Mr. Richard Walk- 
er, Senior, Mr. Benjamin Marshall, Mr. Isaac Perkins, 
Senior, Mr. Jonathan Lumas, Mr. John Staniford, Shore- 
bom Wilson, Timo^ Pearley, Mr. Nathaniel Adams, Sen^ 
Alex' Lovell, Mr. Jacob Davis, Sergt. Robert Lord, Corp" 
John Pengrey, Sergt, Nath* Emerson, John Day, Capt. Dan- 
iel Ringe, Quar' Kinsman, Samuell Poland, Thomas Per- 
rin, Jr. 

The boys apparently remained in a rebellious mood, not- 
withstanding this formidable array of tithingmen. On March 
14, 1709-10, thirteen tithingmen were chosen and it was 
''Voted y* y* Ty thingmen take their turns every Sabbath 
Day with ye assistance of a Neighbor to look after ye boys 
y* y* Day may not be prophaned by them." 

Tear by year the misbehavior of the boys was a matter of 


public concern. The tidiingmen seem to have wearied of 
their task as Sabbath day police by 1716. 

At the March meeting in that year, Samuel Graves was ap- 
pointed to look after the boys on the Sabbath, and 20 shillings 
was appropriated as his salary, and more explicit defining of 
this duty was made in March, 1722, when the Town 

Voted, that Joseph Foster be impowered to have the 
Inspection of the boys that are disorderly on the Lord's Day 
& Lecture days, & to Correct them as he shall judge meet & 
necessary in Measure & upon well Executing that Trust for 
the year Ensuing, the Selectmen are impowered to allow him 
twenty shillings out of the Town Treasury. 

Tradition has it that Mr. Foster, or his successor, pouncing 
upon the unfortunate lad, whom he detected at his tricks, col- 
lared him, led him out of the meeting house, administered the 
birch freely, and restored him to his place in subdued if not 
reverent mood. 

A Town clock was purchased in 1702. The fear of In- 
dian attack had disappeared so thoroughly that the Town 
voted to sell the rocks, that made the fort around the old 
meeting house, to pay for the clock. Where the clock and 
new bell were placed is open to conjecture. The bell appar- 
ently was on the roof in a "turret," so called, but there was 
no belfry, as the Town voted on May 1, 1712 : 

That Coll. John. Appleton Esq. & Capt. John Whipple 
be a Committee to take care of y* Meeting house, to take 
down y* Bell & to build a Belfry to place y* Bell & sett y* 
Turret y' on & to fence ? y* roof of y* Meeting house when y* 
Turrett is removed — . 

Provision was made for "a room in the meeting house 
upon the beams by the clock for securing the Town's ammu- 

New regard for the comfort of the horses, during the long 
Sabbath services, found place as well, and permission was 
given to several citizens to build sheds, near the present 
Denison school and the Methodist meeting house. They 
were modest structures however. Serg. John Lampson was 


authorized "to set up a shed nine foot long and nine foot 

But the "seating of the meeting'^ was the most delicate 
matter. A certain portion of the floor space in the old 
meeting house had been allotted to prominent citizens as 
early as 1675, when Major Francis Wainwright was per- 
mitted to build a pew. Undoubtedly the same privilege was 
continued in the new building, but comparatively few en- 
joyed this extraordinary prerogative. The old order still 
held for the great majority of the citizens of the Town and 
they were seated by the Committee appointed for this pur- 
pose, w^ith the nicest regard for social standing, wealth or 
official station. It was a task of embarrassing difficulty and 
there was constant pressure for special privileges. Only two 
years after the new meeting house was finished, the Com- 
mittee for seating, on 23'* Feb. 1702-3, granted liberty to 

73 men and 62 women to "build up y^ hindmost seats of y*' 
several Galleries round sd house at their cost & charge & so 
sift y' in untill removed by consent of the Committee or par- 
ties Into some other Seetes or Removed by Death or Inhabitt 
any other Town or p'ecinct. — " 

The seating capacity of the new house was taxed so se- 
verely in a few years that the Committee for seating granted 
liberty on Jan. 26, 1710-11, to specified persons "to build 

a Gallery over y* Stairs in y® So East corner of sd 
House att y' own Cost & Charge, always provided y* it doth 
not prejudice y** passage up y^ stairs & y** going Into y* other 
Seats & always provided y* If y® Towne shall see cause to 
Erect or build an upper Teer of Galleries Then This Grant 
to be no obstruction y^ unto." 

Record remains of the "seating" in March 1719-20 of 

the most dignified portions of the meeting house. A group 
of old men was placed at the communion table, which stood 

just in front of and below the pulpit : Lieut. Simon Wood, 
Nathaniel Lord, John Denison, Joseph Quilter, Jonathan 
Lumas, Serg. William Hunt, Thomas Dow, John Smith and 
John Harris. Lord and Lumas saw service in Kin/2: 
Philip's War in 1675. Dow and Denison were both 


wounded in the Narragansett fight in that war, and Deni- 
son served also in the expedition against Quebec in 1690. 
Sergt. John Harris was also at Quebec. 

"The Men's Short fore seat in the front" was also re- 
served for the aged and infirm. Here sat John Grow who 
died on Jan. 9, 1727, "upward of 90 years," James Fuller, 
William Baker, 70 years old, Thomas Treadwell of the Is- 
land farm of venerable age, «Tohn Sherwin, aged 76, and 
Jeremiah Jewett. James Fuller's wife and William Baker's 
wife were assigned to the "Women's short fore seat front." 
Behind these sat the long rows of substantial citizens and 
their wives. In the men's second seat were Mr. John Apple- 
ton, Capt^ Isaac Appleton, Mr. James Bum am, Mr. Simon 
Tu thill, Capt. Daniel Ringe, Mr. Samuel Hart, Mr. John 
Pengrye, Mr. Joseph Whipple, Mr. Francis Crumpton and 
Mr. Michael Farley, every man of them wearing his military 
title or Mr. the sign and title of the gentleman. 

In the Women's front seat, on the other side of the alley, 
sat the Widow Wallis, Widow Hart, Mrs. Sarah Hart, 
Widow Baker, Mrs. Perkins, Mrs. Fowler, Mrs. Smith, Mrs. 
Bumam, Mrs. Tuthill, Mrs. Appleton, Mrs. Clark, Mrs. 

The Men's third seat was occupied by Mr. Oliver Apple- 
ton, Mr. Isaac Fellows, Farmer John Brown, so called to 
distinguish this important and prosperous citizen from the 
disreputable Glazier John Brown, Sergt. Robert Wallis, Mr. 
Samuel Wallis, Nathan* Adams, William Goodhue, Sergt. 
Caleb Kimball, Thomas Manning, Daniel Warner and En- 
sign Abraham Tilton; and in the Women's seat across the 
alley were the Widow Agnes Cowes, Mrs. Baker, Mr. Oliver 
Appleton's wife, the Widow Perkins, Mrs. Chapman, Mrs. 
Ringe, Widow Birdley, the wife of Robert Wallis, Mrs. 
Denison, Mrs. Potter, W^idow Foster and the wife of Farmer 
John Brown. 

Five seats for men were thus appointed and three for 
women. Seats in the gallery had been assigned years before. 


J^one might presume to sit elsewhere, and a seat of superior 
dignity than the one assigned was particularly prohibited in 
the Vote of the Town on May 25, 1724, — "all persons shall 
be obliged to Observe the Order of the Committee . . . and 
shall not sit in an higher seat than that which shall be or- 
dered for him, under a forfeiture of five shillings for each 

The glor^^ of the new meeting house was dimmed, however, 
bv one sorrowful event. The minister of the church, Rev. 
William Hubbard, one of the most conspicuous clergymen of 
his time, laid down his task when the old meeting house 
was left. As boy and man, he had known the whole 
history of the Town. He had come with his father, while 
a lad in his teens, to the new settlement. He had been 
graduated from Harvard in its first class in 1642, and in 
1656 he began to preach as a colleague with Mr. Cobbett. 
Forty-seven years he had ministered and few remained in 
the great congregation who had any remembrance of his 
famous predecessors. In his own person, he linked the new 
century ^vith the very beginnings of the Town. The in- 
firmities of age obliged him to give up the active duties of 
his office on May 6, 1703 and he died on Sept. 14, 1704 
at the age of eighty-three.^ 

Rev. John Rogers, son of President John Rogers of Har- 
vard and grandson of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers who succeeded 
Rev. Nathaniel Ward, a Harvard graduate in the class of 
1684, had begim his ministry as colleague with Mr. Hubbard 
in 1686 in his twentieth year, but was not ordained until 
Oct. 12, 1692. For a few months, from August to Decem- 
ber, 1702, he performed the whole work of the ministry, 
but on December 11th, Rev. Jabez Fitch, a young man of 
thirty years, a graduate of Harvard in the class of 1694, and 
then a Tutor in the College, accepted the invitation of the 
church to become a colleague of Mr. Rogers and for the first 
time in many years a new voice was heard in the pulpit. 

s For sketch of his literary work, see "Ipswich, in the Mass. Bay Colony", 
Vol. I, page 153. 


He was ordained Oct. 24, 1703, married Elizabeth Apple- 
ton, daughter of Col. John, June 10, 1704, and on July 7* 
of the same year, he bought of William Payne and his wife, 
Elizabeth, only daughter and heir of William Stewart, the 
dwelling, known in later years as the Deacon Caleb Lord 
house,* on the comer of High and Hammatt Streets, re- 
cently torn down. Here they made their home and here 
were bom their seven children, Elizabeth, John, James, 
Margaret, Anne, another James and Mary. 

The ministerial salary was a source of constant difficulty. 
In accordance with the usual custom of the times, it was 
paid partly in money and partly in wood or produce, and 
although payment of the ministerial rate was obligatory and 
could be enforced by legal process, there was frequent 
delay in the payments. It was ordered on Dec. 26, 1706, 
by the Town, 

That all p'sons y* are rated to y* Ministers Salary shall 
bring in their respective rates at or on y® last Tuesday in 
January & y® first Tuesday in February next & y* those 
p'sons y* do not pay at on or before said days shall pay all 
their rate in money & such rates as y* Collectors are forced 
to fetch shall have two pence on y*' shilling after said day for 
their paynes from y* party so neglecting. 

For some unimaginable reason, the fire wood that was 
promised was not easily obtained, and on the same date, it 
was voted that ten pounds per annum be added to Mr. Bogers's 
salary "in consideration of want of wood and to make up 
his salary equal with Mr. Fitch's, w®** was advanced also 
upon consideration of wood." 

Apparently the ministers received their salary in small 
sums, at irregular periods, and upon their complaint, the 
Town voted on March 8: 1714-15, 

That besides y*' weekly contribution there [shall be] a 
generall quarterly contribution of y® Inhabitants for y* paying 

* Ipswich In the Mass. Bay Colony, Vol. I, pages 354-355. 


of their Tax y' so they may have their Salary in greater 

Twenty years of increasing family expense, and constant 

uncertainty as to the payment of his salary, exhausted Mr. 
Fitch's patience, and in the summer of 1724, he received 
an invitation to the pastorate of the church in Portsmouth, 
which he accepted on the ground that the Town had fallen 
short of the original contract made with him at his settle- 
ment. The whole community was greatly stirred. Not 
since Rev. John Norton had removed from Ipswich to Bos- 
ton in 1656, had any Ipswich pastorate been terminated 
except by death. Never before had the good name of the 
illustrious Ipswich church been tarnished by the charge that 
she had not kept her plighted word with her minister, and 
it was humiliating to her pride, that a minister brought the 

On September 24, 1724, a Committee was appointed by 
the church and parish to treat with Mr. Fitch and inquire 
"wherein the Town or parish hath fallen short of their con- 
tract with him and Labour to persuade him " 

This Committee made a lengthy report on October 15***, 
reviewing the original votes regarding his salary, the suc- 
cessive votes of the Town authorizing the Selectmen or As- 
sessors to assess and tax the inhabitants for his support and 
Mr. Fitch's receipts in the Selectmen's books in hie own hand, 
"though the Receipts for some of the payments bare date 
some time after the same was due by contract." They pro- 
ceeded to declare that this lack of promptness was offset by 
the "improvement of a Parcel of Land at the end of the 
Town, nigh Dow's comer," still known as the "Parish Pas- 
ture," "the Loan of a certain sum of money," (afterward 
said to have been £100) and "one half of a Considerable 
Contribution the parish Cheerfully Come Into the Last Tear 
at his motion & Request." Although Mr. Fitch assured the 
Committee "that if the Parish would make him a generous 
offer he would give it a Due Consideration," the Portsmouth 


church invited a Council of the Churches and Ministers to 
meet in Boston on October 27***, and advise regarding their 
call to him to become their minister, John Wainwright Esq, 
Thomas Berry Esq and Deacon Nathaniel Knowlton were 
appointed a Committee to represent the Ipswich church and 

Use their best Endeavors to Clear up the good name or 
Reputation of the parish from any Charge or Imputation 
which hath or may be alledged against them by the said Mr. 
Fitch .... and to make it appear so far as they are able 
that the parish have and Still is willing to give him an Hon- 
orable Support for his preaching the Grospel to and among us. 

This vote was annulled three days afterwards, on October 
26*^, as it seemed unwise to lay the whole matter in detail 
before the Council and it was voted that John Wainwright 
and Thomas Berry be instructed "to make all possible ob- 
jections against the proceeding of said Council in Respect 
to the affair of Mr. Fitch's Removal from us." 

A Committee of the Council seems to have come to Ipswich 
to confer with the church and people, and a meeting had 
been called for November 11*^, at which it was voted "that 
a messenger be sent to acquaint some Gentlemen that were 
in Town that if they had anything to offer to said meeting, 
they were meet." Much debate ensued concerning the dis- 
mission of Mr. Fitch to the Church of Christ in Portsmouth, 
but "it was passed unanimously in the Negative." Fur- 
thermore, it was "vot^d that we do not see occasion to Leave 
the Determination of the affair Relating to the Removal of 
Mr. Fitch to Portsmouth to a Council that we understand 
^re acting in said affair," and word was sent to the visiting 
Gentlemen "that we have voted unanimously not to Dismiss 
the Rev. Mr. Jabez Fitch." Notwithstanding this action 
by his church, Mr. Fitch took matters into his own hand 
and absented himself from his pulpit on Dec. 13, 1724 
and the two following Sundays, and again, "from the be- 
ginning of March to the beginning of May, 1725." 


To relieve the senior Pastor from the burden of carrying 
unaided the onerous requirement of the two long Sabbath 
services and the weekly lecture, the Parish voted on January 
6, 1724-5, that the son of the Pastor, Mr. Nathaniel Rogers, 
who had been graduated from Harvard in 1721, at the age 
of nineteen, "be in nomination to assist the Rev. Mr. John 
Rogers in the work of the ministry, if he be not pre-Ingaged," 
and also Mr. Benjamin Crocker, a graduate of 1713, and a 
resident of the Town, if Mr. Rogers could not be secured. 

The Parish met on April 7"*, for a "friendly conference 
with Mr. Fitch,'^ but "nothing of an Agreement could be 
obtained," and shortly after he was installed in Portsmouth. 

The young Nathaniel Rogers seems to have rendered ac- 
ceptable service, as the Parish invited him on April 27, 1723 
to assist his father for three months and another invitation 
for a similar period was given in July. In November, he 
was invited to assist for a month and in December, to serve 
for a quarter of the next year, 1726, and then for another 
month, and at last in April, 1726, two other candidates for 
the vacancy appeared, Charles Chauncey and William 
Welstead, and each of these was invited to assist the Pastor 
for a month on the Sabbath and Lecture day. 

Meanwhile at the March term of the Sessions Court in 
Ipswich, 1726, the Rev. Jabez Fitch brought suit against 
the inhabitants of Ipswich, alleging that they had paid him 
nothing from March 1st to Dec. 13"*, 1724. Although the 
Parish appointed a Committee to contest the suit, calmer 
judgment prevailed, and eventually the matter was left to 
referees, and settled by the payment of £65, 10s. No doubt 
there were many friends who warmly espoused the minister's 
cause. Mrs. Fitch, as has been mentioned, was daughter of 
Col. John Appleton. Her mother was sister of the Senior 

Pastor, and she was own cousin of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers 
and the other children of Rev. John, all important people 
in the church and community. She was sister as well of 
Margaret, wife of President Holyoke of Harvard. 


This old and sharply contested wrangle over the salaij of 
Mr. Fitch was scarcely settled, before the Senior Pastor felt 
obliged by stress of his own straitened finances to present 
his plea, though the time seemed inopportune. His own 
pathetic letter tells the simple tale of his need, and the 
small talk of the Parish. 

To the Inhabitants of the first parish in Ipswich, Assem- 
bled October the 6"*, 1726. 


Notwithstanding In my opinion & I am apt to think In 
yours also, that my Sallary for Diverse years past has not 
been made good to me in valine however it might be in Sum 
by the Several payments made in those years whereof I 
have given Due Receipts from time to time [without making 
any further Demands or giving the Least occasion l^at I 
know of for those Reports that have been Raised of Late to 
your Disturbance as well as mine]. And Notwithstanding 
It was the want of an Erlier Consideration of & Allowance 
for the Difference of Species which necessitated my Borrow- 
ing of the publick & mortgaging a Good part of my Estate 
therefor and Selling one p* after another. 

Yet I now Leave the whole to a further Consideration of 
the good people whom I have Served near Thirty and Seven 
years to the best of my power. And with whom I would 
Live in Love and Dy in peace. — ^And shall be Ready to give a 
more general & full Discharge to the year Current whenever 
the parish shall See meet to Call for it. 

From yo' unworthy Servant 
In the work of the ministry. 
John Rogers. 

The parish having taken Into Consideration the message 
in writing from our Rev* Pastor, M^ John Rogers, Respect- 
ing the payments made him of his Sallary & of his Receipts 
therefor and that he is willing to give a General and full 
Discharge to the parish when desired to the year Current, 
which they expect from him, Therefore Voted tiiiat the parish 
do unanimously, freely & Cheerfully promise and Engage to 
Cancel & Discharge the mortgage the said Mr. Rogers has 
given to the Town of Ipswich for the Sum of One Hundred 


Pounds part of the Towns proportion of the Last Fifty 
Thousand Pounds Loan."* 

Settlement with Mr. Fitch having been made, the minds 
of the people were at last composed and on August 16, 1726, 
the Church voted on the several candidates for the ministerial 
office. Nathaniel Rogers received 35, William Welstead 8 
and Charles Chauncey 1. At this far remove, it is hard to 
understand the large preponderance of the vote for Mr. 
Kogers. Charles Chauncey, the great grandson of President 
Chauncey of Harvard, and grandson of Rev. Isaac Chauncey, 
an eminent Puritan minister, had been graduated at Har- 
vard in 1721 in his seventeenth year, and was regarded as 
one of the most brilliant scholars who had ever taken his 
degree at Cambridge. His slight form and delicate health 
may have weighed against him in the estimation of the 
Ipswich folk, but in the following year, when Mr. Wads- 
worth of the First Church of Boston was called to the Presi- 
dency of Harvard, Mr. Chauncey was chosen his successor 
as co-pastor with Rev. Thomas Foxcroft. He attained great 
reputation and was regarded as one of the ablest of the New 
England ministers. He was liberal in his theology and 
sternly opposed the great revival of religion, stimulated by 
the preaching of George Whitefield. William Welstead 
also was a yoimg man of great promise. He had declined a 
call to the church in Weston in 1722, and while candidating 
in Ipswich was acting as tutor in the CoUega In 1728, he 
was called to the pastorate of the New Brick Church in Bos- 
ton, in which he continued until his death in 1753. 

It may be imagined that both of these may have surpassed 
the son of the pastor in intellectual gifts, but the strong 
family influence and the natural aifection for the young 
preacher who was bom among them, carried the day. The 
Parish voted to concur, "provided he settle on Congrega- 
tional principles agreeably to the Platform of Church Gov- 
ernment." Evidently there was suspicion of the candidate's 

« See Chapter VU, "Colonial Currency and the Land Bank." 


soundness in his adherence to the old ecdesiasticism. The 
form of church government was in debate. The rising gen- 
eration of ministers opposed the continuance of the office of 
ruling eider. The elder pastor was requested to give assu- 
rance that his son would be settled on Congregational prin- 
ciples. He sent a communication to the Parish which was 
read on N'ovember 17th and led to a long and heated dis- 
cussion. Eventually a salary was voted, £130 in Bills of 
Credit for three years and afterward £150. 

Also provided that if sd Species viz. Bills of Credit or 
Silver Money should be very scarce or Difficult to be ob- 
tained, wee may have Liberty to answer and Pay two third 
parts of said Sum of £150 annually in good merchantable 
Barly malt at six shillings p' Bushel, Indian Corn at five 
Shillings p' Bushel, good merchant*'** Pork at six pence p' 
pound and good Butter at Twelve pence p' pound. Also 
provided he Settle himself And is settled and Ordained upon 
Congregational principles. 

Mr. Rogers delayed his reply nearly three months and 
when it came, it found the Parish in very captious mood. A 
Committee was requested to wait upon him "and in con- 
sideration of Sundrie things Contained in the said Answero 
previous if not unnecessary to be Inserted therein to the 
Dissatisfaction of many of the parish then assembled," to 
request that "he would in a more Concise and peremptory 
manner give his answer to the said vote." He accepted the 
details of settlement forthwith and October 18, 1726 was 
set apart for "the solemn ordination." A Committee was 
chosen "to make suitable provision for the Council assisting 
in y* Ordination . . . scholars and Other Gentlemen," and 
"to take up & Improve two or three Houses," that the hospi- 
tality of the Parish on this great occasion should not be 


No record remains of the service but the report of the 
Committee, with its itemized account of the expense, throws 
a flood of light upon the grand scale of entertainment for the 
visiting ministers and delegates of the churches, which com- 
posed the Council 


The first parish in Ipswich D*' To those Persons after 
named for what they have Advanced towards the charges of 
the Ordination, vizt. 

To Mr. Edward Eveleth October 18"*, 1727. 

£ s. d. £ s. d. 

To 19 Gallons of wine at 7/ 6 13 

To 36 pounds of Courrants at 1-6 2 14 

To one neats Tingue 1-3 13 

To 98^ of flower at 5^ 2 10 

To 28"». Sugar 28/ 1 8 

To 9"^ of Raisons at 1-2 10 6 

To 2 ounces of Nutmegs 5/ 5 

To 14 of pound of pepper 1/ 1 

To Six Chickings at 8** 4 

To 2 ounces of Cinnamon at 2-8 5 4 

To 1 ounce of Cloves 3-6 3 6 

To 249^ of Beef at 5** 5 3 9 

To 30^ of pork at 8^ 1 

20 19 4 20 19 4 

To M'. Increas How Octob^ 19*^ 1727. 

£ s. d. £ 8. d. 

To 122^ of Flower at 5^ 2 10 10 20 19 1: 

To 12"*. of Sugar at 11/ 11 

To 9^^ of fruit at 1-2 10 6 

To 12 Dozen Biskitt 12 

To 2 ounces Cinnamon 5-4 5 4 

To 1 oimce of nutmegs 2-8 2 8 

To 1 ounce of Cloves 3/ 3 

To Yn pound of pepper 2-6 2 6 

To 1 % of apples 3 3 

To 3 quarts of mellasses 3/ 3 

To 38^ of mutton at 4* 12 8 

To Seven Fowles at 10** 5 10 

To 12 fowles at 5** p' pound 10 6 

To 1 peck of Indian meal 1-5 1 6 

To 15/ for the Cook 15 

To making Tables, finding tenders & 

other provision in my house etc . . 2 10 

9 19 2 9 19 2 
30 18 6 


To Deacon Staniford, 
To Gfeese, pipes & Tobacco, &te 18 6 18 6 

To Deacon Lord. 
For Butter, Gkimmon Bacon, Fowls, 

&tc .3 7 2 3 7 2 

carried over 35 4 2 

Brought over from y* other side 
Thirty-five Pounds, four Shillings and 

two pence 36 4 2 

To Jonathan Fellows. 
To two Barrels of Syder, Bushel Malt 

& 12 pound Butter 2 1 

2 1 

To Mr. Jonathan Wade. 
To Four Turkey®, Horse Keeping, &tc. 1 7 

1 7 

To M'. Thomas Wade for horse keep- 
ing 3 3 

To Mr. Benjamin Appleton. 
To. Two Load of wood ^4/ 1 4 


To John Cheat for 2 geese 4 4 4 

To James Bumam. 
To Cheese, Fowls, Eggs, Sauces, etc. . 3 9 

3 9 

To Thomas Norton. 

To 28^ of fresh pork at 6* 14 

To 26^^ of Salt pork midling at 12* . . 1 6 

To 20 Fowls at 10* 15 8 

To 12 Dozen of Eggs 4-10 4 10 

To half a peck of Carrots 6* 6 

To 3>^ 1/2 Candles 3-6 3 6 

To Six Neats Tongues, 4 Dry, 2 green 

12 12 

To 26^^ of mutton, Some at 5* & some 


4*» 1 6 

To w* I paid to the Cook 13/ ...:.. 18 

5 16 6 

carried over 49 5 

Brought over from y* other side 

Forty-nihe Pounds, five pence 49 6 

To Joseph Foster for his service and 

Attendance, 4 days 16 16 

To the Widow Holland for her Ser- 
vice and Attendance, 3 days .... 12 12 

To Susanna Holland for her service in 

y* Cookery 12 12 

To Mary Brackenbury, an Attendant 

for 4 days . . : 6 6 

To Nathaniel Potter for a Server ... 4 40 

To the Committee apj)6iilted to pre- 
pare the Necessary* for the Ordi- 
nation, their Time and Trouble .4 4 

Total Charge of y* Ordination 55 10 5 

Mr. Rogers built in the same year he was ordained, the 
beautiful dwelling on High St., still called the ^TRogeirs 
Manse." On Dec 25; 1728, he married Mary, the widow 
of Major John Denison and daughter of President Leverett 
of Harvard, a year older than himself, and their home was 
established in the new parsonage. Eight children werls bom 
here, Margaret, three Marthas, Sarah, Elizabeth, Nathaniel 
and Lucy. Mrs. Kogers died on June 25, 1756, and the 
Pastor married Mary, the widow of Daniel Staniford, May 
4, 1758. Here Mr. Rogers passed away on May 10, 1775, 
his widow surviving until Sept. 18, 1779. 

The Senior Pastor, Rev. John Rogers, felt obliged to make 
another communication to his parish a few years later. 

Tp the Inhabitants of the first parish in Ipswich now 
Qentlemen. Whereas, I am now Entering the Fourty- 

fourth year of my Service to you in the Gospel Ministry, 


And have hitherto Supported the House I live in at my 
own Cost and Charge, which has been very Considerable all 
along more Especially in the Year past And the Condi- 
tion of it being such as Calls for much more Still to be 
Expended upon it in order to render it Suitable and Com- 
fortable for the future above what I am able to spare out 
of my Sallary. 

Am Therefore Obliged to ask your help and Assistance in 
Such way and measure as Ye shall think best. 

Yours to Serve with the Bemains of my Time and Abilily. 

John Bogers. 

Ipswich, March 15, 1732-3. 

The Parish responded kindly, granting him the desired 

While the First Church and Parish of Ipswich were 
wrestling with the problems of keeping order in the sanctuary 
and of securing worthy successors to the illustrious ministers 
who had adorned that famous pulpit. Rev. John Wise, the 
minister of the Chebacco Parish was winning fine renown in 
the field of letters. Early in his ministry, he had roused the 
Town to brave resistance of the Andros edict and had suffered 
fine and removal from his pulpit,' When Sir William 
Phips made his expedition against Quebec in 1690, by re- 
quest of the Colonial legislature, he accompanied it as chap- 
lain. In his funeral sermon, preached on April 11, 1726, 
Rev. John White affirmed of Mr. Wise, "not only the Pious 
Discharge of his Sacred Office, but his Heroick Spirit and 
Martial Skill and Wisdom did greatly destinguish hini."^ 
When the Witchcraft Delusion swept many of the coolest and 
best balanced men off their feet, he dared to protest, and ad- 
dressed a Petition'' to the Magistrates, signed by many of his 
parishioners, in behalf of John Proctor, Jr. and his wife, 
imploring the favor of the Court for these innocent victims 

of a false charge. 

To his reputation for dauntless courage, he added that of 

•Ipswich in the Mass. Bay Colony, Vol. I, Chap. XIV. 
•Ipswich In the Mass. Bay Colony, Vol. I, Appendix 6., P. 6S5. 
* Ipswich in the Mass. Bay Colony. Vol. I, Pa«e 290. 


feats of physical strength. He was a mighty wrestler, and 
the fame of his prowess went far afield. An Andover man, 
victor in many contests, hoard the report and rode down to 
the Chebacco Parish to invite a trial of his skill. The storv 
still survives of Mr. Wise's reluctance to enter the lists, but 
yielding at last to his importunity, he not only threw his 

boastful antagonist, but picked him up and pitched him over 
the fence. Whereupon the discomfited wrestler, seeking no 
further contest, begged Mr. Wise to throw his horse over in 
like fashion. 

His polemic skill and brilliant rhetorical gifts were now 
to be approved. In the year 1705, on Nov. 6th, a pamphlet 
was published in Boston addressed to the churches and minis- 
ters of New England, entitled, "Questions and Proposals." 

No signatures were appended, but it was well known that 
it was the work of Increase and Cotton Mather, backed by 
their friends and admirers in the Association of which they 
were members. Its purpose was to recommend a change in 
the old Drder of Congregational self-government of the chur- 
ches, substituting a Presbyterian form, with an annual Coun- 
cil, and practically depriving the lay-members of the churches 
of any voice or vote in their deliberations. Five years passed, 
allowing ample time for common discussion of this revolu- 
tionarv scheme. Then Mr. Wise declared himself in a book 
published in Boston in 1710, bearing the title: 







In Satyr, to certain Proposals made, in Answer to this 

Question, — ^What further Steps are to be taken, 
that the Councils may have due . Constitution and Effi- 
cacy in Supporting, Preserving and Well-Ordering the 
Interest of the Churches in the Country? 




Wherefore rebuke them sharply, that they may be found in 

the faith. Tit 1, xiii, 

Abjiciendus Pudor, Quoties urget Necessitas. 

He obeyed the Biblical injunction to the leitter. Un- 
abashed by the celebrity of the authors, the quiet Chebacco- 
minister considered the "Questions and Proposals" and re- 
plied to them with extraordinary power. 

Indeed at the first cast of the eye, the scheme seems to be 
the spectre or ghost of presbyterianism, or the government of 
the church by classes; yet if I don't mistake there is some- 
thing considerable of prelacy in it, only the distinct courts of 
bishops, with the steeples of the churches, tythes, surplice 
and other ornaments, do not show themselves so visible, as 
to be discerned at the first look, yet with a microscope you 
may easily discern them really to be there in Embrio et in 
Rerum natura There is also something in it which smells 


very strong of the infallible chair, to assume the power of 
making ruleS; to engross all principles of progress, the right 
of election, the last appeal, the negative vote and all superin- 
tending power in matters ecclesiastic, as the prerogatives of 
deigymen, distinct from all other estates and ministers in 
government: or thus, for the clergy to monopolize both the 
legislative and executive part of common law, is but a few 
steps from the chair of imiversal pestilence and by the ladder 
here set up, clergymen may, if they please, clamber tJius 
high ; for when they are invested with what is in these pro- 
posals provided and intended for them, who then can con- 
troul them but the Almighty himself i^ 

He proceeded to consider the "Questions and Proposals" in 
detail, replying to eadi with acute logic and ample learning, 
but always using the every day speech, maxims of homely 
common sense and a constant play of keen wit and droll 
humor. He was maintaining the privilege of the laymen to 
enjoy the liberty they had always found in the churches and 
he used the common people's talk of "Hobson's choice," "one 
swallow does not make a spring" and many proverbs. 

Sailors knew the aptness of his reflection: "If men are 
placed at helm to steer in all weather that blows, they must 
not be afraid of the waves or a wet coat" The soldiers 
whose campaigns he had shared, heard the language of the 
camp and the battlefield : 

Dont you hear from the top of yonder proud and lofty 
moimtain the enemies trumpets, and their drums beating a 
preparative? Therefore let all the good soldiers of Christ 
be compleat in this and all other parts of their armour, and 
at an hour's warning, unless you reckon your treasure not 
worth defending.® 

To the objection that candidates for the ministry were too 
young and needed to be controlled by some higher power, he 
replied :^^ 

* The Churches Quarrel Espoused. Pages 104, 106. 

published with A Vindication of the Government etc., edition of 1772. 

* The Churches Quarrel Espoused. Page 93. 
^The Churches Quarrel Espou9^, Page 126, 


If Christ is preached, all is well. And as to our case, we 
may say, despise not the day of the small things, all men must 
have a beginning and every bird which is pretty well fleg'd 
must begin to fly. And ours are not of the nest where 
Icharus was hatched, whose feathers were only glewed on; 
but these belong to the angelic host and their wings grow 
but from their essence ; therefore you may allow them, with 
the lark, now and then to dart heavenward, though the shell 
or down be scarce off their heads. 

It is not how old, but how capable a person is, which is 
the main point to be enquired after here. Therefore where 
(in some good measure) there is an honest life, a gracious 
heart, an orthodox head, and a learned tongue, there is no 
such reason to send such vouths to Jerico with David's mes- 
sengers, (though their beards are not yet grown) to wait 
upon time and nature, for such an accomplishment; for cer- 
tainly these recited are the principal in the argument. It 
is a story in the history of Persia, "That when the Grecians 
sent some very young noblemen upon an embassage to that 
court, the Persians reflected upon the Grecian republic, for 
sending beardless boys on so grave a message to so mighty 
a monarch/' To which the young Grecians very smartly 
answered, 'That if state policy did consist in beards, then 
he goats would do for embassadors, as well or better than 
men." I must confess, I am somewhat of their mind : — 

The su^estion that "the state of religion may be the better 
known and secured in all the churches" bv the new form of 
church gevemmerit roused him to an outburst of singular and 
thrilling eloquence. 

Religion in its infallible original, the wisdom and au- 
thority of God! in its infinite object, the ineffable persons 
and perfections of the divine essence ; in its means, the gos- 
pel of salvation; In its inspired, wakeful and capacious 
ministry; in its subject, the inestimable, immortal soul of 
man; in its transcendent effects, (1) In time, the charming 
peace and joys of conscience (2) In eternity, the joyful re- 
treat and shouts of glory, is the most incomparable gift of 
Paladium, which ever came from heaven; amongst all the 
favours of the father of lights, there is none parallel with 


this; when disclosed in its beauty, it ravisheth all the in- 
tellects of the universe ; and challenge may be made, that the 
prerogatives and glory belonging to all the crowned heads 
in the world, do bow and wait upon its processions thru the 
earth, to guard it from its innumerable and inveterate ene- 
mies. Yet in paying our veneration and attendance, we 
must distinguish right and place everything properly, and 
the means must be proportionate with the end and agreeable 
in their natures or otherwise whilst we go about to accom- 
plish a good end, viz. the security of religion by unproper 
means, we may lose our attempt and have no thanks, but 
be blamed for our pains ; for we must not do evil, that good 
may come. 

It is certain, that the church of Christ is the pillar of 
truth, or sacred recluse and peculiar asylum of religion and 
this sacred guest, religion, which came in the world's in- 
fancy from heaven, to gratify the solitudes of miserable man, 
when God had left him, hath long kept house with us in this 
land, to sweeten our wilderness state and the renowned 
churches here are her sacred palaces. Then certainly it is 
not fair for her lovers, under pretence of maintaining her 
welcome in greater state, to desolate her pleasing habita- 
tions, tho' they stand somewhat low like the myrtle grove. 

Zach. 1 ; 8 &tc." 

And again, with striking beauty and tenderness. 

View once more, from some lofty promontory or Pisgah, 
those goodly tents and tabernacles of Israel ! Listen 1 Is not 
Qod with them, and the shout of a king amongst them? 
Are they not as valleys spread forth, and as gardens by the 
river side, which the Lord hath planted? And yet, not- 
withstanding, may we, must we under your conduct, break 
up their fences, to give them another sort of culture ?^^ 

Again and again Mr. Wise affirms the essential democracy 
of the Congregational church government. 

Principle V. All Englishmen live and die by laws of their 
own making. That they are never pleased with upstart 

^ The Churches Quarrel Espoused. Pa^es 133» 134. 
''The Churches Quarrel Espoused. Fleige 162. 


Principal VI. That English govenunent and law ifl a 
chartei^party settled by mutual compact between persons of 
all degrees in the nation, and no man must start from it at 
his periL 

Principal VII. Englishmen hate an arbitrary power 
(politically considered) as they hate the devil. 

The very name of an arbitrary government is ready to 
put an Englishman's blood into a fermentation; but when 
it really comes and shakes its whip over their ears, and tells 
them it is their master, it makes them stark mad ; and being 
of a memical genius and inclined to follow the court mode, 
they turn arbitrary too.^* 

It so happened that the "Questions and Proposals'' bore the 
date Nov. 5, 1705, Guy Fawkes' Day. Mr. Wise seized upon 
this with keen relish. 

The fifth day of November has been a guardian angel to 
the most sacred interest of the empire: It has rescued the 
whole glory of church and state, from the most fatal arrest 
of hell and Borne. That had I been of the cabal or combina- 
tion which formed these proposals; so soon as I had seen 
and perceived the date, fas I imagine) my heart with king 
David's, would have smote me and I should have cried out, 
Miserere nostri Deus : The good Lord have mercy upon us ; 
this is the gun powder treason day; and we are every man 
ruined, being running Faux's fate! why gentlemen! have 
you forgotten it ? It is the day of the gun powder treason, 
and a fatal day to traitors. 

Again, at the close of his "Reply" he exclaims: 

Blessed! Thrice blessed day! Uphold and maintain thy 
matchless fame in the kalendar of time, and let no darkness 
or shadow of death stain thee; let thy horizon comprehend 
whole constellations of favorable and auspicious sters, re- 
flecting a benign influence on the English monarchy. And 
upon every return, in thy anniversary circuits, keep an in- 
dulgent eye open and wakeful upon all the beauties (from the 
throne to the footstool) of that mighty empire. 

And when it is thy misfortune to conceive a monster, 
which may threaten any part of the nations glory, let it 

"The Churches Quarrel Espoused. Pages 146. 147. 


oome crippled from the womb or else travel in birth again, 
with some noble hero, or invincible Hercules who may con- 
quer and confound it. 

"The Churches Quarrel Espoused'^ made a profound im- 
pression and contributed largely, we may believe, to the 
complete discomfiture of the authors of "Questions and Pro- 
posals," Prof. Moses Coit Tyler's critical estimate^* is 
highly eulogistic : 

Upon the whole, this book has extraordinary literary 
merrL It is, of its kind, a work of art, it has a beginning, 
a middle and an end, — each part in fit proportion, and all 
connected organically. The author is expert in exciting and 
in sustaining attention ; does not presume upon the patience 
of his readers ; relieves the heaviness and dryness of the ar- 
gument by gayety and sarcasm ; and has occasional outbursts 
of grand enthusiasm, of majestic and soul-stirring eloquence. 
In tone, it is superior to its time; .... It is a piece of 
triumphant logic, brightened by wit and ennobled by imagi- 
nation; a master specimen of the art of public controversy. 

In 1717, seven years after the publication of this book, Mr. 
Wise published a more formal and elaborate defence of the 
Congregational form of church government. It was entitled : 

M *'A History of American Literature during the Colonial Time." 11* 110. 







Drawn from Antiquity: the Light of Nature: Holy Scrip- 
ture: its Noble Nature: and from the Dignity Divine 
Providence has put upon it 




There are n,one to guide her among all the Sons whom she 
h<Uh brought forth; neither is there any that taJeeth her 
hy the hand of all the Sons that she hath brought up. 

Isa. IL 18. 

Say ye unto your Brethren Ammi and to your Sisters Ru- 

With its abundant quotations from the Church Fathers and 
from classic literature, often rendered into felicitous verse, by 
its stately and dignified style which restrained him from in- 
dulgence in the personal invective and biting sarcasm of his 
earlier "Reply", but lacked nothing of sustained interest, the 
"Vindication" was a notable argument for the largest liberty 
in church affairs. 


The noblest mortal in his entrance on the stage of life, 
is not distinguished by any pomp or of passage from the 
lowest of mankind ; and our life hastens to the same general 
mark: Death observes no ceremony, but knocks as loud at 
the barriers of the court as at the door of the cottage. 
This equality being admitted, bears a very great force in 
maintaining peace and friendship amongst men. 

From the natural equality of men, he argues that the 
natural form of government is a democracy. ^*^ 

The end of all good government is to cultivate humanity 
and promote the happiness of all, and the good of every man 
in all his rights, his life, liberty, estate, honor, &tc, without 
injury or abuse done to any. Then certainly it cannot 
easily be thought, that a company of men, that shall enter 
into a voluntary compact, to hold all power in their own 
hands, thereby to use and improve their united force, wis- 
dom, riches and strength for the common and particular good 
of every member, as is the nature of a democracy ; I say it 
cannot be that this sort of constitution will so readily fur- 
nish those in government with an appetite or disposition to 
prey upon each other or embezzle the common stock; as 
some particular persons may be when set off and intrusted 
with the same power. And moreover this appears very 
natural, that when the aforesaid government or power, set- 
tled in all, when they have elected certain capable persons 
to minister in their affairs, and the said ministers remain 
accountable to the assembly ; these officers must needs be un- 
der the influence of manv wise cautions from their own 


thoughts (as well as under confinement by their commission) 
in their whole administration.: And from thence it must 
needs follow that they will be more apt, and inclined to 
steer right for the main point, viz. The peculiar good and 
benefit of the whole and every particular member fairly and 

He defines a democracy :^* 

This is a form [of] government, which the light of na- 

'^A Vindication of the Government* etc. p. 40. 
* A Vindication of the OoTerament. etc. p. 39, 40. 


ture does highly value and often directs to, as most Agree- 
able to the just and natural prerogative of human beings. 
.... Man's original liberty after it is resigned, (yet 
under due restrictions) ought to be cherished in all wise 
governments ; or otherwise a man in making himself a sub- 
ject, he alters himself from a free man into a slave, whicH 
to do is repugnant to the laws of nature. ^ 

A second edition of the "Vindication" and "The Churches 
Quarrel Espoused," in a single volume, with the Plat^ 
form adopted in 1648 and other documents, was pub- 
lished in 1722, and in 1772 just fifty years later, when the 
liberties of the colonies were being invaded, the "Vindica- 
tion" was published again and widely distributed, and a 
second edition was called for as a sober, strong and unan- 
swerable demand for liberfy. The political ideas of the 
Chebacco minister were voiced again by the patriot leaders, 
and reappeared in the immortal Declaration of Independence. 
Prof. Tyler well observes.^^ "He was the first great Ameri- 
can democrat" and further remarks : 

Upon the whole, no other American author of the colo- 
nial time is the equal of John Wise in the union of great 
breadth and power of thought with great splendor of style; 
and he stands almost alone among our early writers for the 
blending of a racy and dainty humor with impassioned 

>< A History of American Literature during the Colonial, Time. II: 114, 


The Treaty of Ryswick in 1697 was followed by four 
years of peace on toth sides of the Atlantic, but in 1701, the 
conflict began again, ostensibly over the question of succes- 
sion to the Spanish throne, but in reality over the old ques- 
tion of the supremacy of Protestant or Catholic. The twelve 
years' war which followed is known in European history as 
the War of the Spanish Succession, in American annals, as 
Queen Anne's War.^ 

The Marquis of Vandreuil, the French Governor at Que- 
bec, adopted at once the former policy of sending parties 
of French and Indians to attack the frontier towns of the 
Colony, and the approach of a French fleet to ravage the 
coast was looked for at any moment. In the Spring of 
1701, the General Court appropriated £100 for repairing 
the fort at Salem, and £40 for repairing the fortification at 
Marblehead, provided each Town made equal appropriation.^ 
Ipswich made prompt response when the call to arms came. 
Captain Samuel Chadwell was ready with his sloop, "The 
Flying Horse," and a full crew in March, 1702-3. Eleven 
Ipswich men were enrolled beside the Captain, Thomas New- 
man, Capt Quat'., William Fellows, Pilot, Mr. Francis 

Perkins, W°. NichoUs, Gunner, Daniel Fuller, Daniel Ross, 
Richard Stevens, Ed. Talbot, Daniel Gilbert, John Russell, 
Cox"., Jn®. Martin. Men from Salem, Gloucester, Ports- 
mouth and three foreigners made up the quota of 38 of&cers 
and crew. 

* Cbaimlngr* History of the United States, Vol. H, 537. 
'Mass. Archives, 70: 528, 530. 



A breezy letter from the Captain to the Governor is pre- 
served in the Archives,* 

Newcastle, March 1, 1702-3. 

These certifie y' Hon' yt I am just now Riddy to Sayle 
for y* bay of fundey, having on board forty men whose 
names are as p' y® Inclosed. 

I shall Indeavor to be a punktual observer of her Maj^ 
Hon' & his Excellency's Instructions. 

I am y' Hon" most Humble & most obadiant Servant. 

Sam" Chadwell. 

On March 23, 1702-3, a company of forty-eight men, 
detached by Major Francis Wainwright on an expedition to 
the Eastward, started from Ipswich under Major John Cut- 
ler, with Lieut Matthew Perkins second in command. They 
marched until the 7^ of April, to York and Salmon Falls, 
meeting no enemy, but fierce discord arose in the ranks over 
the peculations of the commander, who sold his provisions 
and kept his men short Capt. Perkins brought formal char- 
ges against him, and a Court-Martial at Newbury in Feb- 
ruary, 1703-4, cashiered Major Cutler and declared him in- 
eligible for further service.* Samuel Clark of Ipswich was 
at Pemaquid Fort two years after he had been impressed and 
received several wounds, barely escaping with his life. Lame 
and disabled, he received 40s annual pension in 1703.' 

The whole Eastern country was soon in the throes of war. 

At Wells, 39 were killed or carried away; Cape Porpoise 
was left desolate ; Saco lost 11 killed and 24 captives. Major 
March of Newbury was in command of the Casco Fort. De- 
coyed oiit by the Indians, he narrowly escaped death, and 
was saved only by the opportune arrival of reinforcements. 
Jabez Sweet, an Ipswich soldier, petitioned for relief in 1749, 
on the ground of his great deeds on that eventful day. Ac- 
cording to his narrative, he and Capt Humphrey Hook alone 
ventured out, killed one of the Indians and brought in Col. 

>Mas9. Archives, 62: 482, 433. 

* Acts and Resolves, VIII, 598-601. 

• Mass. Archives, 71: 6. 


March, receiving a wound in the collar bone and in the right 
elbow.® John Bragg also was in Capt Hook's company at 
Saco and received injuries for which an annuity of £8 was 
granted him in ITOS.*^ Eev. Jeremiah Wise, son of Rev. 
John Wise, of Chebacco, was the chaplain at Fort Henry, 
Saco, in 1704. 

Two hundred Indians attacked twenty men at work in the 
fields at Black Point and killed or carried away all but one. 
Berwick suffered severely and the report came that one cap- 
tive was burned alive. But the most dreadful experience was 
allotted to Deerfield, which was assailed in the dead of night 
on Feb. 29^, 1704. Fifty-three were killed on the spot and 
more than a hundred, including Kev. John Williams and sur- 
vivors of his family, were carried back to Canada. 

Amesbury, Haverhill and all the towns on the Merrimack 
river were the frontier. In April, 1704, the order was sent 
to Capt. Christopher Osgood of Andover to build three block- 
houses on the bank of the Merrimack, 12 feet wide, 15 feet 
long, with a fire place at one end and a covered well, after 
the pattern of the Newbury block house.® Forty pounds 
sterling was allowed for every Indian scalp and the soldiers 
were promised that every Indian child under ten years should 
be sold as a slave and the price should be theirs.^ 

One of the most distressing incidents of the war was the 
condition of the captives in Canada. While they suffered no 
great physical hardship after their arrival in Quebec, great 
pressure was brought to bear upon them to renounce their 
Puritan faith and enter the Catholic church. 

Not a few were won, and the daughter of Kev. John Wil- 
liams of Deerfield not only renounced her religion but mar- 
ried an Indian husband and reared an Indian family. 
Though she visited her old home in after years she could 
never be persuaded to return to civilized life. Children of 

*Ma88. Archives, 73: 888. 
f Mass. Archives, 71: 487. 
< Acts and Resolves, Ym, 442. 
•Mass. Archives, 70: SU. 


tender age were carried away to be held for ransom. Haver- 
hill, Salisbury, Amesbury, Newbury, Kittery and York 
mourned the loss of many little ones. Ipswich parents lived 
in constant dread of a like calamity. 

Operations on a large scale against the French and Indians 
b^an in the Spring of 1Y04. An expedition, imder the 
command of Major Benjamin Church, sailed for the Maine 
coast but failed to inflict any reprisals and proceeded to Port 
Royal and Nova Scotia. No attack was made however and 
the expedition proved a dismal failure. 

To promote enlistments, the Greneral Court passed an Act 
in November, 1704, providing, 

If any company shall voluntarily enlist themselves under 
a propier ofiicer, ... at their own charge, without pay, they 
shall be allowed and paid . . . for every Indian enemy by them 
slain, being men or youths capable of bearing arms, the 
sum of one hundred pounds p' head, and for women or other 
males or females above the age of ten years. Ten pounds p 
head, the scalp to be produced and oath made, . . . also the 
benefit of all Plunder and prisoners under the age of ten 
years .... provided no reward to soldiers for Indiana 
slain under ten years. ^® 

During the month of July, 1706, attacks were made by the 
Indians on Amesbury, Reading, Dunstable, Wells and Hamp- 
ton Falls. Ipswich was liable to be attacked at any moment. 
The troops were called to arms repeatedly and hurried away 
to the defence of the frontier. The accoimt of John Griffin^ ^ 
at Haverhill Ferry reveals the frequent passage of our Ips- 
wich soldiery over the Merrimack. 

July 6, 1706. Captin John whipell of ipswich with forty- 
five men and horses. £1 2s 6d. 

July 9 : 1706 left simon wood of ipswich with twenty fut 
men 3s 4d. 

'^Mass. Archives, 71: 102. 
"Mass. Archives, 121: ]27. 

gUEEIT ANinc's WAR. 86 

Again in February, 1707, Lieut. Whipple's troop hurried 
to the relief of Groton.^^ 

The Haverhill ferry man notes again : 

July 18: 1707. Cap tin Whippell of ipswech with thurty- 
nine men and horses and came back the 28 of ]une( ?) 

£1 19s 

September 27 : 1707. captin whippell with thirty men and 

horses 0-16-0 

On August 15***, 1706, the Governor nominated Col. Samuel 
Appleton of Ipswich to the Council for the very delicate and 
responsible office of Commissioner to the French officials 
at Quebec to arrange for the ransom of the captives, and 
the nomination ''gave unanimous satisfaction" to the Council 
and was approved by the General Court.^* The Brigantine 
'TEope,'' Capt. John Bonner, was secured and Col. Appleton 
sailed Aug. 30"* from Nantasket under a flag of truce. 
Judge Samuel Sewall had suggested that a suit of clothes 
should be made for Eev. John Williams of Deerfield, and the 
Commissioner, no doubt, carried them with the five Bibles, 
which were forwarded for the spiritual comfort of the exiles. 

Captain Appleton, as he was frequently called, arrived 
home on Nov. 21'*, bringing fifty-seven of the captives, in- 
cluding Rev. Mr. Williams and his two sons. "These were 
all that could then be got ready, and the rest are expected in 
the Spring."^* 

A second and far more formidable expedition against Port 
Eoyal was decided on in March, 1707. The General Court 
voted on March 21st, to raise a thousand able soldiers and 
gather a fleet of transports to be convoyed by Her Majesty^s 
ship of war, "Deptford," and the Province Galley, with a hos- 
pital ship. Preparations were pressed vigorously and the 
fleet sailed from Boston on the 13*** of May. Ipswich men 

>* Acts and Resolves, VIII: 677. Mass. Archives 128: 11. 12, 13. 16, 21. 22. 
» Acts and Resolves, Vni: 118, 618, G21, 661, 662. 
" Acts and Resolves, VIII: 642. 


had a conspicuous part in the expedition. Col. John March 
of Newbur}' was the Commander-in-chief.^' The Field Offi- 
cers of the First Regiment (of the red) were 

Francis Wainwright of Ipswich, Col. 
Samuel Appleton of Ipswich, Lieut. Col. 
Shadrach Walton of Newcastle, N. H., Major 


Col. Wainwright, Captain 

Matthew Perkins of Ipswich, Lieut. 

Abraham Tilton of Ipswich, Ensign 

Lieut. Col. Appleton, Captain 

Isaac Appleton of Ipswich, Lieut 

Edward Wade of Ipswich, Ensign 
The second regiment (of the blue) was commanded by 
Col. Winthrop Hilton of Exeter. Twelve companies com- 
posed the first regiment, eleven, the second. The company 
rolls can not be foimd in the Archives, but the original roll 
of Col. Wainwright's company has been preserved.^* 

April 4*^, 1707. 
The several names of Ipswich men y* Is Enlisted und' y* 
Comand of Coll. Francis Wainwright upon an Expedition 
to port Ryall. 

Capt Matthew Perkins 

Ensine Abraham Tilton 

John Smith Sen^ 

John Clarke 

James Fuller Jun'. 

Philemon Wood 

Joseph Killom 

John Whipple 

Jacob Brown 

Sam" Lamson 

Daniel Dane 

» Acts and Resolves, VHI: 690-692. 

^ Now owned by Mr. Frederick A. Kimball. Other names are mentioned 
on Pagre 39. 


Daniel Rindge 
Francis Quarls 
Matthew Annable 
Joseph Bowles 
Jacob Bennit 
John Gkxxihue 
John Stockwell 
John Handly 
Sam" Fraile 
Ebenezer Knowlton 
Edmond Band 
Timmothy Knolton 
John Smith 
JJ'ath* Dike, drummer 

The transports inchided the sloop, "Mary and Abigail," 
Thomas Newman of Ipswich, Master. Five whale boats 
were impressed from Ipswich as well. The sloop "Indus- 
try", in 1708, and the sloop "Mary" in 1709 were employed 
as flags of truce to Port Royal. The sloop "Nightingale" 
was chartered in 1710 for an express to Port Boyal. 

A Council of war on board the "Deptford" on the 17th of 
May decided the plan of attack. An order was passed that 
Col. Appleton with about three hundred and twenty men, com- 
prising his own company and five others and Capt. Free- 
man's company of Indians, should land on the nordi side of 
the basin of Port Roval, while the Commander-in-chief with 
the r^t of his force landed on the south side. The soldiers 
landed in the manner agreed upon, but so late in the day 
and at such distances from the fort that they were obliged 
at nine o'clock in the evening to take up quarters for the 
ni^t, without having reached a place suitable for a camp. 
While on the march, Capt Freeman's company on the left 
flank of Appleton's regiment had a warm skirmish witli 
forty or fifty of the enemy but lost no men. Early in the 
morning of the next day, both regiments moved forward. 
Appleton's men were ambushed by about sixty of the enemy 
in a deep gully and lost two men. Pressing on they took 


two prisoners and by noon reached a point north of the 


Five days of skirmishing and marching hither and thither 
followed. The artillery failed to co-operate. The Command- 
er-in-Kshief, though personally brave, proved wholly inade- 
quate to the grave responsibilities devolving upon him. 
General despondency and distrust in their leaders prevailed 
in the camp and at a Court Martial convened on the 31'^ of 
June, it was decided that the attempt on the fort should be 
abandoned. The fleet returned to Casoo and while lying 
there, Col. Francis Wainwright wrote to the Governor, under 
date of June 17, 1707 : 

I hope the Gentlemen we sent are waiting upon y' Excell^, 
an ace®" of our proceeding at Port Royall and the state of 
that place w*^* will be without doubt far Different To the 
acco** given by that Impudent Lying Hill^^ and will make 
such a discovery of Truth to y' Excell^ and the General 
Court as Really to Beleeve (by a good Reinforcement of five 
hundred good efficient men, provision and ammunition, etc,) 
that by a long Seige we might Reduce the Fort To very great 
distress and if we Beseeag* it long Enough To surrend' I 
doubt not. 

I must again offer my Opinion, now is the Time or Never. 
And I had Rather return and use all possible Endeav" for 
the Subdueing of them and their Fort, Then to my family 
whom I love very well. 

I am hearty sorry for any Mistakes we have made. And 
I doubt not but all wise men will call them so rather than 
Acts of Cowardice. 

William Dudley, son of the Governor and Secretary of 
the expedition, wrote his father of the serious disaffection 
in the camp, many of the soldiers deserting and the general 
desire that Col. March should be deposed from chief com- 

^^Acts and Resolves* vm, Notes p. 715, 716. 

^ Samuel Hill in the sloop "Charity" had been dispatched as a messen- 
flrer to Oov. Dudley with a report of the failure of the expedition. Acts 
and Resolves Vni: 716. note. 


mand. He commented tartly on Col. Appleton's reputed 
ambition for a higher command and reflected upon his courage 
in action.^^ In another letter, he represented that Col. Wain- 
wright was "much concerned that he should be rendered a 
Coward," and in his behalf, asked the Governor to send two 
Frenchmen (prisoners) to Ipswich, "as soon as may be 
.... to help his husbandry forward."^^ 

A part of Capt. Perkins's company had been released on 
July 16, 1707: John Gbodhue, John Whipple, Joseph Kil- 
1am, Samuel Lamson. Daniel Dane, Francis Quarles, Joseph 
Bowles, John Stockwell, Samuel Fraile, Timothy Knowlton, 
Samuel Hassen, John Haskell, John Pulsifer, Jonathan 
Young, William Thomson, Sen., William Thompson, Jr. and 
John Smith.^^ The names of Hassen, Haskell, Pulsifer, 
Young and the two Thomsons do not appear in the original 

Orders were sent to Col. March to return to Port Koyal 
but the chief command was transferred to three Commis- 
sioners, Col. Elisha Hutchinson, Col. Penn Townsend and 
John Leverett, Esq., who sailed at once. They joined the 
expedition at Passamaquoddy and at once superseded Col. 
March by Col. Wainwright, as General in command. They 
arrived on the 10"* of August and several sharp skirmishes 
followed, in which the French had the advantage. Dis- 
couragement and insubordination again prevailed. 

Col. Wainwright wrote the Commissioners on Aug. 15, 
1707,^^ reporting lack of ammunition, the departure of many 
sickly and unserviceable soldiers, the need of axes "to cutt 
down the house frames w^* will not bum," and concluding: 

"This very minute CoP. Wantons Comp* under y*" Com- 
mand of Lt. Cudworth : were all drawn up, fitt for a march 
To desert. I went Immediately to y* Lt. and ask* if he in- 
tended to head them Deserters, he Told mee no : I Resolu* 

>»Mafl8. Archives, 61: 164. 165. 
^BCass. Archives, 61: 169. 
^ Felt, History of Ipswich, Appendix, p. 825. 
Archives, 61: 170. 


and told them if any man Moue^ one step in that nature I 
would shoot them down. I also Immediately sent Oapt. 
Dimmick & Comp* to bring them in, and To Take away 
their Arm". Accordingly they Came and after an admoni- 
tion, they pi'omised unum et omnes to be obedient and doe 
the best service they can .... I am yo' humble servant, 

Francis Wainwright 

The French received reinforcements and became more ag- 
gressive; the Indian allies grew intractable and insolent; 
dysentery and "mighty swellings in their throats" weakened 
the soldiers. "In fine" Wainwright wrote, "most of the 
forces are in a distressed state, some in body and some in 
mind ; and the longer they are kept here on the cold ground, 
the longer [ ?] it will grow upon them, and I fear the further 
we proceed the worse the event. Grod help us." 

On August 21'* the ships weighed anchor and in a few days 
sailed for home. Sixteen men had been killed and as many 
more wounded.^® The results of the expedition were so un- 
satisfactory that a Court Martial was ordered but it never 

One distressing event of midsummer, in the year 1708, 
caused general alarm and grief. On a Sabbath morning, 
August 29*^, Haverhill was attacked again by the Indians. 
Captain Samuel Wainwright, Capt. Simon Wainwright and 
Lieut. John Johnson were slain with thirteen others, includ- 
ing the minister, Rev. Benjamin Rolfe, his wife, Mehitable, 
and baby Mehitable, two years and seven days old. The 
grave stones in the old Burying Ground tell the sad tale. 

A third expedition against Port Royal was decided upon 
early in 1710. Capt. Matthew Perkins commanded a com- 
pany of which Greorge Hart was Ensign. The Ipswich sloop, 
"Hopewell," 55 tons, John Chad well, Commander, was in- 
cluded among the transports, conveying Capt. Perkins and 
his company of 60 men.^* Capt. Beamsley Perkins of Ips- 

»Acts and Resolves, Vni: 743-745. 

**Mass. Archives* 71: 622, 71: 625 gives Samuel Chadwell, Master of the 


wich had commanded the sloop "Marlborough", one of the 
Teasels of war which guarded the coast in the fall of 1709.*' 
He now commanded Her Maj. frigate "Despatch," which 
was uaed as an hospital ship on the Port Royal expedition, 
and Abraham Perkins was one of the sailors.*^ The fleet 
Eailed on Sept 18*** and captured Port Royal without diffi- 
culty on Oct I*'. Corporal William Qiiarles and Ebenezer 
Bjiowlton, both of Ipswich, served in this expedition.*'' The 
muster rolls which remain omit the names of the hardy and 
brave men who served in the ranks. The few names which 
are known were preserved by chance. 

In the year 1711, a campaign against Quebec was pro- 
jected, as it was evident that the reign of terror along the 
whole frontier would not cease until the French stronghold 
should pass into the hands of the English. A formidable 
fleet with a large force of land troops came from England 
and fifteen hundred provincials were embarked in Boston. 
Fogs and storms were encountered in the River St. Lawrence. 
Ten ships went on the rocks, nine hundred lives were lost, 
and the remnant of the powerful expedition returned in haste 
without having struck a blow. 

^N'icholas Woodbury of Ipswich presented a petition to the 
General Court in 1720, certifying that in November, 1711, 
he was impressed into the service and sent to the Eastward 
under Capt. Herman. He served until the following April, 
when he was captured by the Indians at Wells and carried 
to Canada, where he remained a captive for nine years, 
finally securing his release by paying £32 ransom. He 
received £60 for his expense and injuries which permanently 
disabled him.^® Philip Amy and David Burnham of Ips- 
wich and James Emery were in the same service.^® 

The Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 closed the war. By this 
instrument, France ceded to England N'ova Scotia and New- 

"AcU and Resolves, IX: 96. 
»Mas8. Archives, 63: 184, 190. 
"Kass. Archives, 71: 603. 
" Acts and Resolves, X: 46. 
* Acts and Resolves, X: 162. 


foundland but the privilege of drying fish on the coast from 
Buena Vista to Cape Riche was reserved. 

It brought little relief to lie people of Ipswich and the 
frontier towns. The French soon gathered strength and 
denied that the cession of Acadia included more than the 
extreme eastern end of Nova Scotia, though it was under- 
stood that it included the Maine coast as well.®^ Hostilitied 
in Maine began again in 1719. The painful and dishearten- 
ing task of recruiting and impressing soldiers and sending 
them forward was again necessary and many quiet homes 
were filled with anxiety and dread. Col. John Appleton pre- 
sented his accounts for billeting soldiers in Sept 1721,** 
and again in November, 1723.'^ Col John Denison's account 
for soldiers impressed in June was settled in Dec. 1723.** 

Captain Daniel Epes received his orders in August, 1723. 

Having drawn forth the Troop of Horse under y"^ Com- 
mand & taken effectual care that they may be well mounted, 
arm'd and furnished with sufficient ammunition agreeable 
to orders received from y' Colonel, you are required without 
any delay to move with your whole troop to the Fronters & 
guard the ToAvns of Amesbury, Haverhill, Dracut and Dun- 
stable on the east side of the Merrimack river, the space of 
fourteen days and until you be relieved by Capt. [Matthew 
Whipple's]*^ Troop. 

Divide your Troop into such Parties as you shall find 
most Convenient & as ye defence of those Towns shall de- 
mand & so as to have the whole body together upon any 

Emergency. Give me & also your Col. [Appleton] ( ) 

immediate notice of the day of your entering upon Duty, Your 
Officers & Soldiers must subsist themselves & they will be al- 
lowed for it out of the Publick Treasury & likewise wages for 
their Service. I expect you be very faithful & Diligent in the 

•• Channing, History of the United States, Vol. II, p. 544. 
*^ Acts and Resolves, X: 137. 
"'Acts and Resolves, X: 226. 
**Act8 and Resolves, X: S86. 

** This and a later erasure are in the original order, Mass. Archives, 72: 


performanoe of this Duty that so no Disaster may befall the 
Inhabitants by Tour neglect, hereof fail not. 

You are to give an acet from Time to Time of the Marches 
you make & of everything y* happens therein. 

Y' Servant, 

W°*. Dummer. 
Boston, Aug. 29 : 1723. 

Captain Epes owned and occupied the great Oastle Hill 
farm and his enforced absence at this time of year was par- 
ticularly inconvenient. We can appreciate the spirit of his 
letter in reply to the Gk)vemor's. 

Hjotf* Sir. These are to inform your Hon' That I re- 
ceived your Orders dated Sept. 13, sent p' Mr. Ames last 
night in which your commands are that I shall still stay 
In the service until your further orders; whose commands 
I am allwayes with cheerfulness, Ready to Obey as far as 
I am capable of. 

But praying at this Time your Hon" compassion on our 
Troop the most of my men have verry bad coulds some 
y* feav' and ague their Victuals and provisions all gone 
and spent the fourteen days being out and compleated ac- 
cording to your hon" order Therefore with submission pray 
your Honors favor in sending another Troop as soon as pos- 
sible for our Relief for they will be fresh men and Bring 
Their own provision as we did, and pray sir please to lett us 
go home to the harviest being allmost all country men, or els 
we cannot subsist and after that I shall be willing to come 
again when your honor shall be pleased to command me. 
Sir I have been as serviceable as I think possibly I could 
in garding the Towns I had the care of as p*^ my Joumall 
will appear nothing more at present. 

Remain your hon" most obedient serv*. 

Daniel Epes. 

Haverhill, Sept. 16 : 1723. 
per oorporill Bown by whome I hope to hear good news 
from y' Hon'. 

To Hon. W°. Dummer, Gov. In Boston. 

The sum of £185 4s was voted to Oapt. Epes on account of 


Adages and expenses, from Sept. 2 to Sept. 23.**^ Major Mat- 
thew Wliipple's Troop was on duty from Sept. 16**^ to Sept 


The valuable fishing industry along the coast of Nova 
Sootia was greatly injured by the frequent attacks of the 
Indians upon the vessels. A petition to the General Court, 
June, 1723, of a considerable number of persons in Salem, 
Marblehead and other towns in the County of Essex, engaged 
in this business, declared that many of their vessels were 
taken by the Indians on the coast of Xova Scotia in the 
summer of 1722 and several of their men murdered in bar- 
barous fashion. They prayed the Court to send out a vessel, 
well equipped and manned with thirty-five good men, to patrol 
the fishing groimds from the Isles of Shoals to Cape Sambro, 
to guard the fishermen the coming summer.*''^ The sloop "En- 
deavor'^ performed this service from June 15*** to Oct 2"^, 

Ipswich fishermen along this coast suffered severely. The 
story of the attack on Lieut. Tilton was told in verse by an 
unknown rhymester and published in "The New England 
Oourant" of Dec. 17, 1722.*® The narrative is so vivid, that 
it deserves a permanent place in our annals. 


A Brief Narrative or Poem Giving an Account of the Hostile 
Actions of some Pagan Indians towards Lieutenant 
Jacob Tilton, and his brother Daniel Tilton, both of the 
town of Ipswich, as they were on board of a small vessel 
at the Eastward ; which happened in the summer time in 
the year 1722. With an Account of Valiant Exploits 
of the said Tiltons and their victori-Conquest over their 
insulting enemies. 

Down at an eastward harbour call'd Fox Bay, 
They in a Schooner at an anchor lay. 

*> Acts and Resolves, X: 390. 
••Acts and Resolves, X: 391. 
»*Acts and Resolves, X: 290. 
» Acts and Resolves, X: 372. 
** Ipswich Antiquarian Papers, May. 1880. 


It was upon the fourteenth day 'of June, 
Six stout great Indians in the afternoon 
In two Canoes on board said Schooner came, 
With painted Faces in a churlish frame ; 
One of them calFd Penobscot Governor, 
The other Captain Sam, a surly cxir, 
The other four great Indians strong and stout 
Which for their ill design they had picked out. 
Said Governor and Sam with one more went 
Down in the forecastle bold and insolent; 
Unto Lieutenant Tilton they apply'd 
Themselves, and down they sat one at each side ; 
The other plac'd himself behind his back, 
Waiting the other's motion when to act. 


What's matter Governor my men detain 
And no send hostage home to me again ? 
What's matter he no good, but all one Devil ? 
What 1 no love Indian ! Governor no civil. 
Penobscot Indian Governor great Man. 
All one Governor Shute, — ^says Captain Sam. 


Great while since we from Boston hither came, 
We poor fishermen are not to blame. 


Tour Boston Governor no good me see ; 
Our Governor much better man than he. 

These Cannibals thus in their Indian pride 

The best of Governor's scorn and deride. 

But they at length to hasten their design, 

From underneath their Blanket puU'd a line 

With which his Arms they would have compass'd round, 

But he so strong and nimble was not bound 

Till he got out the Cuddy door at last. 

Before they had obtained to bind him fast. 

These Cannibals being both strong and bold 

And upon him kept fast their Indian hold : 

They got him down with their much struggling. 

And bound his arms behind him with their string. 


The other three which kept above the deck, 
Also had their design brought to effect 
Looking about him presently he found 

They had his brother Daniel also bound ; 
For they with him had acted even so, 
One at each side and one behind did go, 
And down they sat, he not aware of harm. 
The rogue behind him f asten'd on each arm, 
And twitch'd them back ; the other two with line 
Him pinioned : so thus they were confined. 
They ty'd said Daniel's legs he could not stand, 
Nor help himself neither with foot nor hand. 
They struck them many blows on face and head, 
And their long Indian knives thev flourished : 
Triumphing over them and saying, Why ! 
You so stout man that you no Quarter cry ? 


"What Indian mean to act so in this thing, 

Now Peace between the English and French King. 


Hah I no : me war, your Governor no good, 
He no love Indians me understood. 


What ails you now, you sturdy Captain Sam, 
Do Indian now intend to kill and cram ? 


We Gbvemor Shute's men kill and take, 
Penobscot (All one) Boston Prison make. 
You English men our Indian land enjoy 
They no surrender, then we them destroy. 
Indian bimeby take Captain Westbrook's fort, 
Some kill, some captive take ; that matchet sport 

On board them a young lad, and not confined 
They made him hoist the anchor to their mind. 
Then admiral of this same harbor rid, 
In mighty triumph none could them forbid. 
So two of these black rogues in their canoes. 
On Shore they go to carry back the news : 


So was but four of them on board remain'd 
Of whom this favour Daniel then obtained 
For to unty his legs and ease his hand, 
That he might have them something at command. 
After which thing he presently contrives 
What method then to take to save their lives, 
While they were plundering so busily. 
He saw a splitting knife that was near by, 
To which he goes and turns his back about, 
Eyeing them well, lest they should find him out ; 
And so he works said knife into his hand, 
With which he cuts his line, but still doth stand. 
Although two of said Indians him Eye'd 
They did not know but he remain'd fast ty'd. 
Two of said Indians were plundering, 
Down the forecastle while he did this thing. 
The other two so watchful and so shy. 
And on him kept a constant Indian eye. 
That he stands still waiting till he could find 
A time when they did him not so much mind : 
But when for plunder they to searching goes 
Then his contrivance presently he shows : 
He to his Brother Jacoh runs with speed. 
And cuts his line : now both of them are freed. 
The Indians now alarmed hereby. 
In Indian language made a hideous cry, 
Crying Chau hau, chau hat(, for they espy'd 
That both these Englishmen were got unty'd ; 
Like roaring Lyons with an ax and knives 
Made violent assaults to take their lives ; 
But Gbd who had determined to save, 
Undaunted courage unto them he gave : 
That thev with such a manly confidence, 
Altho unarmed, stood in their own defense ; 
And tho they had from these blood thirsty hounds 
Received many dismal stabs and wounds, 
While in their skirmish blood was up and hot, 
No more than Flea bites them they minded not. 
Said Daniel still retained his splitting knife, 
Who nimbly ply'd the same and fit for life ; 
With one hand fended off the Indian blows, 
And with the other cross the face and nose 


Of Captain Sam, until his pagan head 

Was chop'd and gash'd, and so much mangled ; 

Bits of his Indian scalp hung down in strings, 

And blood run pouring thence as out of Springs. 

Jacob said Governor so managed, 

He was so maul'd and beat, that he so bled 

His Indian head and face with blood was dy'd, 

(See what comes of his swelling Indian pride,) 

Of him he catch'd fast hold and up him brings 

Unto the vessel side and overboard him flings. 

Then Daniel presently took Captain Sam, 

And brought his Hand about his Indian ham. 

And to the vessel side he nimbly goes, 

And his black carcass in the water throws. 

Now by this time behold Jacob his brother, 

Of these black rogues had catch'd up another, 

And overboard his Indian carcass sent. 

To scramble in the water as he went. 

Then the said Daniel rim the fourth to catch, 

At which the rogue a nimble jump did fetch. 

And over board he goes and swims to shore ; 

This only rogue escaped out of four. 

One of the other three he swimmed part way. 

At length sinks down and there was forced to stay. 

Two of the other rogues with much ado. 

Got out of water into a canoe. 

Which to the Vessel side was fastened. 

Themselves awhile in it they sheltered. 

Said Indians on board had left a gun. 

Unto the same said Jacob Tilton run, 

Catching it up to shoot them it mist fire. 

Which disappointed him of his desire. 

He catching up a stout great setting Pole, 

With all his might he struck them on the Jole, 

Giving them many blows upon the head. 

Over they turns, and sunk like any lead. 

We think our Country now at Peace might rest, 

If all our Indian foes were thus supprest. 

Let Qt)d the glory of such conquest have, 

Who can by few as well as many save. 

Then having thus despatched this Indian crew, 

Then presently consulted what to do : 


Three more Canoes laden to the brim 

With Indians as deep as they could swim, 

Come padling down with all their might and main, 

Hoping the valient Tilton's to retain. 

Daniel, which was both nimble, stout and spry. 

He f eteh'd an ax, and running presently 

He cuts the cable ; then they hoist the sail. 

Leaving their if eighbours, that they might bewail 

Over their Governor who in dispute, 

Had termed himself as great as good as Shute. 

Before that they had sailed many miles 

Their wounds began to be as sore as boils, 

From whence the blood run streaming thro the cloaths, 

Quite from the shoulders down unto their toes. 

There they sat down in wof ul misery, 

Expecting every moment when to die; 

Not having anything to ehear their heart, 

Nor dress their wounds to ease them of the smart. 

And verily we think had perished 

Had not the lad, which has been mentioned, 

Been very helpful in this sore distress. 

What reason tiien had thev of thankfulness 

That God hath spared him from this Indian crew 

For to help them when they could nothing do. 

After they had from foes escaped thus. 

They sailed and came into Mintinnicus, 

Nigh twenty four hours if not more, 

They were a-coming from the former shore: 

Here they among the English find relief. 

Who dress their wounds which ease them of their grief. 

Their course for Ipswich town they next contrive. 

Where in few days their Vessel did arrive : 

Through so much danger, misery and pain. 

They are returned to their friends again. 

Thus have I summed up this tragick scene. 

As from their mouths it told to me has been ; 

No alteration, but in some expressions 

TTs'd other words : then pardon such digressions 

Since I us'd such only for the sake of verse. 

Which might not less nor more than truth rehearse. 

Your candid servant in this poetrie 

Described in letters two W. G. 


The summer of 1724 brought a more startling tragedy. 
John Wainwright, Esq., one of the most prominent men of 
Ipswich, Clerk of the General Court for many years, wrote 
the Governor the full details as soon as the report was re- 

Ipswich, July 13 : 1724. 
May it Please yo' Honour 

Just now arrived a fishing shallop from the Eastward, the 
skipper whereof appearing before me, made oath to the in- 
closed Declaration which I thought necessary to Express to 
your Honour. 

The Skipper of the Shallop informs me & I am apt to 
be of his opinion that there is a great probability of making 
reprizal of the Shallop the Indians have taken, if not of 
recovering the men & surprizing some of them, who are at 
present very bold in enterprizing & boarding the fishing 
vessells on the Eastward shore. There is a sufficient num- 
ber of the fishermen & other men & vessels now ready, who 
are very willing to go with all the dispatch & expedition 
your Honour may please to order down to the Eastern Shore 
& who I am fully persuaded will do their utmost to decoy 
& Surprize the Enemy, if they may have y*^ Honours Com- 
mand & Direction therein. 

They may have provisions, ammunition etc as soon as or- 
ders are given therefor. 

Mr. Eveleth the Bearer is able to give more particular 
acc't of the matter than Time will allow to inform yo' 
Honour in writing. 

I am, 
Y' Hon" most obed. humble serv. 

John Waimvright. 

The "Declaration" alluded to in this letter is undoubtedly 
the same in substance with the following:*^ 

Sylvanus Lakeman of Ipswich, of lawfuU age declares 
that he was out on a fishing voyage from Ipswich and in 
company with a fishing shallop on board of which was John 
Caldwell, skipper, Daniel Rindge Jun*^ & some others, and be- 
ing at anchor a fishing about two or three Leagues South of the 

^Mas8. Archives, 52: 19. 
^ Mbsb, Archives, 72: 270. 


Sell Islands on the tenth day of Jvlj, Anno 1724, about 
sun an hour high in the morning a schooner laid that John 
Caldwell, Rindge & others on board being manned with In- 
dians as the Deponent could easily observe, he being not 
above an hundred rodds or thereabout from the said shallop, 
and the said Indians did then & there take & Capivate the 
said John Caldwell, Daniel Rindge Jun' & others that were 
on board the said shallop, & immediately cut her cable & 
made sail after the Deponant but he being Surprized In- 
stantly cut his Cable & got away from the Indians, who 
pursued him in the schooner & shallop but could not get up, 
and the Deponant verily believes that the Indians did kill 
the said Caldwell and Rindge for that no account has been 
had of them from that day to this as he has heard of. 

Silvanus Lakeman. 
Ips., May 22 : 1727. 

Sworn to before John Wainwright 

This sworn statement no doubt accompanied the petition 
of Martha Rindge in June, 1727, which certified that her 
late husband Daniel Rindge, while on a fishing voyage with 
John Caldwell and others at the Seal Islands, near Penob- 
scot Bay, was captured by an Indian privateer schooner and 
in all probability all were killed. 

That the Petitioner is left with several small Children & 
in poor Circumstances & has now an Opportunity of advanc- 
ing her Circumstances in many respects by Marriage to one 
John Wood of Ipswich And for as much as the three Years 
stated by Law are not fully expired Therefore Praying the 
License of this Court to intermarry, the said Law Notwith- 

Orders were given to Capt. Durrell of the ship "Sea 
Horse," to dispatch part of his men in three fishing vessels.** 
Mr. Wainwright's suggestion was duly honored as well, and 
he was authorized to supply Capt. Stephen Perkins and Sil- 
vanus Lakeman with provisions and ammunition for their 
vessels to fit them against the Indians. 

* Acts and Resolves, XI: 140. It was granted June lOth. 
«Mass. Archives, 62: 20. 


Penhallow*'* tells the story of the two skippers from New 
Hampshire with about 40 men in their shallops, who came 
up with the Indians but were afraid to attack. "However, 
Dr. Jackson from Kittery and Sylvanus Lakeman from Ips- 
wich with a lesser number gave them chase and fired very 
smartly with their small arms although the enemy had two 
great guns and four pateraroes, which cut their shrouds and 
hindered their pursuit for some time, but being fixed again 
they followed them with greater resolution and drove them 
into Penobscot, where a greater body being ready to cover 
them, he was forced to desist." 

Lakeman's account was presented in December and it 
was voted by the General Court that £65 14s be paid him.*^ 

Another petition of similar diaracter was forwarded two 
months later,*' 

May it please Your Honour. 

Lt. Abraham Tilton, the bearer and a Number of men from 
this Town are Disposed to Scout the Woods above the Fron- 
tiers in Quest of the Indians and to Secure the Towns on 
the Act of Sixty pounds p' Scalp. 

I tho't it proper he should wait on Your Honour for Di- 
rection and Subsistance. 

I am Your Hon" most obedient Humble Servt 

John Appleton, 

Ipswich, Sept' 15, 1724. 

Lieut. Tilton was a younger brother of Lieut. Jacob and 
Daniel, the heroes of the "Tragick Scene." The possibility of 
revenge for the indignities they suifered, coupled with the 
great financial profit from slaughtering his foes, opened an 
alluring prospect to the doughty Lieutenant There is no 
record, however, that his appeal received favorable considera- 
tion. John Fillmore, another Ipswich man, gained much 
credit in the same year for the valorous part he had in captur- 
ing a pirate crew and their vessel and bringing them to Bos- 

♦* Indian Wars, 

^ Acts and Resolves. X: 556. 

^Mass. Archives, 62: 47. 


ton."*^ He is said to have been the great grandfather of Mil- 
lard Fillmore, President of the United States. 

Col. John Appleton presented an account for billeting sol- 
diers, impressed in His Majesty's service in Dec. 1724*® 
and a later account in the following June.*® The prevalent 
discouragement arising from these repeated calls for men is 
reflected in his letter*® of June 23^ 

Ipsw* June 23*, 1725. 
May it Pleas Yr Hon' 

You' Hon' Order came to my hand on Tuesday, y* 22***, 
the 23*^ they march* Capt. Joseph Golds Comand' a full 
Troop to the Eastward according to y* Hon' order. 

The Troop in y® Regiment of Late do not consist more 
than 40 Men besides theire Officers considering the difficulty 
& dang' of their Marching in the Estward parts. I have 
taken out of Ipswich & Rowley Troop to make him a full 
Troop to y* numb, of six*' men, they are all likely men & are 
well fitted & goe out w*"* good Courage if I have trans- 
gress* I pray that yo' Hon' would signify it to me, I had 
no ord' to subsist the men: I ordered every man to take 3 
or 4 days provision to carry them to Wells; & I assured 
them it would be allowed as heretofore. 

I am Y' Hon' most humble Servant 

John Appleton. 

Happily relief was at hand. John Stoddard and John 
Wainwright were appointed Commissioners to treat with the 
Penobscot Indians and secure their allegiance to the English.'^ 
They went to St. George's River and found the Indians, freed 
from French influence by the death of Sebastian Rasle, ready 
to n^otiate. An agreement was arrived at in July, and was 
ratified by Penobscot chiefs who came to Boston, where a 
formal treaty of peace was settled between the Eastern ]jx- 
dians and the English inhabitants of ISTew England and ilTova 
Scotia, in December, 1725. For nearly twenty years there- 
after, New England was little disturbed by Indian attacks. 

** Drake's History of Boston. 
^Acts and Resolves, X: 543. 
* Acts and Resolves, X: 728. 
^Mass. Archives 62: 207. 
uMass. Archives, 52: 210^, 217, 220. 


Some Great Funerals 

Judge SewalFs Diary, imder date of August 3*, 1711, 
bears the mournful entry: 

Col. Francis Wainwright dies at his own house in Ipswich. 
Left Salem for his last July 25, the day before his first 
apointed wedding day, which Appointment was remov'd to 
the last of July. He was taken sick at Ipswich on the 
Lord's Day, July 29 and died on the Friday following at 
10 m.^ his Bride being with him. 'Tis the most oompleat 
and surprising Disapointment that I have been acquainted 
with. Wedding Cloathes to a Neck cloth and Night cap laid 
ready in the Bride's Chamber, with the Bridei's Attire. 
Great Provision made for Entertainment. Guests several 
came from Boston and entertained at Mr. Hirst's, but no 
Bridegroom, no Wedding. He was laid in a new Tomb of 
his own making lately and his dead wife taken out of 
another and laid with him. 

Tuesday, Aug. 7. Bearers. John Appleton, Esq. CoL 
John Higginson, Esq. Daniel Epes, Esq. Stephen SewaU, Esq. 
Lt. Col. Savage and Mr. Daniel Bogers, Mrs. Betty Hirst, the 
Bride was principal Mourner. 

Col. Wainwright had attained distinguished honors. He 
was bom on Aug. 25, 1664, was graduated at Harvard in 
1686, married Sarah Whipple, March 12, 1686-7, who had 
died in her 38** year, on March 16, 1709-10. He was 
Colonel of a K^iment, a member of the Artillery Company, 
Feoffee of the Grammar School, Representative to the 
General Court, Commissioner of Excise for Essex and Jus- 
tice of the General Sessions Court He was stricken, appar- 



entlj while in full health and strength, at the family man- 
sion, on Sunday, July 29***. 

On Thursday, Aug. 2, he made his will, in which he made 

To y* church of Ipswich y* sum of five pounds money to 
be Layd In a peice of plate for y* Lord's table. 

To Mrs. Eliza. Hirst of Salem, with whom I had con- 
tracted for Marriage, for y** Love I bare to her, y* sum of 
one hundred pounds money. 

To my kinswoman, Mrs. Mary Whipple, who hath been 
kind to me in health and sickness, y® sum of Ten pounds. 

To y* Reverend Mr. Jo. Rogers, min', y* sum of five 

To y® Rev** Mr. Jabez Fitch, the sum of Ten pounds. 

To my loving & good friend Dan* Rogers, school-master, 
five pounds. 

I will and desire my mother Epes may have a mourning 
sute given by my executors att my funeral. 

As he had already given 250£ to his daughter Sarah on 
the occasion o£ her marriage to Stephen Minot of Boston, he 
gave the same sum to his daughters Elizabeth and Lucy. 
He appointed his "loving brother, Capt. John Whipple,"* 
and his son-in-law, Stephen Minot, his executors. 

Judge Sewall has recorded the stately company of pall 
bearers at the funeral on August 7^, Tuesday of the fol- 
lowing week. Judge John Appleton and Daniel Rogers, 
the school master, neighbors and friends and Captain 
Daniel Epes of the Castle Hill Farm, a Justice of the 
Court, represented the Town, which was so deeply afflicted 
in his death. Judges Sewall and Higginson and Col. Sav- 
age gave further distinction, as representatives of the judi- 
ciary and the military. But it remains for the carefully 
preserved accounts of the administrator, Mr. Minot, to reveal 
the extraordinary pomp and parade of that ancient funeral. 

In accordance with the usage of the times, funeral rings, 

^ His slAter Sarah was CoL Wainwrl^ht's first wife. 


scarfs and gloves were provided for the mourners, but Cap- 
tain Minot made most extraordinary and lavish expenditure- 
The Ipswich merchants and tailors were disregarded, as 
wholly incompetent to provide fitting accompaniments far 
so grand an occasion, and orders were given broadcast to the 
foremost tradesmen and artificers of Boston. 

Ebenezer Wentworth received orders for 

2 sup. fine hats at 40/ each, 2 conmion hats at 18/ each, 
9 dozen gloves and a mourning gown delivered Mr. Minot, 
the whole order amounting to £15- 7- 6 

Ezekiel Lewis provided 

6 doz. mens white and colored gloves @ 30/ == £9- 0- 
4 doz. womens white and colored gloves @ 30/ = £6- 0- 
9 mourning fans @ 4/ 1-16- 

Benjamin Walker's bill indicates gloves of finer quality 

for the inner circle of mourners : 

6 yds. % fine black broadcloath £8- 5- 9 

12 yds. mourning crape @ 4/ 2-10- 

1 doz. men's sattin topt gloves 2-12- 

1 doz women's sattin topt gloves 2-12- 

6 pr. women's loyned Shammy 2-11- 
a total account for the funeral of £26- 1- 7 

From Peter Cutler came an account for 

1 ps. Cloth Rash £8 5- 

7y2 yds. fine muslin @ 12/, 3 hatts @8/ 5-14- 

3 pr. black shammy gloves 8/, 1 pr. black hose 2-14- 


Oliver Noyes furnished 

6% yds. black queen's cloath @ 40/ 13- 0- 

7 yds. black queen's cloath 14- 0- 
7% yds. black queen's cloath 15-0-0 
sundry silk laces & ferret 11/12 11-12 



From the shop of merchant Andrew Faneuil came 35^4 

ells of Lute-string @ 10/6 18-10- 1 

The items of Col. Thomas Savage's hill indicate a carte 
blanche order for his finest goods : 

20 yds. fine hro. cloath @ 27/ 27- 0- 

24 yds. fine durange 3-19- 
3 doz. l)est new fash coat buttons 6- 
5 doz. breast ditto 3- 4 

5 yds. white fustian 12-6 
black cloth to Walker's boy 6 
14 yds. best Lute string @9/8 7- 2- 
38 yds. black Sallopeen @ 5/6 10- 9- 
2V& yds. shalloon @ 4/ " 8- 6 
13 yds. finest shalloon 4/ 2-12- 

6 yds l^ garlix 2/ 13-0 
S doz. coat buttons 6- 
5 pr. superfine hose @ 14/ 3-10- 
12 yds. catgut gauze % 2- 0- 
18 yds. black cloath 3- 6- 

1 pr. boys gloves for W° Alden 2- 6 

3 yds. broad Love ribbind 6- 

2 yds broad cadez 0- 6 

4 yds. broad Italian crape 1-12- 

% yd. durance at 3/ 1- 6 

25 yds. black & w* silk crape @ 2/6 3- 2- 6 
36 yds. allamode 5/3 9- 9- 

85- 9- 2 
The tailors and dressmakers of Boston must have been 
hard pressed to fashion all this broadcloth and durance or 
durange, a stout cloth made in imitation of buff leather, the 
fustian and the worsted fabric called shalloon into men's 
garments, and the lute-string and crape and ribbons into 
mourning garb for the daughters and the bride elect. Dame 
Bridget Pead presented her account. 

for y* funeral, making 3 suits of morning @ 10/ 1-10- 


George Shore's bill for ^'making a Black suit of Cloathes 
1-10- 0; Coat Coining 2/6 breaches puffs 2/6 buckram 
2/6" was 1-18- 9. 

It seems needless extravagance that Captain Whipple 
should have needed the art of a Boston tailor to provide 
his mourning garb but Peter Barber's account was : 

To making a black cloath coat and west cott and 

breeches for Capt John Whipple 1-15- 

washe leather pockets for y* breaches 4- 


Most melancholy of all was the bill which was rendered 
by John Cotta. 

"sundrys for your wedding clothes," which Sewall says 
were displaved in the Bride-chamber, 

July 23. To makeing a Coate Jacket & breaches of 
Cloath loop'd w*'' goold & wrought in vellome 
14 yds. durance @ 3/ 
S% yds. white fustian @ 2/8 pockets' 
8 doz & 1 coat buttons at 24/ doz. 
4 doz. & 1 breast buttons at 6/ doz. silk 7/6 
% oz. goold thread at 13/ oz. 
% yd. goold lace at 20/ yd. and wedding 2/6 
Making a coat of black cloath 20/ 1-0-0 

making 2 jackets & breaches of hoi* loopt 1-12- 

111^ yds holland at 5/ yd., 6V2 yds Linnen 3 2/9 3-17- 7 
6 doz. buttons at 8/ oz., thread etc. 8- 


2- 2- 





1- 2- 


1- 0- 

27- 8- 7 
Thomas Selby provided 

"a light coll* Compigne Perrewig" at a cost of £6-10-00. 
The order for the gold rings may have been too large for any 
one goldsmith, so it was divided among three craftsmen. 


Edward Winslow provided : 

18 gold rings, 1 oz. 13 dwt. 12 qr. 10- 8-10 

makiiig and wast at 2/6 per ring 2- 5-10 

to the half making 12 more damage 12- 

13- 5- 

John Coney's bill for twelve and the "fashioning'' was 
£9-14- 6 and Shubael Dummer's bill for a similar number 
was £8- 7- 6. 

These mourning rings, usually enamelled in black or 
black and white, and decorated sometimes with a death's 
head or a framed lock of hair, upon which the initials of 
the deceased were engraved or "fashioned", were given at 
funerals to near relatives and persons of note in the com- 

Henry Sharpe furnished 

ye Hatchment & Scutcheons for funerall 

1 hatchm* of armes 3-10- 

y* f reem and cloth 1- 8- 

26 Escutcheons att 3/6 4-11- 

10 yards of buckram 3/ 1-10- 


This was the most pretentious equipment of all. The 
hatchment consisted of canvas stretched upon a square black 
frame, placed with one of its comers uppermost and bearing 
the coat of arms of the deceased. It was placed in front 
of the house at a funeral or attached to a hearse. On this 
occasion, as the body was borne on a bier, it was given a 
conspicuous place, probably before the house. Escutcheons 
were attached sometimes to the livery of the horses or per- 
haps to the pall. These twenty-six escutcheons all found 
conspicuous place. John Boberts, the Boston undertaker 
furnished the "paule" at an expense of twelve shillings and 




had tliree pounds and thirteen shillings for his services and 
expenses. Presumably the account for the pall was for 
rental only, as it was usually of heavy purple or black broad- 
cloth, and was often owned by the Town. The pall-bearers 
held it by the comers or sides, and the actual carrying of 
the body was often performed by young and vigorous men. 

The custom of prayers at funerals was gaining ground in 
the beginning of the eighteenth century and Mr. Rogers and 
Mr. Fitch, the ministers, may have had a funeral service. 
Then the stately procession formed and the spacious High 
Street was filled with a curious crowd of town's folk and 
from all the country round to see the imposing array of pall 
bearers, with their hat bands and scarfs of crape, the prin- 
cipal mourner, Mrs. Hirst, in her weeds of woe, the afflicted 
family and the long line of relatives and friends, and not least, 
John Roberts, master of ceremonies, bringing the last touch of 
Boston display. At the grave. Judge Sewall or one of the 
ministers may have pronounced a brief eulogy. The place 
of burial is marked with a flat stone, with the simple in- 

Here lies entombed the body of Colonel Francis 
Wainwright, Esq., who died August y* 3, 1711. 

Aetatis 47. 

And his virtuous consort, Mrs. Sarah Wain- 
wright, who died March y* 16, 1709. Aetatis 38. 

With three of their youngest children, John, 
Francis & John, who died in their infancy. 

The total funeral charges as they were grouped by Mr. 
Minot, amounted to £415-18- 4. The real estate was inven- 
toried at £1914, the personal £4132- 5- 1, including the negro 
Mexey, valued at £40. Large as this outlay was, it was sur- 
passed by the executors of Capt. Daniel Ringe, a soldier in 
the Indian wars in his young days and a prominent citizen, 
though he never attained such place and dignity as CoL 


Wainwright. He died on ITovember 30, 1738, at the age 
of 80 or 84, in different records. 

He owned a farm in the Hamlet and a homestead on the 
Turkey Shore Road, adjoining the old Howard mansion, 
now owned by Prof. Arthur W. Dow. The total inventory 
of his estate was £1679-15- 6. His daughter, Hannah, mar- 
ried Capt. Thomas Staniford, int. Dec 27, 1707 and Mary 
married Major Ammi Ruhamah Wise, int. 21: Im, 1713. 
Major Ammi Wise and his brother Daniel were merchants 
and the furnishings for the funeral of the aged father-in- 
law opened a golden opportunity for their business. The 
funeral charge, due from the estate, indicates how well the 
opportimity was improved. It included many interesting 

7 yds. Broadcloth a £3- 5- 22-15- 

56 yds. silk crape @ 11/ 30-16- 

4% yds silk crape ©6/6 1- 9- 

24 yds silk crape @ 8/ 9-12- 

24y2 lace a 16/ 17- 0- 

24^^^ yds lace a 16/ 17- 0- 

% yd. Broadcloth for shoes 2- 0- 8 

38y2 yds. of Cypress @ 9/ 17- 6- 6 

16 ydB. Hat crape @ %/6 6-4-0 

4 handkerchief @ 16/ 3-4-0 

4 yd. Cyprus sent Mrs. Hart 1-16- 

3 pr. men's hose @ 30/ 4-10- 

3 pr. women's hose @ 35/ 5- 5- 

To velvet for the cape of a coat 2- 2- 6 

10 yds. alamode (5} 18/ 9-9-0 

16 yds. Padusoye for y® w* @ 40/ 32- 0- 

the Widow's Apron 2-0-0 

1 pr. silk gloves 1- 6- 

9 yds. Drag* @ 25/ 11- 5- 

ZV2 yds. Drug* @ 10/ 1-15- 

9 yds. calamanco for w"* 8/ 3-12- 

14 pr. black gloves @ 9/ 6- 6- 

73 pr. w* glov" 7/ 26- 5- 

Jacob Hurd the rings 14- 6- 


There were material and trimmings for suits for the men, 
costing £17-18-10 for Capt. Staniford ; £30- 9- 2 for Ammi 
Wise and Jn® Wise, his seventeen year old son; 12 yds. of 
crape for Thomas Staniford's wife, 4-16- 0; 12 yds. for 
Mrs. Crompton, 4-16- ; and the Ipswich tailors had busy 
times in the making and good prices for their work. 

Eben Smith 17-14- 

Eobert Potter 2- 0- 

Robert Holmes 2-15- 

Nath. Smith 3-2-0 

Mrs. Sutton 0-15- 

Mrs. Rust 12- 

Shoemaker 3- 0- 

The total charge was 29-18- 

Sixteen gallons of wine were provided at an expense of 
£8-16- 0. Here again the mourning outfits included every- 
thing from the long crape bands for men's hats and the cy- 
press for women's hoods, to shoes and stockings. The total 
account with Major Ammi Wise and Daniel, who adminis- 
tered, was £420-13-11, a full quarter of the estate. 

The custom of extravagant display had reached absurd 
excess. For the funeral of Gov. Burnet in Sept. 1729, tha 
General Court ordered mourning clothes for his children, 
servants and slaves, funeral trappings for coach and horses, 
and gloves and rings for the members of the Council, Judges, 
Ministers, militaiy officers and a multitude of others, and 
an appropriation of £1097-11- 3 was needed to cover it. 
At the funeral of the wife of Gov. Belcher in 1736, it is 
%said that over a thousand pairs of gloves were given away, 
and at Andrew FaneuiPs, three thousand were distributed. 

But public opinion was already against such practices. 
Judge Sewall notes in 1721 the first public funeral "without 
scarfs." In 1741, the General Court passed a law that "no 
Scarves, Gloves (except six pair to the bearers and one pair 
to each minister of the church or congregation where any 


deceased person belongs) Wine, Rum or rings be allowed to 
be given at any funeral under the penalty of fifty pounds." 

In one case at least, this law was enforced. At the Salem 
CJourt, on Christmas day, 1753, Jeremiah Lee of Marble- 
head, "for giving Rings and Gloves more than are allowed by 
law at the funeral of his father, Samuel Lee/' was fined £50, 
half to be given to Edm. Trowbridge, Esq., the informer and 
the other half to the poor of Marblehead. 

Gradually this costly display disappeared and the funeral 
expense involved only a fine mourning dress for the widow. 
As late as May, 1760 however, Andrew Burley provided for 
a family funeral 

9 pairs men's white gloves 7-4-0 

5 prs men's black gloves 4-0-0 

7 prs. women's white gloves 5-12- 

3 pr. women's black gloves 2- 8- 
2 yds. crape 1- 5- 
1^ yds. Rib*, 1 yd. ferrit 12- 2 

4 pr. Butt* 8- 
buckles 7- 6 

Mrs. Hannah Burrill relict of Hon. Theophilus Burrill 
and sister of Pres. Holyoke of Harvard College, died in Cam- 
bridge in November, 1764. The Boston Evening Post of 
H'ovember 26, contained the item: 

Her remains were interred last Thursday, without the 
expense of mourning apparel, agreeable to the laudable 
method now practised in Boston, As this is the first example 
of the kind in that Town (Cambridge) and introduced by 
a Gentleman of so worthy and respectable a Character, we 
doubt not it will acquire Imitation. 

That there was still crying need of reform in the pre- 
vailing fashion is evident from a communication to the 
same Boston newspaper on June 18, 1765. 


Many families in lower orders will save themselves 

from inevitable ruin and our brethren in the country towns 
who (in comformity to a foolish custom) have often subjected 
their farms to pay funeral charges — ^keeping of dead bodies 
unburied in the heats of summer for four or five days (which 
has been often the case) till they have been so putrefied as 
to become intolerable to all about them, due to this perni- 
cious custom, the mourning (as it is called) not being ready 
for the funeral . . . • . the practice too frequent for taylors 
and others to WQrk all Saturday night and sometimes in 
the next morning, to get mourning ready. 

Kathan Bowen of Marblehead noted in his Journal: 

1765, Jan, 8: Capt, Curtis's wife interred in the new 
mode .... without mourning to the approbation and ap- 
plause of all persons who attended viz. the principal gen- 
tlemen of the town and many others. And it is hoped the 
mode will prevail in to^vn to the saving of thousands per 

Extravagant and needless expenditure still occurred as 
late as 1785, when a large number of the citizens of New- 
buryport signed a mutual agreement^ to adopt more modest 
mourning and abolish vain display. 

We, the subscribers, taking into consideration that the 
extravagant use of mourning and the great and unnecessary 
expense often laid out at funerals are not only one great! 
mean of draining our country of its money, encouraging the 
importation of unnecessary foreign manufactures, but also the 
impoverishment, sometimes ruin, of private families : . . . . 
do hereby solemnly agree and promise to and with each 
other, that as soon as fifty heads of families in this town 
shall have signed this agreement, we will not wear nor suffer 
to be worn by any of our families at the funeral of any 
of our relations or friends, any other mourning dress than 
a black Crape or Eobbin on our arm or hat, for gentlemen 
and a black plain Bonnet, Gloves or Mitts, Robbin and Neck- 
lace for ladies : — That we will not give Gloves, Scarfs or 

' Salem Gazette, August 24, 1785. 


Rings at funerals, nor use any coffins, not made of wood of 

the growth of some of the United States We will 

not assist or attend and that none of our families shall at- 
tend at any funeral where this agreement is not observed in 
all parts and according to the true spirit thereof complied 
with .... 

Newburyport, August 3, 1785. 

The Town of Boston adopted a by-law* in 1788, forbid- 
ding scarfs, gloves or rings at any funeral, ^^nor shall any 
wine, rum or other spirituous liquor be allowed or given 
at or immediately after or before'^ under penalty of 20 
shillings fine. 

Ipswich, no doubt, shared in this reform and by the end 
of the century, modest and becoming mourning, and simple 
funerals were the universal custom. 

' Salem Mercury, May, 1788. 


Inns and Inn Keepers and the Teaffio in Steong 


The inn or ordinary had a large place in the commu- 
nity in the early days. Travellers made their slow jour- 
neys on horseback and a lodging place for man and beast 
was necessary at frequent intervals. The social usages 
of the time required a common tap-room, well warmed and 
lighted, where the gossip of the day might be retailed over 
the pipe and glass. Provision must be made for the sitting 
of the Courts and the entertainment of the magistrates and 
the ordinary met this public need for many years. The 
Sabbath congregation, chilled to the marrow by the long 
morning service in the cold meeting-house, gladly hastened 
to the inn to enjoy its good cheer until the hour of after- 
noon service. Committees of the Town and men of business 
resorted thither to discuss their affairs. 

From the beginning a serious effort was made by the 
Court of Assistants to secure the orderly conduct of public 
houses and to control the sale of intoxicating drinks. No 
one might presume to put out his sign and open his doors 
without a license, nor could the shopkeeper retail his liquors 
without similar authority. Robert Roberts was licensed to 


sell in Ipswich by the Court of the Assistants in 1635. 
Goodman Firman and GkK)dman Treadwell received licenses 
in 1639 and Richard Lumpkin had then opened his ordi- 
nary on "Damon's Comer," as it is now known, and his 
widow furnished supplies for the soldiers who marched 
against the Indians in 1643. 



Evidences of disorder in the inns soon appear. In 1647, 
the Court of Assistants forbade the game of shuffle or shovel- 
board at houses of public entertainment, "whereby much 
precious time is spent unfruitfully & much wast of wine & 
beare occasioned thereby." This law was passed "upon com- 
plaint of great disorder y* hath been observed & is like fur- 
ther to increase." At the same session, however, the Court 
illustrated the wise and rightful use of these commodities, 
as it judged, by ordering twelve gallons of sack and six gal- 
lons of white wine to be sent "as a small testimony of y* 
Corts respect to y* revrend assembly of elders at Cambridge." 

Again in 1653, the Court dealt severely with the loose 
manners of the time and with the dangerous beguilements 
of the inn. 

Upon information of soimdry abuses and misdemeanors, 
comitted by soimdry persons on the Lord's day, not only by 
childrens playing in the streets and other places, but by 
youths mayds and other persons both strangers and others 
imcivily walking the streete and fields travailing from towne 
to towne going on shipboard, frequenting common houses 
and other places to drinck sport & otherwise to misspend 
that pretjous time which things tend much to the dishonor 
of God, the reproach of religion, greiving the souls of God's 
servants and the prophanatjon of the holy Sabboath. 

It was therefore ordered : 

that no children, youths, majds or other persons shall 
transgresse in the like kind on poenaltje of being reputed 
greate provokers of the high displeasure of Almighty God 
and further incurring the poenaltje heerafter expressed 
namely that the parents and governors of all children about 
seven years old (not that we aproove younger children in 
evill) for the first offence in that kind shall be admonished, 
for a second offence shall pay as a fine 5s. and for a third 
10s. etc. 

This law is to be transcribed by the constable of each 
towne and posted uppon the meeting house doore, there to 
remajn the space of one month at least. 


But the evil was not abated and in October, 1658, the 
Court again voiced its abhorrence of these transgressions. 

Whereas by too sad experience it is observed the sunn being 
set both every Saturday & on the Lords day, young people & 
others take liberty to walk & sporte themselves in the streets 
& fields — ^too frequently repayre to houses of entertanement 
& there sitt drincking — it was ordered that they be arrested 

Robert Payne, the Elder of the church, William Bartholo- 
mew, the Town Clerk, and Jeremy Belcher received licenses 
to sell in 1652, but Belcher trifled with the law and in 1658 
he petitioned the Court of Assistants, humbly craving the 
remittance of the fine of 52£ imposed on him by the last 
Ipswich Court for selling strong water, powder & shot. 
The Court considering that ^^the petitioner is a poore & an 
honest man, not using any such trade," abated the fine to 5£. 

Corporal John Andrews of the White Horse Inn on High 
Street offended the proprieties in 1658 and many of the 
prominent citizens petitioned^ the Quarter Sessions Court 
not to renew his license, as he kept open doors until past nine 
o'clock and encouraged the young men in drinking and play- 
ing unlawful games. There were but two ordinaries in 
the town at this time, the other being kept presumably by 
Mr. John Baker, who had received license to draw wine in 
1647. Upon '^complaint and information of divers strang- 
ers for want of needfuU and convenient acomodation and 
entertaynment at the other ordinarye and the intymation 
of the selectmen of the need of two" license was refused the 
Corporal and granted to Deacon Moses Pingree, as a dis- 
creet and trustworthy person. His dwelling was located on 
the comer of East and Hovey Streets. John Baker owned 
and occupied the land on the west comer of East St and 
Brook St. or Spring Street 

> See Facsimile of petition, etc., in Ipswich, in the Mass. Bay Colony, 
▼ol. I, pp. 869, 860. 


In 1661, Daniel Ringe, whose dwelling was on the Turk^ 
Shore road, was licensed to keep an ordinary but "not to 
draw beer above a penny a quart and to provide meate for 
men & cattell." John Perkins, Andrew Peters and John 
Whipple were licensed in 1662, the last to sell not less than 
a quart at a time and none to be drunk in his house. All 
were bound "not to sell by retail to any but men of family 
and of good repute nor to sell any after sun sett, and that 
they shall be ready to give account of what liquors they sell 
by retail, the quantity, time, and to whom." 

Quartermaster John Perkins, finding the business profit- 
able, sought license in 1668, to keep an ordinary. He re- 
ceived permission to open his house and draw wine, but not 
to sell to townsmen to be drunk in the house. In the same 
year, he bought an eight acre lot^ with "house, bams, stables, 
sellers, out-houses etc." on High Street, north of Mineral, 
and his inn became a popular resort for towns-folk and 
strangers. Evidently the Quartermaster allowed large liber- 
ties to his patrons, for his house became the scene of violent 
disorder. In March, 1672, there was a shooting affray. 
Mark Quilter, a notorious toper, was ordered away, the can- 
dle was blown out and some one shot him in the darkness.* 

At the same Court, the Quartermaster was presented for 
suffering gaming in his house, and yet again for a bois- 
terous out break on training day, after the militia had been 
dismissed. There were few holidays to break the monotony 
of the work-a-day life, and the periodic training days opened 
the way very naturally to many extravagances. Every man 
of military age was obliged to be present and at the close of 
the evolutions, the whole company was dismissed in the cen- 
ter of the village. A crowd of roysterers betook themselves 
to the Perkins Inn on this occasion and their behavior was 
so scandalous that they were summoned to Court, 

* Ipswich In the Mass. Bay Colony, vol. I, p. 364. 

* Court RecordB, 18: 83, 88. 


We present, Mr. Dudley Bradstreet, Mr. Nath* Wade, Mr. 
Tho" Wade, M'. Samuel Jacobs, Jn® Wainwright, Thomas 
Bishop, Elihu Wardell, Jn^ Cogswell, M^ Nath^ Rogers, Mr. 
Sam* RogerS; Mr. Ezekiel Rogers, Mr. John Broun, Jn** Lee, 
Edward Zealand, Mark Quilter, for disorder in Quar. Per- 
kins house upon a trayning day in shooting of pistols in the 
house after the colors were lodged & for breach of the peace.* 

It was a strange conglomeration, the son of Simon and 
Ann Brad street, three sons of the Reverend Nathaniel Rogers 
and two sons of Mr. Jonathan Wade, wearing their proud 
title of "Mr.", young John Wainwright and John Cogswell, 
hobnobbing with fellows of the baser sort, in a very demo- 
cratic spree ! 

Such disturbances were of frequent occurrence no doubt. 
An ordinance of 1663, required that troopers and soldiers 

shall not either singly or in companies remaine in armes 
& vainely expend their time & powder by inordinate shoot- 
ing in the day or night after their release. 

After a September training in 1681, John Newmarch's 
man-servant assaulted the tithingmen, John Leighton and 
Daniel Hovey, near midnight. They deposed in Court that 

they heard the Honorable Maj. Gren. Denison when he 
dismissed his band, say to the company that they should 
repair to their homes and not show the world their folly to 
be a shooting of their gims or to that effect. We went to 
places where we supposed rudeness to be and one of these 
places was the home of John Berrie. 

There they found the man in a drunken condition, who 
assaulted them, and finally went staggering "up the Long 
Street warde." 

Notwithstanding the frequent brawls at the Perkins Inn, 
it does not seem to have lost caste. Even the supreme auto- 

* Court Records, 91: No. 18. 


crat of the town, Maj. Gren. Denison, did not think it be- 
neatib him to step in for a drop of comfort, and have a 
cheerful word with the waitress, Frances Young testified, 
that one day when she was at her father Perkins's, "she 
carried the Major Greneral a glass of brandy and the Major 
General said, "Bety you are welcome to towne."' 

Thomas Bishop's house, near the site of the Public Li- 
brary, was open to the public and Joseph Lee and William 
Downing had an altercation there one March day in 1663, 
after the Lecture, "shoving one another in the comer and 
Downing was struck in the face by Lee." Young John 
Spark or Sparks, known to us first as an apprentice of Oba- 
diah Wood, the ^T>iskett baker", continued at his trade with 
Bishop; when Samuel Bishop succeeded to the business on 
the death of his father, Sparks went across the street and 
bought of Thomas White, a house with two acres of land, 
on or near the spot now occupied by the residence of Miss 
Lucy Slade Lord, in February, 1671-2. Li the deed, he 
is styled "biskett-baker" and his deed of sale in 1691 in- 
cluded a bake-house, but he had received license in Sept. 
1671 to sell ^Tbeere at a penny a quart, provided he enter- 
tain no Town inhabitants in the night, nor suffer to bring 
wine or liquor to be drunk in his house."* 

His hostelry was known far and near. Here the Quarter 
Sessions Court held its sittings. Major Samuel Appleton, 
Assistant, issued a warrant to the Marshal to secure the ap- 
pearance of every one who knew anything of the will of 
Thomas Andrews, the schoolmaster, before him at "Gkx)d- 
man Sparks", July 12, 1683. Mr. Andrews died at the 
house of Samuel Bishop and Bishop was charged with con- 
cealing his will. John Gamage was summoned "to make 
personal appearance at Court now setting at Jo. Sparks, 
there to answer to his presentment for rayling and scurrilous 

■Court ReoordB, 86: 66, March 29, 1681. 

■ Ipswich in the Maas. Bay Colony; vol. 1, p. 346. 


speech, &tc.", Sept. 29, 1685. The Worshipful Major NaOi. 
Saltonstall held Court here in March, 1685-6, and Judge 
Samuel Sewall entered in his Diary, on Tuesday, March 
IS"', 1687-8, 

I lodge at Sparks, Mr. Stoughton and Capt. Appleton 
came to see me. 

An ancient bilF of Court expenses in June, 1687, reveals 
some interesting items. 

June 8. 


£ s. d. 

Lodgings & breakfast 

1-01- 9 

3 flagons beer 1/9 marshal etc 


sheriff, beer & wine 9* 

• 0- 9 

Dinner w*** wine & beer to it 

1- 2- 

Syder 3* 10 dinners 2' 


Marshall's dinner 


Lemonade 12' 1 qt. wine 12' 


flagon beer 4* wine 12* 

1- 4 

3 lodgings 

0- 6 

2-13- 4 

4 horses, 3 ni^ts 


1 pt. wine to constables 

0- 6 


Under the Andros government, the rigid excise laws seem 
to have rendered the legal sale of liquors unprofitable. The 
Court of Common Pleas, sitting at Ipswich, Sept. 28, 1686, 
granted licenses to John Sparks and Abraham Perkins, who 
succeeded the Quartermaster, keepers of ordinaries; and 
'liberty to sell drink without doors" to Mr. Francis Wain- 
wright, Mr. John Wainwright and Mr, Michael Farlow 

The conditions of Recognizance required of an innkeeper 
were minute and repressive. 

V Court Records, 47, No. 40. 


[He] shall not suffer any unlawful play or Games, in 
said house, garden, orchard or elsewhere, especially by men 
servants or apprentices, comon laborers, Idle persons, or shall 
suffer any Town Inhabitants to be in said house drinking or 
tipling on y* satterday night after y® sunsett or on y® Sabbath 
day, nor wittingly or willingly admit or receive .... any 
person notoriously defamed of for theft, Incontinency or 
drunkenness .... nor keep or lodge there any stranger 
person above y® Space of one day and one night together, 
without notice thereof, first given to such Justice or Select- 
man as above said. 

Having paid for their licenses. Sparks and Perkins pro- 
ceeded to bring illegal sellers to judgment. They made 
complaint against John Tod of Rowley, who declared that 
he had found the excise so great under the new government 
that he had taken down his tavern sign and given up business. 
They complained as well of John Knowlton, Jun., cord- 
wainer, John Juet, Sen^, Obadiah Wood and Steven Cross, 
for selling without a license. 

Capt. Stephen Cross was given to lawless misconduct from 
his youth. At the age of seventeen, in 1667, he was one 
of the wild young fellows who dug up the Sagamore and 
carried his skull on a pole. In the following year, he af- 
fronted the Court and reproached the Major General. In 
1669 he disturbed the peace of Sabbath worship by fighting 
with Thomas DeBlanchet and wounding him in the mouth. 
He was master of the sloop, "Adventure", engaged in coast- 
wise trips and had prospered sufficently by 1684 to buy the 
former dwelling of Richard Saltonstall, Esq., on the South 
side. The home of the titled aristocrat descended in his 
hands to most ignoble uses. 

Two years after Cross gained possession, he was presented 
for selling without a license. John Brown, Jr., 20 years 
old; Edward Dear, two years older; Benjamin Dutch, 21, 
and Kath. Bust, Jr., a lad of nineteen, acknowledged that 
they had played shuffle board at Cross's house and had 


drinks frequently. Captain Cross commanded a company 
in the expedition to Quebec and his war-like temper was ag- 
gravated no doubt by his martial experiences. He was pre- 
sented again for drawing and selling drink in 1691 and an 
execution for debt was served on him at the same time. 
John Harris, the Marshal, testified to an exciting reception 
when he went to the Captain's house to arrest him in default 
of appearance at Court. 

Then Capt. Cross tooke his nacked sword & he ran to 
y*^ said Low, who was to assist me & he tould him that he 
would Run him through if thur was no more dayes in y* 
world & after y* said Cross had forced y* s* sd Low out of 
y® hous, he came to me — & clapt the point of his Rapier 
to my breast & bid me git out of his hous & touch him if I 
durst with many more bad speeches which I cannot well 

Benjamin Dutch afterwards owned and occupied the house 
and was licensed to sell at "The Orringe Tree." Li 1724, 
when he had probably built the dwelling on North Main St, 
occupied by Mr. William Willcomb for many years, he was 
authorized to transfer his license to his new house.® 

Following the fortunes of the Sparks Inn, the Court 
Record of March, 1693, bears the entry: 

John Sparks, ye Tavern keeper in Ipswich, having laid 
down his license and y* house being come, as is said into ye 
hands of Mr. John Wainwright, license is granted for keep- 
ing of a tavern there to any sober man whom Mr. Wain- 
wright may secure. 

John Rogers, the sadler, was licensed to sell drink and 

* Court Records, Ipswich, In Mass. Bay, vol. I, pp. 348, 464. The ancient 
house, known as the Merrlfield house, was torn down a few years Rgo. 
Much of the frame, including a great door post with slot for the wooden 
latch, had been used in an earlier structure, and an old fire back was 
found, upside down, in one of the fire places. Evidently the Saltonstall 
house, situated on or very near the same site, had been torn down and 
ail available material used in the later dwelling. 


keep a public house in 1696 and Mr. Wainwright was or- 
dered at the same Court, to procure a suitable tenant, to live 
in the house "where John Rogers is now an innholder." His 
inn was called "The Black Horse/' Thomas Smith, Inn- 
holder, kept a public house nearby in 1707, which came 
later to John Smith, "the Tavemer", and in 1737 Nathaniel 
Treadwell opened his inn, perhaps in the same house now 
owned and occupied by Miss Lucy Slade Lord.® 

From time to time, the ministers voiced their complaint 
against the multiplication of ordinaries and the excessive 
drink habit Rev. John Higginson addressed a Memorial 
to the Court in 1678, declaring that he was credibly informed 
that there were then in Salem, about fourteen ordinaries 
and public drinking houses, some licensed, others unlicensed, 
and that four more were seeking license, "when it is well 
known till within this few years, 2 ordinaries were judged 
sufficient for Salem.'' 

A Memorial was sent to the Governor, May 30, 1694, by 
"many ministers of y* Gospel, then meeting in Boston", 

the declining, decaying, (if not) dying state of Religion 
.... the more gross out breakings of this sin of world- 
Jyness, in prophaneness & sensualitie, more especially in y* 
most notorious and scandalous way of drinking & company 
keeping in Taverns & Alehouses : 

The Memorial proceeds : 

"Be pleased, therefore, wee pray you to take notice: that 
the thing w*^** wee more particularly designe & desire to 
obtaine by this our Address, it is; That it may be againe 
inacted into a Law That all Ordinarys & licensed houses, 
may be reduced & regulated in thir improvem* to ye enter- 
tainm* of Travellers & strangers only : & that all Town dwel- 
lers be expressly phibited drinking in them, at any time, 
upon any occasion, which wee pray may be past in such 

* Ipswich, In the Mass. Bay Colony, vol. I, p. 347. 


strict & severe forme, respecting both ye letter & sence of it, 
as that no subterfuge may be found, by any latitude or am- 
biguitie of expression, from ye prohibition & restriction of 
it ; for it appears by wofuU experience y* it is become impos- 
sible to regulate or restraine those multitudes w*^^ are given to 
drinking: Otherwise than by shutting up the dores of such 
houses ag** them. 

Wee are y* more importune, in this from y* consideration 
of ye f atall & lamentable effects of this way of sining, con- 
sidering how many psons have bin totally debauch* & de- 
stroyd, body & soule, by drinke, how many professors hav^ 
bin utterly blasted by it, (not only) as to subsistence, but 
(more wofuUy) as to family worship, w** (through drink- 
ing in Alehouses) is too often either totally neglected or 
else horribly phaned in ye pformance of it- 
Wee are sensible y* y® worldly interest of y* Trade of 
drinks doth bespeake too much indulgence vnto this way 
of sining & make it soe difficult to provide & proceed in 
good earnest & effectually by law agst it, w*^^ still lyes & 
wee feare may remaine as our insuperable obstruction vnto 
a thorough reformation of this (hithervnto) incorrigible & 
incurable evill, Vnless that interest bee so far deserted; 
that trade so far retrenched & soe r^ulated as y* it may 
noe more prove soe destructive unto us, as it hath done. 

Right Honorable & much Hono*^, Let it not (wee pray 
you) seem Strang unto you y* wee express so great a conceme 
in a matter, w*^** may seem to others but of little concemm*. 
Town dwellers drinking in their Town Ordinarys, being soe 
common & customary & accounted a matter of lawful liberty, 
& thence pleading inocency : it may be thought unreasonable, 
so strictly to inhibit it, but: Ileitis perimus omnes had wee 
not seen it impossible to regulate ye vse of it, or to prevent 
ye destructive abuses of it before mentioned, wee should 
have been silent. 

Another Memorial in the name of the ministers of the 
Province, dated May 27, 1696, again begged for summary 
check upon these evils. 

We humbly propose y* (as to y' number) houses for 
y® retaile of strong drink majr be limited by law & made 


as few as may be, & y* noe Certificate from select men should 
be accepted to make a man capable of Licence, except it 
expresseth y* ye man is a man of Integrity, honesty, walk- 
ing (as to what appeares) with all Good Conscience towards 
God & all men. We could be Glad y* none might set & 
abide in such houses but strangers only, However we pray 
y^ Young Men & Maids, y* Children & servants, might be 
totally inhibited tipling in y**^ owne towne publiq houses by 
law, .... and if six or seaven hundred Children and ser- 
vants (and indeed excessive wages tempts many to serve in 
sudi houses) be annually bred up in seeing and hearing the 
ungodly deeds of y* Wicked that frequent such houses & 
are trayned up in a Way that they will not forsake when 
they are old! What an extensive Ruine will hence spread 
itself upon the rising Generation and how can or will the 
means of Grace profit t them at all ? Why should some small 
Towns have no lesse than six Taverns, & in ten miles Riding, 
Ten open houses be allowed? But it is the IJngainsayable 
importunity of some Poor People & their Friends & the 
weaknesse of some Select Towns men that have poured out 
this vial of Mischief upon the Land.^® 

In March 2, 1696-97, the House adopted the report of 
its Committee, requiring Tithingmen to present to the Jus- 
tices, "the names. Surnames, Conditions & qualletyes of all 
such as Continue tipling in Inns etc." "all such as keep 
houses where unlawful Games are used & such as sell Drinks 
without Lycence, etc"^^ 

In June, 1710, the Court ordered special search for vio- 
lations of the law, as excessive drinking & tipling had much 
increased, and in 1715, complaint was made, that many 

are so bold as to sell strong drink w'thout Lycense & other 
who have Lycense only to sell as Retailers w***out doors yet 
presume to sell to be drunk w*4n y' Doors or Yard, Garden, 
orchard or back side after y* maimer of Inholders to y* 
eluding or trifling with y* Law etc 

" Acts and Resolyes, vol. Vn, pp. 587-640. 
" Acts and Resolves, vol. Vn, pp. 657. 


A Committee of which Michael Farlev was a member, 
was appointed to search out offenders. John Browne was 
summoned into Court in March, 1713 and fined 5/ for 
drunkenness, or to be set in the stocks one hour and pay 
the costs, but the same Court opened the door wide to his 
weakness and more drunkenness, by granting a license to 
Daniel Appleton as a retailer, and to John Walker, to keep 
a public house of entertainment. 

Francis Crompton*s hostelry claimed a share of the public 
patronage, at the close of the I7th century. It was located 
in the park-like meadow, opposite the Heard mansion, on 
South Main Street. Judge Sewall notes, "ate roast fowl 
at Crompton's". A retinue of slaves waited upon the pa- 
trons of the house. Sewall also mentions lodging at Stani- 
ford's house in 1716. Capt. Matthew Perkins, who lived 
in the old Sutton house^- on the road to Jeffrey's iN'eck was 
called "Tavemer'' in 1723. The Selectmen approved his 
application for license as an innholder, "at the sign of the 
blue anchor," in 1719. Benjamin Dutch, at the sign of 
"The White Boy" received license, in 1719. In July, 1722, 
the Selectmen recommended to the Quarter Sessions Court 
for license, Nath. Emerson, Jr., "his dwelling being at the 
entrance of the harbor, where our fishery is employed". 
The celler of this house is still visible on the slope of Great 
Neck, near the ancient fishery.^' 

The ledge in front of the old Seminary building, before 
the widening of the road rendered it necessary to blast much 
of it, afforded room for buildings. With an eye to business, 
one John Stacy, being incapable of labor, presented a petition 
to the Town in 1733, setting forth, "that there is a conve- 
nience on the northerly side of the Rock by Ebenezer Smith's 
for setting an house upon" and "praying he may obtain a 
grant for setting a house for selling cakes and ale etc. for 

" Jeffrey's Neck and the Way Thereto. Pub. of Ips. Historical Society, 
No. XVni. pp. 8, 9. 
" Jeffrey's Neck and the Way Thereto. Fa^e 64. 


his livelihood." His request was granted and the poor man's 
last days were made comfortable no doubt by his humble 
traflSe. He died on March 3d, 1735, and his widow sold 
the house and land to John Wood, who conveyed at once to 
Samuel Ross, blacksmith, April 29, 1737. He built a black- 
smith shop which passed in due time to Samuel Boss, Jr. 
and Joseph Lakeman Ross and the smithy served its public 
use until 1834. 

John Wainwright, Esq. and Capt John Hobson were ap- 
pointed by the General Court, a Committee to farm out the 
excise in the County of Essex, in July, 1737. Thomas 
Berry and Benj. Lynde, Esq. were joined to this Committee. 
Daniel Epes, Esq. of Salem was appointed Commissioner of 
Excise for the County. He informed against l^athaniel 
Smith for selling strong drink April 10, 1738 and he was 
iSned 10£, one third for the poor of Ipswich, the other two 
thirds to Mr. Epes as farmer of excise and informer and 
costs of Courts. Benjamin Studley was fined 3£ in 1749, 
for suffering young persons and others to sit in his house, 
drinking and tippling, and Benjamin Wheeler of Ipswich, 
trader, paid a like fine in 1750 for selling rum without a 

Joseph Newhall of Ipswich presented a petition to the 
General Court in 1747, 

showing that he is now in possession of a house in said 
Town, which has been improved for many years as an Inn 
or Tavern, called the Ship Tavern, Praying that he may be 
allowed to keep an Inn or Tavern there, 

and it was granted, subject to the approbation of the Select- 

In April, 1750, the Legislature passed an excise law, 
which levied a tax upon tea, coffee, etc. 

For every pound of tea, twelve pence. 


For every pound of coffee, two pence. 

For every gallon of arrach, two shillings and six pence. 

For every pound of snuff, six pence. 

For all china ware, five per ct. ad valorem, at the retail 

In June, 1751, a tax was laid upon all brandy, rum and 
other spirits distilled, upon all wines sold at retail and 
upon lemons, limes and oranges used in making pimch or 
other liquors mixed for sale .... to be paid by every tav- 
erner, innholder, common victualler and retailer. The rate 
was four pence for every gallon of brandy, rum and spirits, 
distilled, six pence for every gallon of wine, four shillings 
for every himdred of lemons or oranges, a shilling and six 
pence for every hundred of limes. In June, 1754, the rate 
on tea was reduced to four pence and on coffee to a penny. 
Licenses to deal in these conma.odities were also required. 
Under this excise law, Samuel Swasey of Ipswich, ship- 
wright, was fined 40 shillings in March, 1752, for selling 
tea, etc. without a license, and in July of the same year, 
William Dodge, shop keeper, was found guilty by a jury 
of the same offence and was fined 5£. 

When the French and Indian War began, the Legislature 
deemed it necessary to provide two armed vessels for the 
defence of the fishery and the trade of the Province, at an 
expense of seven thousand pounds. This was provided by 
a tax of six pence per ton on all ships and other vessels, ex- 
cept coasting, whaling and fishing vessels, entering any port, 
six pence a pound on tea, two pence on coffee and five per 
ct. on East India ware. (Oct 19, 1756) By the limitation 
of the Act, this excise was imposed only during the continu- 
ance of the war and in 1763, the Legislature passed a law, 
removing the tax on shipping in that year but retaining the 
other taxes until November 1st, 1765. 

In an ancient account book, now in the possession of the 
Historical Society, Dummer Jewett, an Ipswich shopkeeper 


of this period, kept a list of his purchases of rum, coflFee and 
tea for several years, as the excise law required him to do. 

From May 26 to Xov. 20"*, 1761, 451 gals, 2 qts. 

From Feb. 11, 1762 to Feb. 1763, 768 gals. 

From IMarch 1763 to Mar. 1764, 1401 gals. 

In April, 1763, he sold to Joseph Appleton, Esq., 331/4 
gals. ; Jabez Treadwell, 33^^ gals. ; Joseph Wells, for ship- 
ment, 31 gals. ; Capt. Thomas Staniford, for shipment, 225 

In 1764, he sold to Elizabeth Day, 68^/2 gal. ; shipped by 
Joseph Hunt, 34VL» gal. ; shipped to Virginia, 130 gal. The 
bulk of this great quantity of ?fewbury and West India rum 
was sold in the ordinary course of trade. 

His purchases of coffee in 1762 totalled 286 pounds and 
in 1763, 292 pounds. He bought 58 pounds of tea in 1761, 
114 in 1762. 

Jabez Treadwell, a cooper by trade, bought the house of 
Edmund Heard, ^* in November, 1761. Mr. Heard had re- 
ceived a license to retail, which was transferred to the new 

John Adams came frequently to Ipswich in the practice 
of his profession as a lawyer and always stopped at Tread- 
well's Inn.^*^ His allusions^® to the landlord and other guests 
lend a piquant interest to the old landmark. 

June 19, [1779]. Tuesday morning. Rambled . with 
Kent roimd Landlord Treadwell's pastures to see how our 
horses fared. We found them in the grass up to their 
eyes. ; — excellent pastures. This hill, on which stands the 
meeting house and couit-house, is a fine elevation, and we 
have here a fine air and the pleasant prospect of the winding 
river at the foot of the hill. 

He "drank balm tea at Treadwell's" on June 21)^** as he 

" The old dwelling west of the h:irdware store of Mr. John W. Goodhue. 

" See page T6 

"The Life and Works of John Adams, (Diary) II: 236, 240, 281, 337. 


journeyed to Falmouth, now Portland. Again on June 22, 
1771, he was at Court and spent a week. 

22. Saturday. Spent this week at Ipswich, in the usual 
labors and drudgery of attendance upon court Boarded 
at Treadwell's; have had no time to write. Landlord and 
landlady are some of the grandest people alive; landlady is 
the great granddaughter of Governor Endicott,^*^ and has all 
the great notions of high family that you find in Winslows, 
Hutchinsons, Quincys, Saltonstalls, Chandlers, Leonards, 
Otises and as you might find with more propriety in the 
Winthrops. Yet she is cautious and modest about discov- 
ering it. She is a new light ;^® continually canting and 
whining in a religious strain. The Governor was uncom- 
monly strict and devout, eminently so in his day; and his 
great, great granddaughter hopes to keep up the honor of 
the family in hers, and distinguish herself among her con- 
temporaries as much. 

"Terrible Things sin causes", sighs and groans, "the pangs 
of the new birth. The death of Christ shows above all 
things the heinous nature of sin ! How awfully Mr. Kent 
talks about death! how lightly and carelessly! I am sure 
a man of his years, who can talk so about death, must be 
brought to feel the pangs of the new birth here, or made to 
repent of it forever. PEow dreadful it seems to me to hear 
him, I that am so afraid of death, and so concerned lest I 
an't fit and prepared for it ! What a dreadful thing it was 
that Mr. Gridley died so! — ^too great, too big, too proud to 
learn anything: would not let any minister pray with him; 
said he knew more than they could tell him ; asked the news, 
and said he was going where he should hear no news" etc. 

Thus for landlady. As to landlord, he is as happy, and 
as big, as proud, as conceited as any nobleman in England ; 
always calm and good natured and lazy ; but the contempla- 
tion of his farm^® and his sons and his house and pastures 
and cows, his sound judgment, as he thinks, and his great 
holiness, as well as that of his wife, keep him as erect in his 

" Nathaniel Treadwell married 1st, Mercy Smith, Int May 29, 1725, who 
'^SLa the mother of all his children; 2nd, Hannah Endlcott, int. July 28. 1750. 
" The "New Ughts" wore the disciples of Whitefleld and Tennent. 
"• Jeffrey's Neck and the Way Thereto, pages 45-47. 


thoughts as a noble or a prince. Indeed, the more I con- 
sider of mankind, the more I see that every man seriously 
and in his conscience believes himself the wisest, brightest, 
best, happiest, etc of all mankind. 

I went this evening, spent an hour and took a pipe with 
Judge Trowbridge at his lodgings. ^^ 

Mr. Adams left Boston again on March 28***, 1774, and 
"rode with brother Josiah Quincy to Ipswich Court'V* ar- 
riving on Tuesday, 

.... put up at the old j)lace, Treadwell's. The old 
lady has got a new copy of her great grandfather. Governor 
Endicott's picture^^ hung up in the house. The old gen- 
tleman is afraid they will repeal the excise upon tea, and 
then that we shall have it plenty ; wishes ihey would double 
the duty, and then we should never have any more, 

Capt. Nathaniel Treadwell bequeathed his "tavern house" 
to his son Jacob, who continued the business. He enter- 
tained a distinguished company of French travellers, the 
Marquis de Chastellux and his friends in the year 1782. 
The Marquis was a member of the French Academy, and 
served as Major General in the allied army under Count 
de Rochambeau. Accompanied by the Baron de Talleyrand, 
Montesquieu and Vaudreuil, his brother officers, he made an 
extensive tour on horseback. On Nov. 13*"*, 1782, having 
been entertained in sumptuous fashion by Mr. John Tracy, 
a prosperous merchant of Newburyport, the Marquis resumed 
his journey. He noted the events of the day in his diarv. 

At the end of 12 miles is Ipswich, where we stopped 
to bait our horses, and were surprized to find a town be- 
tween Newbury and Salem, at least as populous as theses 

» Diary, p. 281. 

" Dtary* P- 837. 

*B The portrait of Gov. Endicott is now in the hall of the Bssex Institute, 
Salem, the gift of John White Treadwell, son of Jacob and grandson of 
Capt. Nathaniel.- 


two sea-ports, though indeed, much less opulent. But 
mounting an eminence near the tavern, I saw that Ipswich 
was also a sea-port. I was told however that the entrance 

was difficult Ipswich at present has but little trado 

and its fishery is also in the decline . . . .^' 

Xathaniel Treadwell, 3'\ "innkeeper'' bought a house and 
land from John Hodgkins, Jr. in 1806. He kept his tav- 
ern here until 1818, when he sold to Moses Treadwell, who 
continued the business. His most distinguished guests were 
General LaFavette and his suite, who were entertained 
several hours on Aug. 31, 1824, and left at ten o'clock at 
night for Xewburvport.^'* The tavern was owned later by 
Frederic Mitchell, William G. BroAvn and others, and in its 
enlarged and remodelled form serves the public still as the 
Agawam House. 

On the corner now occupied by the dwelling of Dr. Wil- 
liam E. Tucker, Increase How kept an inn for many years 
in the middle of the eighteenth century. His widow, Su- 
sanna, married Capt. John Smith in 1762 and kept an inn 
in the Andrew Burlev house on Green St.^^ The How 
tavern fell to his daughter, Susanna, who married as her 
third husband, Capt. Ttichard Homans of Marblehead in 
1776. Gen, Washington lunched here in 17S0.2« Major 
Joseph Swasey succeeded as innkeeper in 1702, and Samuel 
Smith was host in later years. Abner Day bought the house 
now owned by Mr. George H. Green, of the heirs of John 
Patch in 1814,^" and kept an inn, which was known later 
as the Franklin House, under the management of Capt. 

Samuel Dav. 


Thomas Staniford kept a public house and as he was a 
Selectman, it was a very natural thing that the honorable 

» Travels In North America, 1780. 1781, 1782, p. 213. 
2* FeU, History of Ipswich, p. 207. 

" Jeffrey's Neck and the Way Thereto, pages 42.43. 
-" Ipswich, in the Mass. Bay Colony, vol. I, page 476. 
^ Ipswich, in the Maf?s. Bay Colony, vol. I, page 478. 


Board of Selectmen, which inchuled Aficliael Farley, Elisha 

Brown, Jonathan Cogswell of the Chebacco Parish and John 

Hubbard of the Hamlet, should hold their meetings with their 

associate. An old bill reveals the mingling of business and 

pleasure by the fathers of the Town. 

Selectmen to Thos. Staniford Dr. 

lilarch 11, 1771, to flip 

March 11, 1771, to 2 dinners, 7s, 6d, flip 4s 6d 

April 1, 1771, to punch 

June 6, 1771, to punch 

July 1, 1771, to tody 

July 9, 1771, to punch 

Sept. 10, 1771, to 4 dinners at Ss, 2 bowls punch at 

Sept. 14, 1771, to punch 
Sept. 24, 1771, to pimch 
Sept, 31, 1771, to 5 dinners at 10s, punch, tody and 

Oct. 14, 1771, to 5 dinners at 10s, flip Os 
Oct. 16, 1771, to 5 dinners at 10s, flip 9s 
Oct. 18, 1771, to 5 dinners at Ss, flip 9s 
Oct. 22, 1771, to punch 9s, tody 10s, flip 7s Od 
Dec. 11, 1771, to 5 dinners at 10s, flip 25s 
l>ec. 12, 1771, to 2 dinners at 10s, flip 10s 
Dec 13, 1771, to 4 dinners at 10s, flip 153 
Dec. 14, 1771, to flip 

Dec. 25, 1771, to 5 dinners at 10s, flip 25s 
Jan. 13, 1772, to 5 dinners at 10s, flip 27s Gd 
Eeb. 6, 1772, to flip 
Feb. 18, 1772, to flip 20s, tody 2s fid 

Feb. 24, 1772, to flip 10s, tody 10s 

£ s 
















































The house now owned and occupied by Mr. Warren Boyn- 
ton was bought by Jeremiah Koss in 1809 and used by him 
as a tavern. The name "Ross's Tavern'' is still remem- 
bered. The Court Records contain the recommendation of 
Capt. Tristram Bro^vn and the ponderous oath which he took 
before entering upon his responsible office. 

We, the Subscribers, Selectmen of the Town of Ipswich, 
do approve of Capt. Tristram Brown as a retailer of Spirit- 
uous Liquors in said Town, for the year ensueing and we 
do hereby recommend the said Tristram as a person of sober 
life and conversation, suitably qualified and provided for 
the exercise of such an imployment and firmly attached to 
the Constitution and Laws of the Commonwealth, and we 
further certify that the circumstances requiring the licens- 
ing of the said Tristram have arisen since the usual time for 
granting licenses held by the Court of Sessions, and that 
the public good requires that the said Tristram should be 

John Choate 
Jabez Farlev 
Eben' Lord, Jr. 


I, Tristram Brown, do swear that I will bear true faith 
and allegiance to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and 
that I will to the utmost of my power defend the Consti- 
tution and Government thereof, against traitorous conspira- 
cies and all hostile and violent attempts whatsoever. 

Tristram Brown 

Sworn April 6, 1821. 

Similar licenses were recommended for John B. Lord and 
Ebenezer Caldwell, Jr. 

These Ipswich inns flourished for many years. From its 
central location in the County, Ipswich was made a shire 
town. The Supreme and Superior Courts, as well as the 
Probate Court, held their sessions here and there was a 
great number of judges, lawyers and their clients and jury 
men to be fed and lodged and many horses and carriages re- 


quired attention. Political conventions of both parties met 
here- Many came to record wills and deeds. Being on the 
high road between Boston and the East, a constant stream 
of travel passed through the town, and many travellers 
stopped for a meal or for a night's rest It was no small 
affair to minister to the needs of Sir William Phipps dash- 
ing along the road from Kittery to Boston in his gorgeous 
chariot, with its four horses, liveried driver and footmen, 
when he stopped for lunch, or for one of the Royal Governors 
travelling in equal state. Gov. Samuel Shute, "attended by 
some of the Chief Gentlemen, both of New Hampshire and 
this Province, set out from thence [Porstmouth] for Bos- 
ton & Lodged that Night at Col. John Appleton's of Ipswich, 
where he was very handsomely Entertain'd that Night & 
next Morning, as his Excellency had been at Dinner 
in going to New Hampshire on the Tuesday before."** 
Gov. Belcher dined at Col. Appleton's in March, and again 
in December 1733.*® Humbler lodgings at the public inns 
no doubt were provided for the coachmen and servants of 
these high dignitaries. 

Though the Eastern and Piscataqua Post was established 
prior to 1704, a post rider on horseback probably sufficed 
to carry the mail. The first public stage seems to have ap- 
peared in April, 1761, when Mr. Bartholomew Stavers ad- 
vertised his venture : 

For the Encouragement of Trade from Portsmouth to 


with two good horses well equipped will be ready by Monday, 
the 20*** instant, to start out from Mr. Stavers, innholder, 
at the Sign of the Earl of Halifax, in this town (Ports- 
mouth) to perform once a week, to lodge at Ipswich the 
same night, from thence through Medford to Charlestown 

" Boston News Letter, Oct. 15-22, 1716. 
• Pepperell Papers. 


ferry, to tarr^' at Cliarlestown till Thursday morning, so as 
to return to this town the next day, to set out again on the 
Monday following. It will be contrived to carry four per- 
sons besides the driver. 

In November, 1762, annoimcement was made that the 
"Stage Chaise will run, except in bad weather, through the 
winter." The fare from Portsmouth to Boston was $3. 
Travellers evidently appreciated the convenience and in May, 
1763, Bartholomew Stavers announced 

The Portsmouth Flying Stage Coach is now finished, 
which will carry six persons inside; runs with four or six 
horses .... goes through Newbury to Boston and will put 
up at good inns on the road where good entertainment and 
attendance are provided for the passengers in the coach. 

A few years later, the stage had passed into different 
hands or a competitor made his appearance. The Essex 
Gazette of Dec. 4th, 1770, has this advertisement: 

Benjamin Hart hereby acquaints the Public that he has 
left riding the single Horse Post between Boston and Ports- 
mouth and now conveys Passengers from Boston to any Town 
between it and Portsmouth .... in the same Post Stage, 
Curricle or Coach, lately improved by Mr. John Xoble. 

He announced that fresh horses would be kept at Ipswich 
and that the stage would reach Newbury the same night. 
Mr. J. S. Hart started from Portsmouth, each coach making 
a round trip every week. John Greenleaf announced in 
1776,^^ that he had provided himself with a genteel coach, 
to be used as a stage-coach between Portsmouth and Boston. 
Daniel Prince, Postrider to Portsmouth, informed the pub- 
lic in 1784 that he left Salem at 7 o'clock every Tuesday 
morning and reached Portsmouth the same day. "He car- 
ries bundles and transacts business with care & punctuality 

*' Boston Gazette, Dec. 30, 1776. 


and at reasonable rate."'^ ^Ir. Akerman succeeded Mr. 
Prince as Postrider and he announced on Sept. 21st, 1784, 
that by order of the Postmaster General, he would leave 
Boston every Tuesday and Portsmouth on Friday, and that 
a mail would leave Boston every Friday on the Portsmouth 
stage,®- Two Postriders made their weekly trips in Octo- 

Frequent allusion is made in letters and diaries of the 
period to the extreme discomfort of travellers in Winter, 
over the rough roads, chilled to the bone by the piercing 
winds, alighting at intervals for a hasty lunch and being 
roused before daylight at the wayside inn to resume the 
journey. Mid-summer brought experiences equally trying. 
On Monday, July 2, 1798, there was such excessive heat, that 

the four coach horses belonging to Mr. Greenleaf's stage 
coach, which started from Boston for Ipswich with the mail 
and passangers were so excessively hurt by the heat of the 
day that their lives or limbs are actually dispared of, and 
the four which started from Ipswich for Portsmouth, really 
died soon after their arrival in tov^Ti.'* 

But the constantly increasing population and the growth 
of business compelled travel and its volume increased by 
leaps and bounds, until in a single day in 1838, seventeen 
stage coaches and four post chaises passed through the Town. 
With the building of the railroad in 1839, this all ceased. 
The Courts were removed and the Registries of Probate and 
of Deeds. The highways were silent, travellers were few, 
and many a wayside inn closed its door. 

** Salem Gazette, June 29. 1784. 
» Salem Gazette, Sept. 21, 1784. 
» Salem Gazette, Oct 19, 1784. 
•• Sale;-n Gazette, Aug. 3. 1798. 

Laws, Couets and Judges. 

By Royal edict, after the accession of William and Mary 
to the English throne, Superior and Inferior Courts of Judi- 
cature were established and Courts of General Sessions. 
Each of these held a regular session in Ipswich and the 
quiet life of the ancient Town was greatly stirred by the 
coming of the Court, the assembling of jurors, and trial of 
oases of every sort, civil and criminal. 

The Superior Court, composed of a Chief and four 
Associate Justices, was the tribunal of final appeal. For 
many years, Samuel Sewall was one of the Judges at the 
Ipswich term and his Diary affords most entertaining 
glimpses of cases tried before him and a variety of inter- 
esting social episodes. 

He lodged at Sparks's on March 13, 1687-8 and on May 
21, 1695, at the widow Appleton's.^ 

May 24, Friday. Walk to Argilla and visit Madam 
Symonds,^ who sits up in her chair but is weakly. 

May 25 : In our way home divert to Col. Apleton's* who 
keeps house by reason of a Sore Leg. The day is very hot, 
which makes us almost faint by that time we reach Lewis's. 

He was at Ipswich again on Nov. 4, 1699 and makes his 

* Perhaps Mrs. Mary, widow of Samuel Appleton 3d, son of Capt John, 
who died Aug. 16, 1693. 

'Mrs. Rebecca, 3d wife and widow of Dep. Gov. Samuel Symonds, died 
July 21, 1695. 

" Col. Samuel Appleton at the Appleton farm. He died May 15, 1696. 



Capt.Apleton* of Ipswich dies. He was an Israelite in- 
deed, a great Ornament of that Church and Town, 

He invited the ministers to dine with him at Mr. Rogers's*^ 
on one occasion, and the venerable William Hubbard, Mr. 
Crerrish of Wenham, Mr. Payson of Rowley, Mr. Capen of 
Topsfield and Mr. Green were his guests. Governor Joseph 
Dudley came to Ipswich May 15, 1711 on his return from 

In the evening the Court waits on his Excellency at 
Madam Wainwright's. Went with Mr. Rogers to our Lodg- 
ing about Nine. 

Returning from his mother's funeral in Newbury, in mid- 
winter, 1700-1, where he spoke a tender and beautiful eulogy 
at her grave — "I could hardly speak for passion and tears," 
he says — ^he hurried to Ipswich and heard Mr. Rogers preach 
the lecture, which was the last sermon preached in the old 
meeting house. "Mr. Rogers prai'd for the prisoner of 
death, the Newbury woman, who was there in her chains." 

On July 15, 1701, he notes: 

To Ipswich: Try Esther Rogers. Jury next morning 
ask' advice, then after brought her in Guilty of murdering 
her Bastard daughter. July 17, Mr. Cooke pronounced the 
sentence. She hardly said a word. I told her God had 
put two children to her to nurse. Her mother did not 
serve her so. Esther was a great Saviour: she, a great de- 
strover. Said did not do this to insult over her but to make 


her sensible.® 

Sarah Pilsbury charged with murdering her young child, 
was tried and acquitted in May, 1706, and a third woman, 
Elizabeth Atwood, for a capital offence was condemned in 

• Capt. John Appleton, brother of Col. Samuel. 

' Rev. John "Rogers, son of President John Rogers. 

• The Court ordered the Sheriff to erect a gibbet at a place called Pin- 
gry's Plain, still known as the "Gallows L.ot." 


1720 and executed. Governor Shiite himself brought two 
suits which were argued before the Court in 1718 and both 
were decided against him. 

The lower Courts passed judgment upon all crimes and 
misdemeanors of a less serious nature, apportioned the Prov- 
ince tax, issued licenses for the sale of strong drink, and 
settled a multitude of civil cases. Their records reveal 
many secrets of the Past that were best forgotten, but many 
Iiav^e curious and abiding interest as illustrations of the 
common life of the times. 

The Court itself was of imposing size. The Court of 
General Sessions at Ipswich in March, 1699, was held by 
Justices William Brown, John Hathorne, Jonathan Corwin, 
Daniel Pierce, Dudley Bradstreet, John Higginson and John 
Appleton. Judge Appleton was of Ipswich, and also John 
Wainwright who did not sit at this session. In March, 
1718-19, sixteen of the Kings Justices were present includ- 
ing John Appleton, Daniel Epes, Symonds Epes, John Whip- 
ple, Daniel Rogers and John Wainwright, all of Ipswich. 

To meet the needs of Courts of such dignity, a Town-House, 
as it was called, was erected by the Town with the help of 
the County, in 1704. The vote adopted by the Towm speci- 
fied a building about 32 feet long, 28 feet wide and 18 or 
19 feet stud "with a flat roof raised about 5 foot" It was 
located on the grass plot in front of the ilethodist meeting 
house, close to a huge ledge that reached nearly to its eaves, 
which was blasted awav manv vears asro. A school room 
was provided in the lower story and the Court room occupied 
the upper floor. The King's arms were set up forthwith 
and the Court convened with becoming dignity. In Dec. 
1718, Major John Denison, the sheriff, presented his account 
of £9 paid for painting the King's arms for the Court House, 
which was regarded as an exorbitant charge by Abraham 
Francis, the workman who did it, and the Sheriff was in- 
structed not to pay so much unless he was forced. A steeple 


was added after a few years and changes in the interior 
were planned in ilarch, 1722. Col. John Appleton, Major 
John Whipple and John Wainwright, Esq. were appointed to 

view and consider whether y'' Court Chamber at Ipswich 
may be enlarged and made more convenient by removing y^ 
Judges seats or Benches as also by nmning y^ stairs into y* 
steeple part & taking down y^ Chamber Chimney & if they 
find it can be done conveniently y* they get it done as soon 
and as cheap as they can. 

The account, amoimting to £43-3-4 was allowed in August, 
1722, bv the thriftv Justices of the Court. 

Crimes of violence were dealt with severely. In 1697, 
Joseph Metcalf, indicted by the Grand jury, for "attempting 
to poison his wife, Rebecca, by putting rat's bane into her 
broth and rum and urging her to drink & eat of the same," 
was sentenced "to be severely whip* on his naked back 
this day after lecture, 3D lashes and give bonds for £100 
for gowl behaviour." Three midnight revellers, Robert 
Cross, John White and James Holmes, for assaulting and 
breaking open in a riotous manner, the house of Thomas 
Knowlton, Jr. were sentenced to pay a fine of £10 each or 
be whipped 20 stripes on the naked back. 

Where as great disorders. Inconveniences & mischiefs have 
been occasioned by reason of some persons not attending y* 
rules & directions of y® Laws of this Province for y* orderly 
consummation of marriages, 

the Court declared its purpose in 1700 to prosecute at 
once "all such as have or shall presume to marry persons 
contrary to said Act." Whereupon John Appleton, the 
County Treasurer, made complaint against the Rev. John 
Emerson, minister of Gloucester, for marrying Beamsley 
Perkins and Hannah Glasier, both of I])8wich, in the year 
1697, contrary to the law regarding publishment. He was 


sentenced by the Salem Court to pay a fine of £50 and be 
"forever hereafter disabled to joyn persons in marriage." 
He appealed to the Superior Court, but died before the case 
was settled. More mortifying still to the sensibilities of 
the Ipswich folk, was the complaint which Mr. Appleton 
brought against the venerable Pastor of the Ipswich church, 
Rev. William Hubbard, the historian of his time, in the 
Ipswich Court, for marrying Thomas Larcum and Abigail 
Woodberry, both of Beverly, in February, 1699-1700, with- 
out proper publishment, but he was sentenced to pay the 
same penalty. The Court sentenced Humphrey Clark, an 
Ipswich soldier, who had deserted from Capt. Heath's com- 
pany, the garrison at York, in May, 1704, "to sit upon 
the gallows in Ipswich with a rope about his neck, the other 
end thrown over the gallows for the space of one hour on 
the 8*^ of June next, at 4 o'clock, also to suffer three months 
imprisonment and pay the costs of prosecution." 

The Sabbath day was guarded watchfully. Joseph Bishop 
of Beverly was fined 5 shillings and costs in 1698 for speak- 
ing profane words on the Sacrament day; and Ebenezer 
Stewart of Newbury, for scoffing at the Lord's supper on 
the Lord's day, was sentenced to be whipped ten stripes on 
his naked back and pay costs or pay 40 shillings fine and 
costs. John West, an Ipswich farmer, was summoned into 
Court to answer to the charge of being six weeks wilfully 
absent from the public worship of God in 1730. He made 
an effective plea that he was deaf and very infirm and was 
discharged. Old Zaccheus Newmarch, charged with the 
same offence, pleaded that he was old and not well able to 
travel and that he was of the Church of England and went 
to church at J^'ewbury when the weather and ways were 
suitable. He too was dismissed on payment of costs. Wil- 
liam Bennett of Rowley received less favor at the Ipswich 
Court in March, 1732. He was sentenced to pay a fine of 
twenty shillings or "sit in the stocks from half an hour 


after four on Thursday next, till six and pay costs." Rich- 
ard Stevens excused his absence from the Ipswich church in 
1734 by his lack of proper winter clothing and was dis- 
missed, but Israel Tucker and Elizabeth Hart, wife of 
ITathaniel Hart, the cooper, could give no suflScient reason 
and were fined twenty shillings. 

Sunday travelling was severely frowned upon. Mr. 
Henry Sharp of Salem was arraigned in Dec., 1701 for 
sending or suffering his calash to go out of town and return, 
but he proved that it was necessary to carry Mr. Buckley 
newly arrived from sea, very sick and since dead, who was 
able to get no farther than Lynn. 

On a November Sunday, in 1745, Joseph Hidden of New- 
bury with six other men and Elizabeth Bailey, appeared 
to answer to the charge of Sabbath breaking. With unusual 
discrimination, the Jury found in the case of Hidden, that 
on November 11^ he was a member of the church in New- 
bury and usually attended there, but that "on the morning 
of that day he travelled to Ipswich with an Intent to attend 
the public worship of God there and did it accordingly. If 
this be a breach of the Law of the Province, we find the 
said Joseph guilty, otherwise, not guilty." The Court de- 
cided that his action was not a breach of the law. John 
Appleton, Jr., yeoman, paid a fine of twelve shillings and 
costs inl785 for imnecessary working on the Lord's day. 

In January, 1761, the Province Laws regarding the ob- 
servance of the Lord's Dav were amended, as former laws 
'Tiave not been duly executed and notwithstanding the pious 
intention of the legislators, the Lord's Day hath been greatly 
and frequently prophaned." It was therefore enacted 

That no person whatsoever shall keep open their shops, 
warehouses or work houses, nor shall, upon the land or water, 
do in exercise any labour, business or work of their ordi- 
nary calling nor any sport game, play or recreation on the 


Lord's Day, (works of necessity and charity only excepted), 
upon pain of forfeiting not less than ten nor more than twenty 

That no traveler, drover, horse-coarser, waggoner, butcher, 
higler or any of their servants, shall travel on the Lord's 
Day or any part thereof — except by some adversity they 
shall have been belated and forced to lodge in the woods, 
wilderness or highways, the night before (and in such case 
it shall 1x3 lawful to travel no further, on the Lord's day, 
than to the next inn or house for entertainment of travellers.) 

Vintners, retailers of strong liquors, innholders or any 
one keeping a house of public entertainment were forbidden 
to entertain any of the inhabitants of the several towns or 
allow them to si)end their time about their premises in drink- 
ing or idling. It was enacted as well, 

That if any person or persons shall be recreating, disport- 
ing or unnecessarily walking or loitering or if any persons 
shall unnocossarilv fi.'^semblc themselves in any of the streets, 
lanes, wharves, highways, commons, fields, pastures or or- 
chards, he shall pay a fine of five shillings. 

If any person, being able of body, and not otherwise nec- 
essarily ])re vented, shall, for the space of one month together, 
absent themselves from the publick worship of God on the 
Lord's Da}^ they shall forfeit and pay the sum of ten shil- 

That no sexton, grave-digger, porter or bearer shall be 
assisting at the funeral of any person on the Lord's Day, 
or any part thereof, and no person shall toll any bell for 
such funeral, unless license be given by a justice of peace, 
on penalty of twenty shillings. 

"Inasmuch as many persons are of the opinion that the 
Sal)l)ath or time of religious rest begins on Saturday even- 
ing," it was further enacted under penalty of ten shillings. 

That no ])erson shall keep open any shop .... or hawk 
or vsell any provisions or wares in the streets or lanes of any 
town or district, or be present at any concert of musick, 


dancing or other public diversion on the evening next pre- 
ceding the Lord's Day. 

Innholders were bound to the same restrictions as on the 

To secure the enforcement of these laws it was enacted 
that wardens should be chosen in every community, "being 
of good substance and of sober life and conversation," who 
were authorized to enter inns, or challenge any persons on 
the highways and report the names of all offenders to a 
justice of the peace or the grand jury. 

Ministers' salaries were greatly curtailed, when paid in 
depreciated currency, and Rev, John Wise sought relief from 
the Ipswich Court in 1722. The Court recognized the 
justice of his complaint, declared that he ought to be paid 
in the lawful money of New England instead of bills of 
credit but dismissed the suit, with a recommendation to the 
Committee of the Parish to compose the matter. Rev. John 
Rogers of Boxford received judgment in 1748 against his 
parish. Opposition to the ministry in Chebacco culminated 
on March 11, 1744, when Daniel Giddings, Thomas Cheat 
and James Eveleth "by loudly speaking to and opposing 
the Rev. Mr. Theophilus Pickering, tainting his doctrine 
he then preached, did greatly interrupt and obstruct the 
celebration of the public worship of Grod."'' They were 
arraigned in Court but were cleared by the verdict of the 

Theft was a serious matter to the thief when apprehended, 
and particular severity was meted out to colored thieves. 
Dick Singer, a young negro, who lately belonged to Mrs. 
Haskit of Salem and had already been sentenced to be 
branded in the forehead with the letter B, being found 
guilty of fresh burglaries in Aug. 1710, the Court ordered 
that the person to whom treble damage was due under the 

' The church was divided by the withdrawal of those friendly to the 
revival movement of Whltefleld and Tennent. 


law should dispose of the offender to any of her Majesty's 
subjects "for y* Term of his natural life and to return the 
overplus if any, to this Court." 

Major Epes had a mulatto slave, William Smith by name, 
notorious for his thieving. He escaped and fled from the 
neighborhood but the widow Martha Holms was indicted 
for receiving the plundered goods, "well knowing they were 
stolen," and sentence was passed, that she "be whipt 15 
stripes on y* naked back severely laid on & pay treble damages 
to owners of goods." 

Caesar, alias Aimiball, a mulatto man of Ipswich, laborer, 
on March 20***, 1737, with force & arms entered the fulling 
mill of Caleb Warner in Ipswich. He stole a piece of all 
woolen cloth of brownish color, about 13 yards, valued at 
£8. The sentence was that he pay £24 damage and be 
whipped 10 stripes on his naked back at the public whipping 
post. He stole also 8 yards of bluish drugget cloth valued 
at £5, for which the penalty was £15 and 10 stripes. As 
he was unable to pay, the Court ordered that Warner may 
sell him to any suitable person for six years. 

Two negro slaves were convicted of poisoning their master, 
Captain Codman of Cambridge. Sentence was passed upon 
them in August, 1755. The Boston Gazette noted the judg- 
ment of the Court 

That Mark be drawn to the place of execution and hanged 
by the Neck until dead. That PhiUis be drawn to the Place 
of Execution and be burnt to Death, which the Chief Justice, 
after having made an excellent Speech, pronounced in a most 
solemn and affecting manner, [although the Execution must 
be shocking, 'tis not doubted but the Sheriff may supply 
himself with an Executioner of the Law without going out 
of the County]. 

An executor of the dreadful sentence was duly foxmd and 
"the greatest number of Spectators ever known on such an 
occasion" witnessed the grim spectacle. 


Changes came to the Court as ^e years passed away. 
Peculiar pathos attaches to the death of Daniel Rogers. 
He was the son of President John Eogers of Harvard and 
Elizabeth, daughter of Gen. Daniel Denison, and brother in 
law of his associate on the bench, John Appleton, who mar- 
ried his sister, Elizabeth. He was graduated from Harvard 
in 1686 in his nineteenth year and became the teacher of 
the Grammar School. He presented a certificate of appro- 
bation signed by Rev. William Hubbard, Rev. John Rogers, 
his brother, and Rev. Joseph Qerrish to the Court at Ipswich 
in March, 1702 and was admitted to practice law. Return- 
ing from Hampton on the first day of December, 1722, he 
missed his way in Salisbury, took a wrong path that led 
into Salisbury marshes, where he was bewildered and lost. 
He called twice at the nearest house, explaining that he was 
bewildered and praying for help and guidance that he might 
reach the ferry over the Merrimac. His body was found 
some days later. 

His gravestone stands in the old burying ground, its in- 
scription now scarcely legible. 

Here Lyes Buried 

ye body of 

Daniel Rogers, EsqV. 

who DecM December ye Ist 

1722. AEtatis 56. 

Turbidus ad Laetos Solari Lumine Portus 
SoUicitos Nautas per mare fert Aquilo : 

Me Borealis Agens Nilidum super AEtheris Axem 
Justitiae Solis Luce beavit Hvems. 

It may be translated freely : 

The stormy North wind drives the anxious sailors over the 
sea to the harbors rejoicing in the sim light. 

The Xorthem Winter, bearing me above the blasts, hns 
blessed [me] with the light of the Sun of Ri^teousness. 


Col. John Appleton, son of Capt John Appleton and grand- 
son of Samuel, the immigrant, built about 1710 the house 
on the corner of Market and Central Streets, now owned by 
Mr. Moritz B. Philipp. Here he made his home for the 
rest of his life. He represented the Tovm in Gteneral Court 
in 1697, was a member of the Council from 1698 to 1723, 
commanded a regiment in the expedition against Port Royal 
in 1707. After many years of service as Judge of the Court 
of Common Pleas, he was removed from the bench in 1732 
by Governor Belcher on the ground of his age, as he was 
then eighty, but was made Judge of Probate in the follow- 
ing year and survived until 1739. His death was the oc- 
casion of many eulogies and sermons- 
Col. John Wainwright, bom in 1691 and a Harvard 
graduate, in the class of 1709, after eight years service as 
Clerk of the House, became a Justice of the Court and Com- 
mon Pleas. He died on Sept 1, 1739. 

Thomas Berry, Physician, Colonel in the militia, a Har- 
vard graduate in 1712, Judge of Probate as well as a Justice 
of the Common Pleas Court, continued on the bench for 
many years. He died on Aug. 10, 1756. Col. John Choate, 
Representative to Greneral Court for fifteen years between 
1730 and 1761, and a member of the Executive Council from 
1761 to 1765, was also Justice of the Court of Sessions and 
the Court of Common Pleas and was Chief Justice for the 
last ten years of his life. Col. Daniel Appleton, son of Col. 
John, and Dr. Samuel Rogers were also Justices of the Court 
of Sessions. 

As the century drew to its close, cases of a new sort ap- 
peared, incident to the Revolutionary War. The Rev. 
Joshua Wingate Weeks of Marblehead was complained of 
by that Town "as being inimical" in October, 1777. The 
verdict of the jury was that he was "not a person so inimical 
to this the united States that his residence is dangerous to 
the public peace and safety", and the counsel for ihe Town 


said that he would not carry the case farther. The Ipswich 
Court of March 28, 1780, tried the case of Jonathan Tyler 
of Boxford, yeoman, charged with purchasing 4000 lbs. of 
salted pork. The Jury found him guilty of purchasing the 
pork at a cost of £600, in violation of a law of this State 
entitled '*An Act against Monopoly and Oppression". He 
was sentenced to pay a fine of £3000, five times the value 
of the pork, one half to go to the prosecutor and the other 
to the Town of Methuen, where the offence was committed. 
The costs, amounting to £185-17- 8, were added to the fine. 

The Supreme Court, constituted late in the century, held 
an annual session in Ipswich in April of each year. The 
famous trial of Pomp, the Andover negro, for killing Charles 
Furbush on Feb. 10^, 1795, occurred in June 1795. He 
had been confined in Ipswich jail since Feb. 12, and after 
sentence of death had been passed, he was held in jail until 
the day of his execution, when he was taken to the 
"Gallowes field", on the comer of the Rowley Road and 
Mile Lane, and there hanged. The sentences were notably 
severe at this period. John Williams, convicted at the Ips- 
wich session in June, 1799, of a felonious assault at night, 
was sentenced to "sit on the gallows one hour with rope 
around his neck and one end thereof cast over the gallows 
and publicly whipped on his naked back 20 stripes and 
pay costs." 

Stephen Sessions of Boxford convicted of theft, was sen- 
tenced to pay to the injured party $15.40 "which with the 
goods returned is treble damages. If he does not pay in 
30 days, Davis may dispose of him in service to any person 
for 3 months." An Ipswich shoemaker was arraigned in 
April, 1801, charged with the serious offence that 

being a person of immoral, profane and irreligious life 
and conversation (he) did wilfully blaspheme the holy name 
of God by contumeliously reproaching Jesus Christ, viz. by 
speaking and uttering the following profane and blasphe- 


mous words viz. "I am Christ Jesus crucified," to tte great 
dishonor of morality and religion, to the disgrace and de- 
struction of good morals and good manners against the peace 
and contrary to the form of the Statute in that case made 
and provided. 

For this he was sentenced to six months imprisonment 
and for assaults on three diflFerent men, fines were imposed. 

Cato Haskell, a negro, for an imnatural crime, had to 
sit in the pillory for an hour, pay costs and s^)eiid 3 months 
in prison. Ichabod Paine of Ipswich had in his possession 
a counterfeit ten dollar bill of the Farmers' Exchange Bank 
and was sentenced to the State Prison, five days solitary 
confinement and six months at hard labor. John Williams 
stole five pair of shoes, valued at $5 from the shop of Joseph 
Hodgkins, Esq., in 1808. His sentence was solitary im- 
prisonment for two months, followed by bard labor for two 
jears in the State Prison. The theft of three silver watches 
sent Edmund Patrick to prison, twenty days solitary confine- 
ment and a vear of hard labor. 

John Bates stole two silver teaspoons valued at $2, from 
the house of Nathaniel Rust and was sentenced to solitary 
imprisonment thirty days and a year of hard labor. "Sally" 
Choate, as she was familiarly kno^\^l, kept a shop, probably 
in her dwelling, still standing on the turn of the road, oppo- 
site Mr. Clark Abell's. John and Charles Whitehouse broke 
in and stole fifteen yards of bed ticking valued at $8. They 
were sentenced to hard labor in the State Prison for three 
years, the first fifteen days solitary. Stephen Merrill Clark 
of Newburyport, not yet twenty-one years old, convicted of 
setting fire to a building was sentenced to be hanged at 
Salem in October, 1820. 

From time to time the most eminent lawyers appeared 
as counsel in the Ipswich Court. Once at least, Daniel 
Webster conducted a case and addressed the jury with mar- 
vellous power. The late Peter Harvey used to tell the story 


with great zest.® One Friday afternoon in the year 1817, 
three men called on Mr. Webster at his Boston office. Over- 
whelmed with fatigue from his Congressional duties, he was 
on the point of slipping away for a fortnight's fishing and 
gunning, and he had detsrmined to refuse any demand upon 
his services. His visitors proved to be friends and neighbors 
of Levi and Laban Kenniston, accused of robbing a certain 
Major Goodridge on the highway, whose trial would take place 
at Ipswich the next day. They desired him to undertake 
the defence, saying that no member of the Essex bar would 
act on their behalf. Mr. Webster refused point blank on 
the ground of his fatigue and declared that no fee could 
tempt him to forego his vacation trip. "Well", was the re- 
ply of one of the delegation, "it isnH the fee that we think 
of at all, though we are willing to pay what you may charge ; 
but its justice. Here are two New Hampshire men who 
are believed in Exeter and Newbury and Newburyport and 
Salem to be rascals ; but we in Newmarket believe, in spite 
of all evidence against them, that they are the victims of 

some conspiracy We suppose that men whom we 

know to have been honest all their lives canH have become 
such desperate rogues all of a sudden." "But I cannot take 
the case", persisted Mr. Webster, "I am worn to death with 
overwork, I have not had any real sleep for forty-eight hours. 
Besides I know nothing of the case." .... "But you're a 
New Hampshire man," he continued, "and the neighbors 
thought that you would not allow two innocent New Hamp- 
shire men however humble they may be in their circum- 
stances, to suffer for lack of your skill in exposing the wiles 
of this scoundrel Goodridge. The neighbors all desire you 
to take the case." 

Their simple plea carried him back to his coimtry home, 
and the kindly offices of the neighbors in every time of sick- 

•The speeches and Orations of Daniel Webster with an Introductory 
Essay by Edwin P. Whipple, page XV. 


ness or trouble he had known so often in his boyhood, "Oh ! 
said he, ruefully, "if the neighbors think I may be of ser- 
vice, of course I must go" and with his three companic»is, 
he was soon seated in the stage for Ipswich, where he ar- 
rived about midnight. The court met the next morning 
and his management of the case is still considered one of 
his masterpieces of legal acumen and eloquence. 

Circumstantial evidence seemed to settle the guilt of his 
clients beyond question. N"o respectable lawyer would risk 
his own reputation in their defence. No motive could be 
imagined, which should prompt Goodridge to wound and rob 
himself. But Mr. Webster after a cross-examination of the 
accuser, which rivalled the tortures of the Inquisition, turned 
to the jury. Addressing them familiarly in simple language, 
as though he were discussing the case at one of their own 
firesides, he assailed the argument for the prosecution, and 
appealed to the jury to say under their oaths, whether such 
inconsistencies and improbabilities should have any weight, 
"It is for the jury to say", he repeated after every period 
and when the case was given to them, they said, "Not guilty." 
Not only were the Kennistons vindicated but the public 
which almost unanimously had denounced them as villains, 
deserving the severest punishment, soon recognized their inno- 

Goodridge disappeared soon after the trial. Some twenty 
years after, Mr. Webster while travelling in western New 
York stopped at a village tavern for a glass of water. The 
hand of the man behind the bar who gave it to him, trembled 
violently. Mr. Webster, looking him steadily in the eye, 
recognized Goodridge and it was evident that Goodridge knew 

Eight years after this famous trial, in April, 1825, another 
case came before the Court, of especial significance. The 
facts were very commonplace. Mine host, Samuel Smith, 
innkeeper of the famous old tavern, which is identical in 


part, with the present residence of Dr. William E. Tucker, 
had a bay mare, which had been hired by Mr. John 0. 
Kimball, the cooper, to take a load of cider barrels to Salem. 
Mr. Ammi Smith, who owned the old Massachusetts Woolen 
Factory, where Caldwell's Block now stands, had obstructed 
the highway, as it was claimed, with three cords of wood. 
The loaded wagon struck the wood, and an empty cider barrel 
fell on the mare and made her lame for five months. The 
case had been tried in the Court of Common Pleas, the coim- 
sel for Mr. Smith being Rufus Choate, then a young fledg- 
ling of a lawyer. He secured a verdict for his client and 
Mr. Smith recovered the cost of the suit, "taxed at $3.48." 
Mr. Smith appealed to the Supreme Court, Mr. Choate ap- 
pearing again and Asa Andrews, Esq. and John Pickering 
for the prosecution. The verdict was sustained and Mr. 
Smith recovered $32.79, the costs of the suit In November 
of the same year, 1825, Eufus Choate, Esq., bringing a cer- 
tificate of his liberal education and legal studies, which 
a£Srmed that he had practised law for two years "with fi- 
delity and ability," was admitted to practise as an attorney 
before the Supreme Court. 

For years afterwards, the sitting of the Court in Ipswich 
was a great event, for the reputation of the young advocate 
grew rapidly and he was frequently present Remembrance 
of his coal black hair, his piercing eye, and persuasive elo- 
quence still lingers. In the Spring session of 1829, he ap- 
peared as counsel in three suits and won his case in every 
instance. In one of these, Xicholas Woodberry of Hamil- 
ton, appellant versus Joseph Patch of Hamilton, who charged 
him with burning a school house, Asahel Huntington was 
associate counsel with Mr. Choate and Leverett Saltonstall 
and Ebenezer Shillaber appeared for the defence. The plain- 
tiff secured the verdict: "$250 damage for defaming good 
name and costs of suit, $167.81." 

Other famous advocates came and went Caleb Cashing 


was counsel in an action for debt in April, 1826. Asa 
Andrews, Esq., the Ipswich attorney, was a familiar figure. 

Many weighty cases were ai^ed but the greater part were 
of small account They are interesting to the student of 
history, chiefly from the extreme severity of the sentences 
imposed and their striking inequality. 

In 1824, Charles Farrars of Salem, convicted of stealing 
eight herrings, six crackers and a junk of tobacco valued 
at twenty cents, was sentenced to six days solitary confine- 
ment and six months hard labor ; and on a second charge of 
stealing fifty cents worth of nails and a gimlet, etc worth 
thirty cents, a similar sentence was imposed, to be suffered 
after the expiration of the first John Jones of Essex broke 
into the shop of George W. Heard one night in 1826, forced 
open a desk and stole a spy glass and some bank bills. He 
was sentenced to six days solitary confinement and eighteen 
months hard labor in the State prison. For stealing one 
silver tablespoon, valued at three dollars from the house of 
Henry Russell, William Morison was sentenced to six days 
solitary and a year of hard labor. John Emerson's theft of 
articles of clothing from William Lakeman cost him a day 
solitary and eighteen months' imprisonment 

From time to time, a note of alarm was sounded, indicat- 
ing that projects for the removal of the Courts from Ipswich 
were being considered. The Town Meeting on Dec. 24***, 
1782 adopted a minute; That the Law Courts should be 
held in the same places as "most conducive to the peace and 
quiet of the County of Essex." In Sept, 1783, the towns 
of Newbury and Araesbury having petitioned the General 
Court that the Courts of Law and Offices of Registry of 
Deeds and of Probate and Clerk of the Court of Common 
Pleas and Sessions for the County of Essex may be held 
and kept for the future in Ipswich, the order of the Court 
thereon was read in Town Meeting and the Town voted 
"That the Town is in favor," and also "That the Town will 

Ulwb, ooitbts and judges. 107 

not be wanting in Iheir Endeavors for the convenient accom- 
modation of said Courts." The sincerity of the Ipswich 
X>eople was further manifested in the building of a new Town 
House and Court House jointly with the County in 1793, on 
the same spot occupied by the old building, built in 1704. 

In Ifovember, 1808, a remonstrance to the General Court 
aficainst the proposed removal of the Supreme Court from 
Ipswich and Newburyport wm drawn up. It affirmed that 
one term of the Supreme and two terms of Common Pleas 
Had been held for a long time here, and that lately the Legis- 
lature had established the whole of the Courts of Sessions 
at Ipswich; also that monthly and regular Probate Courts 
have always been and now are, and that the Town had lately 
built a Court House and that chimneys had been erected in 
said house and a stone jail had been built lately at a cost 
of $27,000. As other towns grew into cities and Ipswich 
fell into a steady decline, the pressure upon the General 
Court to remove the Courts from Ipswich to larger centers 
of population grew more and more insistent. It was pro- 
posed in 1848 that the Court of Common Pleas should be 
removed to Haverhill and Lawrence and Charles Kimball 
and Greorge Haskell were appointed a Committee to oppose 
this plan. For a time the Town succeeded in its opposition 
but the removal was soon again in debate. The Town re- 
newed its remonstrance in February, 1854, but in June of 
that year, the Court of Common Pleas sat for the last time. 
The Court house was removed to the corner now occupied 
bv the Damon Block and was destroyed by fire in 1894. 
The bell used by the Court Crier proclaiming with his Oyez, 
Oyez, the coming of the Court, and two large lustre pitchers 
which adorned the Bar, the only reminders of the ancient 
glory of the Ipswich Court which survive, are now in the 
cabinet of the Ipswich Historical Society. 

The R^stry of Deeds and of Probate was continued in 
Ipswich for many years later. From the earliest times, 


Ipswich had supplied the Justices of Prohate and the Regis- 
ters- Robert Lord, the first Clerk of the old Quarter Ses- 
sions Court, served from 1648 to 1683, and Col. Thomas 
Wade, the second clerk of writs, held his office from 1684 
to 1696. Mention has already been made of the long and 
useful services of Col. John Appleton, Col. Thomas Berry and 
Col. John Choate. 

Daniel Rogers, whose tragic death has been described, was 
Register of Probate as well as Judge of the Court of Common 
Pleas, serving from October 23, 1702 until his death, De^ 
cember 1, 1722. 

Col. Daniel Appleton succeeded. He was son of Judge 
John Appleton and brother-in-law of Judge Thomas Berry. 
His term of service covered nearly forty years, from January 
9, 1723 to August 17, 1762, the date of his death. He too, 
combined with this, the dignity of a Justice of the Court of 
Sessions. Dr. Samuel Rogers succeeded in the office of Reg- 
ister and continued in office the rest of his life, from August 
26, 1762 to Dec. 21, 1772. He was the son of Rev. John 
Rogers and grandson of President John of Harvard. A 
Harvard graduate of 1725, he served the Town and Colony 
in many positions of honor and usefulness, as physician, 
Town clerk. Colonel of a regiment. Justice of the Court of 
Sessions and Representative to the G^eneral Court 

For another forty years, Daniel Noyes was the Register. 
He was a Harvard graduate in the class of 1758, and taught 
the Grammar School from 1762 to 1774. In that year he 
was a delegate to the Congress of the United Colonies, and 
in 1775 he became Postmaster, succeeding Deacon James 
Foster, the first Postmaster of the Town. He was appointed 
Register of Probate on Sept. 29, 1776 and held the office 
until his death, March 21, 1815. He owned and occupied 
the house on the comer of Market and County Streets, now 
owned by Mr. M. B. Philipp, which had been the home of 
Judge John Appleton and his son Daniel Appleton. 


The next Register was Nathaniel Lord, 3**, "Squire Lord" 
as he was familiarly known, who had been Clerk to Mr. 
Noyes. He was graduated from Harvard in 1798. Coming 
to the office of Register with the experience gained as Clerk, 
it is said that he performed his duties with such orderliness 
and neatness and originality of method, that the Registry 
became a model office. His term extended from May 29, 
1S15 to 1851. During his term of office, the Probate 
Court and Registry attained the dignity of a building, 
erected for its own use. For many years, the valuable 
records had been kept probably in the dwelling of the Regis- 
ter, but a room was fitted up in the new Court house in 1798 
for the accommodation of the Probate office and the safeguard- 
ing of the books of the Registry. In the year 1817, the 
County erected a brick building forty feet long, twenty-eight 
feet wide and one story high, which was occupied December 
15, 1817 and at last the Records were deposited in a secure 

Mr. Lord's three sons all entered the legal profession. 
Otis P. became an eminent Justice of the Supreme Court, 
Nathaniel J. attained high rank and George R. succeeded 
his father as Register. In the year 1852, the Regis- 
try and its Records were removed to Salem and Mr. 
George R. Lord, having removed to Salem, became Assis- 
tant Clerk of Courts, holding the office until his death. 
True to the family tradition, his son George R. Lord has 
filled a responsible office in the Clerk of Courts for many 

The Probate Court continued to sit semi-annually until 
September 15, 1874, holding its sessions in the Town Hall. 
During the War of the Rebellion, the vacant Probate build- 
ing was occupied as the barracks of a military company re- 
cruited here by Capt. John A. Hobbs. It was sold to the 
Lodge of Odd Fellows, December 26, 1867 and was enlarged 
by the building of an addition on the western end and the 
addition of a second story. 


Division in the Pabish I 



The Hamlet — LinebrooJc — The Great AwaJeening — The 

South Parish 

The ministerial salary occasioned difficulties of a very 
serious nature. All the inhabitants were assessed the min- 
isterial rates. Many f amilies, however, who dwelt in remote 
districts, worshipped regularly with the congregations in 
neighboring towns near their homes and contributed to the 
support of these churches. This caused a double burden, 
from which very naturally they sought relief. The Chebacco 
Parish had been established by vote of the Town on Febru- 
ary 15, 1680 and since that time, the residents in that section 
had supported their own minister, and had been relieved 
of any obligation to the old parish. 

Forty families of the Hamlet, including sixty-five men, 
addressed a lengthy petition to the Town on May 1**, 1712, 
praying that they may be allowed to build a meeting house 
and be set off as a separate precinct. They affirmed that the 
Ipswich meeting house was too far removed, and that they 
worshipped regularly and with greater convenience with 
the church in Wenham. But this meeting house was over- 
crowded, and some other provision was necessary. 

The Town voted to allow the petition on May 22, 1712, 
if a meeting house be erected and an orthodox minister be 
called to the pastorate. The boundaries of the new precinct 
were also defined. But this vote did not exempt the Hamlet 
people from their regular ministerial rate to Ipswich and 



the vote of the Town declared that such payment was neces- 

It will be considered that we have two ministers to main- 
tain, whose salaries must not be diminished and as there have 
been two ministers here maintained from the foundation of 
the world, so we hope there will continue to be to the end 

of the world If it should ever be otherwise, it will 

be a shameful degeneracy from the piety of our ancestors. 

The Hamlet people petitioned the General Court to be 
set off as a separate precinct, and their request was granted 
on October 14, 1713. But the Ipswich people were not 
disposed to assent to complete separation. The Town voted 
on December 3** : 

In consideration of the expense of building the meeting 
house at the Hamlet, all in that precinct be relieved of min- 
ister's rate in Ipswich for that year. 

and on April 8, 1714: 

That our friends in the Hamlet be freed from charge about 
y* repairing our meeting house, sweeping sd house & ringing 

In the following year, another petition was addressed to 
the General Court, and on June 7, 1715, the Town voted 

That Col. Samuel Appleton, Esq., Nehemiah Jewett, Esq. 
or either of them Represent y* Town of Ipswich & attend 
upon y* Gten" Court to make answer to y* Petition y* our 
Neighbors in y* new precinct called y* Hamlett hath made 
to y* said Gen" Court for y* adding some more Inhabitants 
to y' precinct. 

Some spirited passages followed between the contending 
parties, but in the course of a few months, the families were 
definitely apportioned and the new Parish began its inde- 
pendent career with the erection of its meeting house and 
settling Rev. Samuel Wigglesworth as Pastor. 


This did not involve a territorial division however. The 
Hamlet precinct was not incorporated as a separate town un- 
til June 21, 1793, when the name Hamilton was chosen hy 
Dr. Manasseh Cutler because of his admiration for Alexan- 
der Hamilton. 

Encouraged by the success of the Hamlet petitioners, a 
group of families living in the district now known as Line- 
brook made their petition in 1714, and on April 8, the Town 
voted : 

That y*^ severall persons hereafter named, who petitioned 
y** Town for Ease of y"^ Taxes of y* Ministers rate (by reason 
of y* distance) be abated their head or Poll money in y* Tax, 

Abram How Sam" Potter 

Sam" Perley Thom. Potter 

Jn® Perley Stephen Perly 

Neh. Abbott Caleb Foster * 

Isaac Foster Jn® Lampson 

Abram Foster Daniel Foster 

Jacob Foster Isaac Cummings 

Abram How, Jun'. Abijah How 

Xehemiah Abbott, John Lampson and some others peti- 
tioned in June, 1729 that they, with their families and 
lands might be set off to Topsfield. This was referred to a 
Committee, which reported that as their taxes had already 
been remitted by the First Parish to those who went to Tops- 
tield, the petition should be refused, and it was so voted. 

Four years later, the men of the neigl;iborhood again pre- 
sented their grievances, but now addressed the Parish. 

March the 21"*, 1733-4. 
To the First Parish in Ipswich now assembled. 

Gentlemen. Greeting. We, the Subscribers, Humbly 
shew that whereas the Scitnation of our habitation is such 
that we Should Labour under great Difficulty in attending 


Divine service where we properly belong, It being six miles 
therefrom in General And that it is short of Three miles in 
General to Topsfield where we Constantly attend the pub- 
lick Worship of Qod. Therefore we pray that you would 
take our Great Difficulty into your Compassionate Consid- 
eration and abate to us and our Heirs the one half of our 
parish rate in Ipswich so Long as we shall attend Divine 
service in Topsfield that so we may be the better Enabled 
to pay where we hear, and in so doing you will oblige your 
Humble petitioners. 

Abraham Foster John Neland 

liOtt Conant Abr*" Foster, Jun. 

Abraham How John Hewlett 

Caleb Foster John Lampson, Jun. 

Samuel Parley Deborah Parley 

Thomas Potter John Lampson 

Isaac Cummings, Jr. John Abbot 

INehemiah Abbott Jonathan Perley 

Samuel Potter Jonathan Foster 

Mark How Joseph Cummings 

The Parish granted their petition, March 21"*, 1738. 
StiU they were not content and Lett Conant and his neigh- 
bors addressed another petition to the Town at the March 
meeting in 1736. Whereupon the Town refused their speci- 
fic request but made a considerable compromise : 

Voted that Lott Conant, John Lampson, Caleb Foster, 
Edward Neland, Samuel Potter, Philip Nealand, Thomas 
Potter, John Abbott, Isaac Cumings, Jun., Joseph Oumings, 
Mark How, Jonathan Foster, Allen Perley, Abraham Fos- 
ter, Jun., John Howlett, Samuel Perley, Jonathan Perley, 
John Lampson, Junr., that petitiond the Town of Ipswich 
at their Annual Meeting the Seventh of March Currant. 
to be sett off to the Town of Topsfield be & hereby are Dis- 
charged from all Parish Charge as soon as they shall Obtain 
from the Great & Gren^ Court the Privileges & Immunities of 
Parishioners in the Town of Topsfield. 

They repeated their request to be set off on May 5^^, 1737, 


setting forth the difficulties due to remoteness from the 
meeting-house and declaring that the Town of Topsfield had 
invited them to be part of their town. Isaac Cummings, 
of the same neighborhood, desired that he might continue 
in the First Parish. The Committee reported adversely, but 
suggested again that they be relieved from paying parish tax 
to the old Parish, and it was so agreed, on condition that 
they pay parish charges where they worshipped, and that 
the approbation of the General Court be secured. 

It was reported to the Town on March 5, 1739-40, that 
the Town of Topsfield refused to receive Lot Conant and 
others as members of the Parish only. Col. John Choate 
then proposed that the First Parish relieve them of taxes, 
yet allow them room in the meeting-house for worship, and 
a Committee be chosen to negotiate with them. A Com- 
mittee of the First Parish conferred with them and reported 
on Dec. 2, 1742, that the West end should not become a 
Parish but should maintain worship. But on April 12,. 
1744, the Parish voted that they be set off as they desired 
and on June 7, 174C, the General Court, upon petition of 
John Fowler, James Davis and others, Inhabitants of the 
westerly part of Ipswich and the southerly part of Rowley 
ordered that, 

They be erected into a distinct and separate Precinct, 
excepting the following Persons and their Estates, viz.* 
John Chaplain, Moses Hopkinson, Samuel Stickney, Jun*", 
John Dickenson, Thomas Dickenson, George Kilburn, Tho- 
mas Wood, Thomas Wood, Jr., John Chaplin, Jun"^, Job Pin- 
gre, Aaron Pingree, Jedediah Kilburn, David Perley, Elipha- 
let Kilburn, Stephen Pingre, unless, the above said Persons 
give unto the Secretary's office under their hands that they be 
willing to be joined to said Precinct within twelve months.^ 

The farm folk of the "Village'' as the district adjoining 

* Acts and Resolves XUl, 470, 600. 

For the history of the new Parish, see Chapter on The Linebrook 


Rowley has been called for many years, who worshipped 
with the church in Rowley, began their contention on March 
4, 1730, when Moses Bradstreet and others desired to be 
set off to Rowley. 

This was referred to the First Parish and was not ap- 
proved. A second petition followed a few years later, and 
met with a better reception, but the end was not yet 

Samuel Dresser, Moses Davis, John Harris, Nathaniel 
Bradstreet, Daniel Dresser, Purchase Jewett and Moses 
Jewett addressed a Petition^ to the Governor and Council 
on March 5, 1746, declaring that they lived much nearer 
Tlowley than Ipswich and aifirming 

Many of us belong to the first church in Rowley and 
Constantly attend the publick worship there and so did our 
Predesessors Ever Since the first settlement of Rowley as 
we have understood. 

They complained that they were assessed the parish tax 
and allowed no abatement and prayed that they might be 
set off to Rowley. The First Parish replied in May, deny- 
ing many of the statements made by the petitioners and 
affirming the weakness of the Parish. 

With regard to this Parish our Circumstances are bad 
enough already for besides two Parishes formerly taken out 
of it about a year agone, We sett off a large part of a third 
to joyn with some others and this Court was pleased to add 
thereto a considerable Quantity of Land more than we 
granted or even than they themselves Expected. Our In- 
come is greatly diminished by the almost total decay of our 
Trade & Fishery, which used to be a considerable part of 
our profit. Xot only so, our Charge is much Increased as 
the Poor by this means are Multiply'd upon us. We have 
always maintained a weekly Lecture and are now in Build- 
ing two Meeting Ilouses. 

s Acts and Resolves, Vol. Xni, p. 696. 


Despite this appeal, the General Court granted the peti- 
tioners and their estates, together with the estate of Francis 
Pickard and Jonathan Piekard lying on the North side of 
Egypt Eiver "(and that do not now belong to the West 
Parish in Ipswich)" to be set off from the First Parish and 
annexed to the First Parish in Rowley, Nov., 1748.* 

In the midst of these contentions, the "Great Awakening", 
as it was called, swept over New England. In central Mas- 
sachusetts, Rev. Jonathan Edwards of Northampton had 
produced a profound spiritual impression by his sombre and 
powerful preaching and his services in the pulpit were in 
great demand. The famous Rev. George Whitefield arrived 
in Philadelphia from England in November, 1739 and mul- 
titudes flocked to his preaching. He did not reach Boston 
until September, 1740. Great congr^ations assembled in 
the old Brattle Street church and in the Old South and were 
greatly moved. He came to Ipswich on his way to Maine 
and was entertained at the home of Rev. Mr. Rogers* and 
preached to a great assembly. "The Lord gave me free- 
dom", he entered in his Journal, "and there was a great 
melting in the congregation." On his return, he preached 
again and the tradition is, that not only were men and womeu 
struck with an awful sense of sin but Satan himself was so 
discomfited that he rushed up the steeple stairs and leaped 
down on the rocky ledge, where his massive foot-print is 
still found by curious searchers. 

Rev. Gilbert Tennent came to Boston in December, 1740, 
and preached there until March, 1741, with great power. 
His own story of the meetings informs us : 

Agreeable to the numerous bills of the awakened put up 
in public sometimes rising to the number of sixty at once, 
there repaired to us, both boys and girls, young men and 
women, Indians and Negroes, heads of families, aged per- 

* Acts and Resolves, Vol. Xni, p. 529. 

* Probably Rev. Nathaniel Rogrers. 


sons, those who had been in full communion and going on 
in a course of religion many years. 

Private societies for religious exercises were formed by 
the young people and their elders as well. The meeting 
houses were crowded for a year and ministers often preached 
in private houses, every evening except Saturday, for a 
week together. Mr. Tennent preached in Ipswich and the 
neighboring towns. Rev. Mr. White of Gloucester narrated 
lie revival work in his own church : 

There was poured down a spirit of prayer upon young 
and old, especially the younger sort, and children of five, 
six or seven years and upward would pray to admiration. 
And in our parish there have since been formed no less than 
nine distinct societies of young and old, male & female, 
bond & free (for one of them is a society of negroes, who 
in their meetings behave very seriously and decently) who 
meet, several of them, twice a week, to pray and sing as well 
as to read books of piety and the rest once a week. And 
the younger say their catechism to the head of the meeting 
And several sermons have been preached to them. The sing- 
ing of Dr. Watt's Hymns is the chief recreation of Chris- 
tians when they convene. 

Nervous women and men of an excitable temperament 
had extraordinary experiences. Rev. Ebenezer Parkman of 
Westborough noted in his Journal in February, 1742 : 

Mr. James Pay came for me to go and see Isaiah Pratt, 
who lay in a strange condition at his house, not having spoke 
nor been sensible since nine o'clock last night .... When 
he regained his senses, he said he had not been asleep, had 
seen hell and seen Christ, and said Christ told him his name 
was in the book of life, though the devil had told him there 
was no room for him in heaven. 

In September, 1742, Mr. Daniel Rogers of Ipswich, 
brother of Rev. Nathaniel, was his guest, having preached 


lately at Marlborough. The meetings were then accompanied 
with crying and screaming and many evidences of great 
mental distress. The excitement and extravagances grew 
apace. In June. 1742, one Rev. James Davenport had left 
his home in Southold, liOng Island, being guided, as he 
affirmed, by the Holy Ghost, and directed where to go, what 
to do, what to say. He came to Boston in June, but the 
ministers refused to allow him entrance to their pulpits, 
and he preached on the Common, his vagaries rousing much 
disorder. On August 6***, he visited Ipswich and remained 
several days as the guest of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, preach- 
ing in his pulpit. No record of his services in our town 
remain, but full and interesting particulars of his boisterous 
and frantic methods were narrated by Dr. Chauncey, the 
strongest opponent of the movement in his "Seasonable 
Thoughts on the State of Religion in New England", which 
he published in 1743.*^ 

After narrating the confusion occasioned by screaming, 
shrieking, talking, praying, singing, laughing and even kiss- 
ing and congratulating one another on their deliverance from 
the bondage of sin, he continues : 

An account of Mr. D . . . t's Preaching not altogether 
unlike this, a Gentleman in Connecticut wrote to one of the 
ministers in this Town upon his own knowledge in these 
words : 

At length he turned his Discourse to others and with the 
utmost strength of his lungs, addressed himself to the con- 
gregation under these and such like expressions, viz. You 
poor unconverted Creatures in the Seats, in the Pews, in the 
Galleries, I wonder you don't drop into Hell ! It would not 
surprise me, I should not wonder at it, if I should see you 
drop down now, this Minute into Hell. You Pharisees, 
Hypocrites, now, now, now, you are going right into the 

' It was published by subscription, and the names of Hon. Thomas Berry> 
Mr. Joseph Calfe and Rev. Mr. John Rogers appear in the list of sub- 
scribers. Dr. Chauncey was well remembered In Ipswich. 


Tk>ttom of Hell. I wonder you don't drop into Hell by 

Scores and Hundreds. 


After a short prayer, he called for all the Distrest Per- 
sons (which were near twenty) into the foremost seats. 
Then he came out of the pulpit and stripped off his upper 
Garment and got up into the Seat and leapt up and down 
sometime and clapt his hands and cried out in these words. 
The War goes on, the Fight goes on, the Devil goes down, 
the Devil goes down, and then he betook himself to stamp- 
ing and screaming most dreadfully. 

The Boston Post Boy published a narrative of the disr- 
orders occasioned by Davenport and others like him. 

This frequently frights the little children and sets them 
a screaming and that frights their tender Mothers and sets 
them to Screaming and by degrees spreads over a great 
Part of the Congregation. And 40, 50, or 100 of them 
screaming all together makes such an awful and hideous 
^NToise, as will make a Man's hair stand on end. Some will 
faint away, fall down upon the floor, wallow and foam. 
Some women will rend off their caps. Handkerchiefs and 
other Clothes, tear their Hair down about their Ears, and 
seem perfectly bereft of their reason. 

Frightful as were these portrayals of the impending 
doom of the impenitent, they were no wise more terrible 
than Jonathan Edwards's sermon ^^Sinners in the hands of 
an angry Grod," from the text, "Their foot shall slide in 
(due) time." Puritan divines from the time of Rev. 
Thomas Shepard of Cambridge were wont to dilate on the 
torments of the lost with great unction. The preaching 
during the Great Awakening was not so offensive to the 
more liberal minded men of the times as the gross excesses 
encouraged by ignorant and fanatical ranters, and this was 
of less account perhaps than the discredit and abuse cast 
upon the ministry. Whitefield began to assail "uncon- 



verted ministers" at the beginning of his preaching. k, 
correspondent of the Boston Evening Post wrote that 

I have several times heard Mr. Tennent declare that the 
greatest part by far of the Ministers in this land were carnal, 
unconverted men and that thev held damnable Arminian 
principles and have heard him pray that the Lord would 
either convert them or turn them out of his Vineyard. 

He preached a sermon on "The Danger of an unconverted 
Ministry." In a sermon preached at Nottingham, published 
by the Synod at Philadelphia, Mr. Tennent indulged in 
extraordinary vituperative epithets against the ministers: 

Hirelings, Caterpillars, Pharisees, plaistered Hypocrites, 
Varlets, the Seed of the Serpent, dry Nurses, dead Dogs that 
cannot bark, blind Men, dead Men, Men possessed with the 
Devil, moral Negroes, Judases, swarms of Locusts. 

As a natural result of such denunciations by these promi- 
nent men, a great number of ignorant but fervid exhorters 
sprang up who wandered from place to place, professing 
that thev had an immediate call from Heaven, who worked 
their way into many pulpits and failing that, held forth in 
private houses, and sowed seeds of discord by insinuating 
that the educated ministry were not sound in the faith, 
and were false to their ordination vows. 

James Davenport, already mentioned, was the chief of- 
fender, it would seem, and while he was preaching at 
Ipswich, the Grand Jury was considering the charges that 
were made against him. They found sufficient cause to 
draw up a j^resentment against him. 

That one James Davenport of Southold, N. Y., Clerk, 
now resident in Boston, under the pretence of praying, 
preaching and exhorting at diverse places in the Towns of 
Boston, and Dorchester, .... in the month of July last 
and August current .... did in the Hearing of great 


numbers of the Subjects of our Lord the King, maliciously 
]iablish and with a lond Voice utter and declare many 
Slanderous and reviling Speeches against the godly and 
faithful Ministers of the Gospel in this Province .... 
That the greatest part of the said Ministers .... were 
carnal and unconverted men; that they knew nothing of 
Jesus Christ and that they were leading their People blind- 
fold down to Hell and that they were destroying and mur- 
dering of Souls by Thousands, .... the said James Daven- 
port, at the same time, directing and advising their hearers 
to withdraw from them, the said Ministers, and not to hear 
them preach, nor frequent the Assemblies of Public Worship, 
where, they, the said ministers, taught and preached, for 
that the following and hearing of them .... was as de- 
structive to the Souls of those who heard them, as swal- 
lo\ving Rats Bane or Poison was to their Bodies, praying the 
Lord to pull them, the said Ministers, down and put others 
in their place. 

Davenport was tried, and found guilty of uttering these 
words, but as the Court very charitably regarded him as 
non-compos-mentis when he spoke, the case was dismissed. 
While he was in Ipswich, Mr. Pickering, Pastor of the 
Chebaeco Church, refused to allow him to preach in his 
pulpit. Some of his people were dissatisfied with his op- 
Ix)sition to the revival, as they regarded it, and wished him 
to promote it. Meetings were held in his Parish, attended 
by Mr. White of Gloucester, Mr. Emerson of Maiden and 
the brothers, Eev. Nathaniel and Rev. Daniel Rogers of 
Ipswich. Mr. Pickering complained of their intrusion into 
his domain and a considerable correspondence with Rev. 
Nathaniel Rogers resulted. In the end, the dissatisfaction 
became so great that twenty-six members withdrew and 
formed a new church in Chebaeco, called the Fourth Church, 
in March, 1744. 

Daniel Rogers was evidently very progressive in his atti- 
tude toward the established polity of the time. In »Tuly, 
1742, he was ordained at York. A communication in the 


Boston Evening Post of Xov. 22, styles it an unlawful as- 

to ordain the said R — s at large, to be a vagrant preacher 
to the people of God in this land ; contrary to the peace of 
our Lord the King and Head of his Church and to the 
good order and constitution of the churches in New England 
as established by the Platform. 

Some of the neighboring ministers refused to approve this 
irregular action. An extremely exciting episode was in- 
jected into the revival services in Ipswich by the appearance 
of Richard Woodbury of Rowley, an itinerant exhorter, who 
had been ordained in some irregular way to be an Evangelist. 
The Boston Gazette of July 24*^ 1744, tells the story : 

Here his language was blasphemous and profane and his 
public and private conduct ridiculous and absurd. He pro- 
fessed to come as a special messenger from Gk)d, authorized 
not only to teach but to pronounce temporal curses on the 
rebellious .... He pretended to cast out devils and 
work other miracles, and sometimes he drank healths to 
**King Jesus" and to "the King of Kings and Lord of 

The venerable Senior Pastor, Rev. John Rogers testified 
that notwithstanding the disturbance thus occasioned for a 
time, the good work of grace was still going on among the 

Jonathan Edwards published his "Thoughts on the Re- 
vival of Religion in New England" in 1742 and suggested 
in that work that a history of the progress of the revival 
should be published at frequent intervals, to receive accounts 
from every quarter. In accordance with this suggestion, 
Rev. Thomas Prince, published his "Christian History" for 
a little while. One of the most interesting communications 
was the letter from Rev. John Rogers. 


Rev. & Dear Brethren : 

I shall on the very Day of your proposed meeting, viz. 
July 7"*, (God continuing my Life to that Day) enter on the 
78'"* year of my Age and in the 54'** of my ministry. And 
now desire, as I have utmost reason, to bless God, who has 
given me to see a Day of such marvellous Power and Grace, 
particularly in this place, and since the Rev. Mr. White- 
field and Tennent came among us, wherein great numbers 
of our young people and others of more advanced age, give 
clear evidence of a saving change wrought in them, and by 
the fruits of the Spirit shew that they are bom of the Spirit, 
And many Persons of Christian experience before have been 
greatly i^vived, inriched with grace, stablished and com- 
forted by a new Influence, in & through the Word read & 
preached. This I have found by my best Observations, in 
general and more intimate Conversation with many of these 
Scores yea, I think I may say. Hundreds living here & in 
the Neighborhood and with several from distant places, who 
universally speak the same language, all giving testimony 
by their Experience to the Truth of Gospel Doctrines of 

John Rogers. 

Ipswich, July 2, 1743. 

Mr. Rogers died of palsy on Dec. 28***, 1745, in his 
eightieth year. The Parish bore the expense of his funeral, 
funeral rings £22-108., mourning gloves £7-10s, Mr. Pick- 
man for sundries £22-15s. and miscellaneous expense, £141- 
14s. Id. The gravestone was erected at the expense of 
the Parish. 

The strenuous resistance of the First Parish to the various 
petitions for division which have been considered, will ap- 
pear very reasonable and justifiable, when due regard is 
paid to an ominous desire for a separation of the people 
of the South side of the Town, which was evidently gather- 
ing force for more than twenty years before the new Parish 
was established. In the year, 1725, a petition was ad- 
dressed to the First Parish bv certain "inhabitants of the 


South side of the River, praying that they may be permitted 
to build a meeting house and support a minister on their 
own account. There is no record of the exact nature of 
this petition, but it is a matter of record that it was read 
at a legal meeting of the First Parish, N^ovember 17, 1725 
and referred to a Committee consisting of Thomas Berry, 
Esq., Samuel Wallis, Jr., Mr. Edward Eveleth, Captain 
Daniel Rindge, Sergeant Dillingham Caldwell, Mr. Thomas 
Iforton, Lieut Robert Lord, Mr. Jonathan Fellows, Mr. 
Daniel Appleton, Mr. John Choate, Lieut Nathaniel Hart 
and Mr. John Baker, to consider the petition and report 
at the next meeting. This Committee reported on the eighth 
of December, 1725, and it was 

Voted, That when and so soon as the Petitioners or a 
major part of the Proprietors or Inhabitants in the South 
side of the River have erected and built a public meeting 
house on the South side the River, and have the Word of 
Gk)d there publickly preached and do acquit their Interest 
in this meeting house on ye Xorth side the River, Then 
they, the Petitioners on the South side the river with as 
many of the Proprietors and Inhabitants living on the South 
side the river, as shall see cause to Joyn with them, and all 
those that may regularly and legally be obtained to Joyn 
with them in Building said meeting house or in Calling, 
Settleing and Maintaining a minister with them, that shall 
with their lands and estates on the South side the River, 
as also all skirts and Pieces of land belonging to out-town 
persons, in the First Parish in Ipswich, be set off to become 
a separate and distinct Parish, and shall be freed and ex- 
empted from paying to any Parish rate and Taxes here in 
the North* 

For reasons to be noted hereafter the petitioners did not 

avail themselves at the time, of the liberty thus given 
them, and there is no further intimation of a desire for 
separation until 1746, though we may imagine that this 
desire may have been stimulated afresh by the Parish vote 


of April 12**, 1744, whereby the Linebrook Parish was set 

The meeting house erected in 1699-1700 was now too 
small for the accommodation of the worshippers. As early 
as 1731 a Committee of the Parish was appointed to recom- 
mend plans for enlarging the house, and from that time on- 
ward a variety of makeshifts was constantly proposed to 
make the requisite room. The old house was rapidly be- 
coming unfit as well for public worship, and Committees 
on repair succeeded each other rapidly. The great revival 

under the preaching of Whitefield and Tennent in 1742 
added one hundred and twenty three to the membership in 

about two years and in 1746, it has been estimated® that 
there were three hundred and four members. On the third 
of March, following the death of the Senior Pastor, Jona- 
than Wade, Esq., Col. John Choate and a large number of 
the inhabitants of the parish "living in ye south side the 
river'', renewed their petition : 

The Memorial of the Subscribers, Freeholders and other 
Inhabitants of y* sd First Parish Living on y** South side 
of the Kiver called Ipswich River. 

Humbly Showeth 

That the sd Parish thro' y® Favour of Divine Providence 
were so increased and many so Remote as to render their 
Meetings together in One Place Difficult & Inconvenient 
so long ago as that in the year 1725 on Application made 
for a Separate Parish on y® s* South Side by a large num- 
ber of s^ South Side Inhabitants y® s* First Parish tho' 
Loath to part with us were so Sensible of the Reasonableness 
of the Request as to pass a Vote for the Dismission of so 
many of them as had Joyned or should thereafter Joyn in 
that affair .... 

That y* s* Inhabitants apprehending their Departing 
from y* s* Parish during y® Life of their Dear & Venerable 
Pastor, the Rev. M' John Rogers, who then had be^i their 
minister almost Forty years, might not only be Grievious 

• Felt, History of Ipswich. 


to him, but also Deprive themselves of y* Benefit of his 
Future Labours in which they have had the greatest Delight 
& Satisfaction. These with some other Considerations have 
Induced them under Circumstances of great Difficulty to con- 
tinue with y® 8^ First Parish until this Time the afores* 
Vote Notwithstanding. 

But a Sovereign God having lately Removed our s* Rev* 
Pastor by Death, and y** Parish being too large & Extensive 
for one Minister to take Care off, or to meet in One House, 
We Conceive it necessary to Divide into Two Parishes And 
as y® s* River Running thro' y* s* Parish Divides y* same 
in a Convenient Manner for that Purpose, We your Memo- 
rialists Humbly Pray that you would now Sett off into 
a Separate Parish all y® Persons of s* Parish living on 
8* South Side with all their Lands, Meadows & Estates, 
both Real and Personal now belonging to y* s* First Parish 
on y® South Side of y* s* River .... 

And To Enforce this our Petition We would Beg Leave 
to Assure our Brethren of the First Parish that it is not 
from any Dislike off or Discontent towards them or our 
Surviving Worthy Pastor y® Rev** Mr. Nath^ Rogers with 
whom we could gladly continue were it longer needful or 
convenient for us, which that it is not may Appear from 
the Following Considerations. 

First. For that the Parish at this Time is so large 
that is sufficient to make Two either of which will be Con- 
siderably larger than most of the Parishes round about us. 

Secondly, For Ihat the Parish having now but One Min- 
ister and their Meeting House altogether Unfit to meet in, 
it would Seem Unreasonable for us to joyn in y® Charge 
of another Minister & House where we can't be accommo- 
dated thereby, but must be attended with 111 Consequences 
to both Parties. 

Thirdly, For that We Apprehend it would be Imprac- 
ticable to Build One House that would with any tolerable 
Conveniency or Decency hold all the People at this Time, 
much less for y* future should our Numbers Increase as in 
Reason we may Expect. And to Build an House with a 
view to continue together that in Human Probabilitv wo'nt 


Hold y** People Crowded never so much or thick One Quar- 
ter of the Time the House will last must be a Conduct not 
easily Accounted for, tho we Humbly Hope y® great Incon- 
venience that has attended our Familys thro' want of Sutable 
Hoom in the Meeting House for Twenty Years past may 
^Excuse us of Rashness in Desiring more Comfortable Ac- 
commodations for the Future. 

Fourthly, For that as we are mostly Farmers with large 
Familys and so Remote from the present House as to Ren- 
der it Difficult to meet there or to Return Home between 
Meetings, whereby great Loss & Damage Ensue, Unrea- 
sonable to be Bom when we are able better to Provide for 
ourselves which is the present Case, However it may bo 
when a Parish is small as was the Case when they first Built 

Relying Therefore on your Justice & Goodness upon the 

Reason Given to Grant this our most Reasonable Petition, 
we Subscribe ourselves, Gentlemen, your Friends & Brethren. 

Isaac Appleton^ Stephen Brown 

Joseph Appleton William Brown 

Nath' Appleton William Brown, Jr. 

Oliver Appleton John Burnam 

Oliver Appleton, Jr. Thos. Burnam 

John Baker Thos. Burnam y® 4*** 

John Bennett John Choate 

John Boardman Samuel Choate 

John Boardman, Jr. Philemon Dane 

Timothy "• "•* Bragg Philemon Dane, Jr. 

Timothy Bragg, Jr. John Day 

Benj" Brown William Dodge 

Elisha Brown Joseph Fellows 

John Brown Joseph Fellows, Jr. 

Nath' Brown Joseph Fowler, Jr. 

' These names have been arransred alphabetically for convenience of 


Ebenezer Fuller Westly Perkins 

Naty Fuller Anthony Potter 

Benj. Grant Daniel Potter 

Daniel Hodgkins Eobert Potter 

Increase How Jeoffrey Purcil 

Thomas Hunt Samuel Einge 

Benj. Kinsman Daniel Ross, Jr. 

John Kinsman Jonathan Boss 

PaP Kinsman Jacob Smith 

Thomas Kinsman Stephen Smith 

John Lakeman William Stone^ Jr. 

Nath. Low. Jonathan Wade 

Thos. Xorton Nath' Wells 

Jacob Perkins Daniel Wood 

The Committee to which this petition was referred, re- 
ported on March 10"*, 1746-6, that it should be granted, 
but the Parish voted in the negative. A new complication 
now arose. On the death of Rev. John Bogers in Decem- 
ber, 1745, Bev. Mr. Boby was invited to preach a month 
as an assistant to the Bev. Nathaniel Rogers, who had been 
the colleague pastor since 1727. His brother, Mr. Daniel 
Rogers, who had preached "off and on during six years", 
was a candidate. Rev. John Walley of Boston also preached 
a month^ and on June 12*^, 1746,® was chosen to be assis- 
tant to Mr. Rogers for six months "by a great majority." 
A vigorous minority of South side people, however, was 
pledged to Mr. Daniel Rogers and they intimated that they 
should desire to draw off and settle him as their minister.*^ 

Every effort possible in the interest of peace, seems to 
have been made by the Parish. A Committee was appointed 
on Sept. 1"*, 1746 "to Consider of some Form & Dimen- 
sions of a Meeting House & of a place to Sett it, that may 

* Parish Record, First MemorJal to the General Court. 
♦Parish Record, First Parish. 
" Parish Record, First Parish. 


be acconimodable for this Parish . . . ." Col. Thomas 
Berry, Chairman of the Committee reported a week later. 

.... Although a meeting House of sixty Feet broad 
and Eighty feet long may be Built and erected on the LeveP^ 
between the Bridge & Maj' Appleton's Garden, which might 
Accomodate the Parish for a long time to Come, yet in- 
asmuch as a considerable number of Persons on y® South 
Side appear very Desirous of having a House in some proper 
place among them whereby their Attendance on the publick 
Worship of (jod may be rendered more convenient and ac- 
cordingly some Determin'd under Couler of the Parish Vote 
Relating to a Parish on s* South side past y® Eighth of De- 
cember, A. D. 1725 to Separate or Draw off themselves from 
this Parish unless otherways Provided for their accommo- 
dation as afores'd, which Separation should it take Effect 
beside the Hardship it might Impose on a great if not a 
greater Number of s* South Side Inhabitants who appear 
to be against it might & probably would under the present 
Circumstances of the Parish Lay the Foundation of the 
greatest Disorder & Confusion if not Euin of the whole. 

And inasmuch as Two Houses may be Built when needed 
with ye same or less Cost than the House proposed and 
with vastly less Difficulty and One of them Sett on s* South 
Side convenient for the Inhabitants there and yet not so 
far off but that another Minister being Settled may to- 
gether alternately with the Kev** Mr. Nath* Rogers Preach 
in either of them wherby the Peace and Unity of this People 
may be preserved and a sad Train of Evils Prevented, the 
Reason of s^ Vote Satisfy'd & every just Complaint of s** 
South Side People Removed. 

Therefore that a convenient Meeting House .... be at 
y* Expense of y® whole Parish forthwith or as soon as may be 
Built & Erected on y® Green between y"" Homestead of Jona- 
than Wade, Esq. and the Homestead late of y*' Rev* M"* John 
Rogers, Dec*,^^ ^f ^^^ Dimensions of Forty Feet Wide and 
Sixty Feet long and Twenty-Two Feet Stud, to have a suit- 
able proportion of Sash Glass Eights & Tens to Contain 
One Tier of Galleries Six Seats Deep to have Sixty Pew.i 

"Where the monument to the "Unknown Dead" now stands. 
» The southern end of the South Common. 


on the Floor and y* remainder of y® Floor to be Built with 
convenient Seats to be Cieled Overhead and in every other 
Respect to be Finished in a comely sutable & decent Man- 
ner. That Four of s* Pews in such part as y* Parish shall 
Direct be Reserved for the Use of Strangers Occasionally 
Meeting there and the Use of the North side of y* River 
People & One Ministerial Pew and that the remaining part 
of s* Pews be to y* Use of such of y* Inhabitants of s* 
South Side as shall Chuse to Buy them 

(The Committee further recommended that when the 
people on the North side desired, the old meeting house 
should be taken down and a new one built on a spot deter- 
mined by the majority, five feet wider, five feet longer and 
one foot higher, with similar provision for seating.) 

And inasmuch as a speedy Settlement of some Ortho- 
dox godly Minister of a Blameless Life and of good Report 
toward all as a Colleague with our present Pastor y* Rev* 
M' Nathaniel Rogers to Preach &tc. Interchangeably with 
him in y* s** two Houses namely the One in the Forenoon 
on the North and y* other on y* South Side and to Change 
in the afternoon, whereby People of different Sentiments 
& Inclinations may more likely be Suited at least for one 
part of the day in the House next to them or all the day 
by going to y® House where the Minister Preaches they best 
like, which any Person is allow'd to do without Offence to 
others might have an happy Tendency to quiet the Minds of 
all and continue that Peace with Truth that this Parish has 
so long been Blest with. 

The Parish voted to accept this report but the Rogers 
party made such factious opposition that it was reconsidered 
on October 25*^ and on Nov. 25"^, 1746, Col. Berry, Mr. 
Joseph Appleton, John Tredwell, Increase How, Nathaniel 
Lord and Col. Choate were appointed a Committee** to 
agree on some proper method of enlarging or altering the 
old meeting house and putting it in good repair. 

^ Parish Record, First Memorial to General Court 


The friends of Mr. Walley were eager to secure his set- 
tlement and pressed the Pastor to lead in the matter. Mr. 
Rogers was bitterly opposed to him, however, for reasons 
that are now unknown. Many attempts to secure harmony 
seem to have been made, but to no purpose. A letter written 
by Josiah Willard, Secretary of the Province, bearing 
no address, but evidently intended for Mr. Rogers, urged 
him to a more reasonable mind.^* 


I have been informed of the good affection of a great 
Xiimber of People in the first Parish of Ipswich to M' John 
Walley & their Desire of having him settled among them 
in the Ministry & that great Difficulties & Obstructions have 
arisen in this affair by your Conduct & especially by your 
diverting the Church from passing such Votes and Resolu- 
tions herein as they would certainly do if they were admitted 
to Signify their Minds by a regular Vote. I may be mis- 
informed in these Matters, But lest there sh* be too much 
Ground for this Complaint, I think myself obliged to let 
you know that I have not only often heard Mr. Walley 
preach, but have a very intimate and familiar Acquaintance 
with him & esteem him to be a sound and judicious Divine, 
a Serious humble inward Christian & a Person of great 
Prudence & excellent Temper & one that is like to be the 
Instrum* of as much Happiness to you and your People 
if he should settle among you as any Man I know of in the 
World and I must intreat you to consider how unhappy the 
Consequence may be of your preventing the peaceable and 
.... settlement of a Gentleman of so good & unblemished 
a Character & how much you may regrate it hereafter if 
your People sh* either fall into grievous Division and Con- 
tention if a Person of different Qualitie settled among 

Mr. Rogers refused to regard this and every other appeal 
and at last, despairing of securing their pastor's approval, 
the prominent friends of Mr. Walley, Col. Berry, Major 
Appleton, Mr. Eveleth, Mr. Potter and others, cast in their 

>« Mass. Archives 12: 375. 


lot with Jonathan Wade and the others, inhabitants of the 
South side, already clamoring for division. 

On December 2°**, 1746, sixty-eight members of the Parish 
signed an agreement pledging themselves to be incorporated 
as a separate Parish as soon as the favorable action of the 
General Court could be secured, and to build a meeting 
house on the "Green or Level on the South side". They 
addressed a Memorial to the First Parish on December 19"* 
praying to be set off as a distinct body. 

That in Consideration of the Insuperable Difficulties that 
have & do still attend every Method taken for the Settlement 
of a Minister as a Colleague with our present Pastor .... 
together with y® great Improbability that appears of keep- 
ing the Parish together thereby but that a Division seems 
inevitable ; which if effected in the Way that has been pur- 
sued to us looks likely to bring both Parishes, under Unhappy 
& Uncomfortable circumstances. 

In Consideration also that a Division of s** Parish in y* 
Way we herein after propose will not only Accommodate 
y® Inhabitants with convenient Eoom & bring a Meeting 
House nearer to many of those that now Live remote: but 
will likely be attended with peaceable Effects with respect 
to the whole inasmuch as every Man will be at Liberty to 
joyn in the N'ew or Tarry in the Old House as he Chuses; 
which under our peculiar Circumstances seems necessary to 
be Regarded in Order both to our Peace and Spiritual Edi- 
fication For which purpose a Number of us have by a Writ- 
ing under our Hands Covenanted and agreed that We with 
our Associates with the Leave of the Grovemment will Build 
a Meeting House on s^ South Side for y® publick Worship 
of God and Settle therein a Gospel Minister as by a Copy 
herewith Exhibited will appear. 

Wherefore W^e Prav that vou would Sett off y® Subscrib- 
ers thereto with all such others as shall hereafter Associate 
or Joyn with us together with all our Estates on both sides 
of y® River into a distinct & separate Parish, We paying 
Ministerial Charges with you that may necessarily arise un- 
til we have preaching among ourselves. 



Daniel Appleton^' 
John Appleton 
Joseph Appleton 
Nath* Appleton 
Oliver Appleton 
Oliver Appleton, Jr. 
John Baker, jun'. 
Thomas Berry 
John Boardman 
John Boardman y* 3* 
Timothy Bra^, Jr. 
Stephen Brown 
William Brown, Jr. 
Andrew Burley 
Andrew Burley, Jr. 
John Choate 
Samuel Choate 
Emerson Cogswell 
Philemon Dane 
Abner Day 
Edward Eveleth 
Joseph Foster 
Nathan Foster 
Dan' Fuller 
Ebenezer Fuller 
Nath. Fuller 
Benj. Grant 
Xath. Grant 

John Hart 
Dan^ Hodgkin 
Thomas Hodgkins 
Increase How 
Sam^ Howard 
Eph. Jewett 
Paltiah Kinsman 
Stephen Kinsman 
Joseph Manning 
Thos. Norton 
Thomas Pears 
Westly Perkins 
Aaron Potter 
Jonathan Prince 
Benjamin Bobbins 
William Bobbins 
Daniel Ross, Jr. 
Jonathan Boss 
Dana Smith 
Isaac Smith 
Jacob Smith 
Jeremiah Smith 
Joseph Smith 
Dan* Staniford 
William Stone 
Jonathan Wade 
Timothy Wade 
Sam* Waite 

This received a negative vote and on Dec. 24"* they 
addressed a Memorial to the General Court asking their fav- 
orable decree. Notice of this Memorial was sent to the 
First Parish, and on Jan. 6, 1747, the Parish voted 

That the Parish build a meeting house for the South 

^ These Aames are arranged alphabetically for convenience of reference. 


side and allow a separate minister, each to attend where lie 
pleased, and to repair the old house for the present, but 
continue one Parish. 

The original position of the first petitioners for a meeting 
house on the South side, that this was necessary for the ac- 
commodation of the South side people, had now been so 
confused with later issues that had been injected into the 
controversy that at this juncture, some! of the leaders in 
the division lived near the meeting-house on the North side, 
and many of the South side folk now pronounced in favor 
of repairing the meeting house and preserving the unity 
of the Parish : 

To the First Parish in Ipswich. 
Q^ntlemen : 

Whereas it is apprehended by some that the expence & 
Difficulty that may arise from the Building of the Two 
Meeting Houses and Dividing into Two Churches as Voted 
by the Parish might be prevented by a Settlement together ; 
But the Liberty that the South Side of the River Inhabi- 
tants in s* Parish have of Drawing off when they Please 
by the Parish Vote of the Eighth of December, 1725, is a 
Discouragement to our Settling & Continueing in One Parish 
tho' greatly desired by many. Wherefore To Remove such 
Discouragement and that we may Settle together forthwith, 
We the Subscribers, Inhabitants of s* South Side do hereby 
Promise & Engage to s* Parish that in Case the Parish will 
Repair the Old Meeting House, make as many more Pews 
for the Accommodation of the People as with Convenience 
they can and Settle as afores'd, that then neither We nor 
our Heirs will take any Advantage of s* Vote for Drawing 
off until there be another Vacancy in the Ministry, or if 
we should take Advantage of s* Vote and Draw off before 
such Vacancy happens. We will take the minister now to be 
Settled and Support him as our Pastor. 

Provided that no Expense shall arise to our Persons or 
Estates for the Building a New Meeting House or Settling 
any other minister than the One now Proposed to be Settled 
in the North Side without the Express Consent of the major 



part of their Interest in y® e* South Side Provided also that 
this Agreement shall not be Binding in any until a Major 
Part of the Inhabitants in s* South Side have Sign'd it the 
whole to be void unless signed by Monday, the second of 
Mardi next at Two of the Clock in the afternoon. 

Dated February y* 25"*, 1746. 

William Adams 

David Andrews 

Isaac Appleton, Jr. ' 

John Appleton, Jr. 

Joseph Ayers 

Mary ^^^^ Ayers 

Samuel Ayers 

John Bennet 

Abel Boardman 

Jacob Boarman 
Mary Brown 

Maiy ^^,^ Brown, Jr. 

John Bumam 

Joshua Bumam 

Thos. Bumam 
Thos. Bumam y* 4*^ 
George Burroughs 

Josiah Burroughs 

John Caldwell, jun' 

Samuel Chipman 

John Choate 

Francis Cogswell, Jr. 

Mr. Francis Cummings 

Isaac CummingB 

Joseph Cummings 

Joseph Cummings, Jr. 

Thomas Cummings 

Philemon Dane 

Stephen Emerson 

Joseph Fellows 

Joseph Fellows, Jr. 

William Fellows 

Abraham Fitts 

Ebenezer Fitts 

Jeremiah Fitts 

John Fitts 

Joseph Fowler 

James Fuller 

John Gfoodhue 

William Fuller 

George Hart 

Nath^ Hart 

Thos. Hodgkins 

Increase How 

Samuel Howard 

Ezekiel Hunt 
Thomas Hunt 

William Hunt 

William Jones 

John Kimball 

Benj. Kinsman 

John Kinsman 

Paltiah Kinsman 
Isaac Knowlton 

John Lakeman 

Samuel Lakeman 

Silvanus Lakeman, Jr. 

John Lampson 


John Larapson, Jr. 
Nath* Low 
Thomdike Low 
John Manning 
Richard Manning 
Tho. Norton 
Thos. Pears 
Francis Perkins 
Jacob Perkins 
John Perkins 
Westlv Perkins 
Anthony Potter 
Dan* Potter 
Jonathan Potter 
Richard Potter 
Robert Potter 
Tho'. Potter 
Samuel Rindge 
Benj. Robbins 

William Robbins 
Samuel Rogers 
Lydia Smith 
Stephen Smith 
Dan* Staniford 
William Stone 
Abraham Tilton 
Jabez Tredwell 
John Tredwell 
Jonathan Wade 
Timothy Wade 
John Wainwright for my 

interest on sd. side 
Mr. Robert Wales 
Sarah Wallis 
Daniel Warner, Jr. 
Moses Wells 
Henry Wise 
Daniel Wood 

It was still thought that peace might be secured. Work 
on the new house was suspended and after a day of fasting 
and prayer for guidance, the Church and Parish by a very 
strong vote invited Mr. Walley to settle with them. 

Mr. Rogers now discovered fresh difficulty, *^Mr. Walley 
was against inviting into his pulpit such persons that had 
encouraged the separation at Boston." It was proposed that 
a council be called to consider this or any other objections 
in the way of Mr. Walley's settlement. Mr. Rogers refused 
to join in this "alledging he had light enough already, and 
that if forty of them came, he should not regard them."^* 

May twenty-first, 1747, the Parish, having learned of diffi- 
culties that have arisen between Mr. Rogers and Mr. Walley, 
voted "That the Church be desired to use their endeavors 

^ Parish Record, Second Memorial. 


that said difficulty may be removed that so ye said settlement 
may be consumated as soon as may be." 

Mr. Eogers refused utterly to lead any further in the mat- 
ter, and on the last Wednesday of May, 1747, Colonel Berry 
and others addressed a second Memorial to the General 
Court, stating their fresh grievance and renewing their re- 
quest for incorporation. This was granted June nineteenth, 
and on July 21, 1747, the South Church was organized. 
The Parish was organized August 4*^, 1747, by the choice 
of Thomas N^orton, Parish Clerk, and Major Daniel Apple- 
ton, Andrew Burley, Esq. and Mr. Benjamin Crocker, a 
Committee to call the next meeting. 

Repeated appeals to the General Court were needed to 
settle the details of the division of the old Parish. A list 
of those who were set off to the new Parish was approved 
by the Legislature Sept. 5, 1747. The South Church ad- 
dressed a Memorial on Dec. 26, 1751, declaring that the list 
of names lodged in the Secretary's office had been consumed 
bv fire and the Pirst Church refused to furnish a new list, 
etc. In April, 1752, John and Pelatiah Kinsman petitioned 
to be set back to the First. 

The question of ministeral rates proved vexing. William 
Dodge and others sent a Memorial to the South Church 
regarding the taxation of estates, which belonged to the 
First, on March 23, 1753. Abel Huse, Benj. Dutch, Jr. and 
others, in a similar Memorial of the same date, declared 
that they were over-urged to leave the First Parish and asked 
to be "released from paying taxes to support Mr. Walley 
whom we do not hear."^'' On March 29, 1753, William 
Dodge and others petitioned to be restored to the First Parish. 

The General Court adopted a Resolution on March 31, 

That the South Parish hold and enjoy 1/2 Polls and Rate- 

"Mass. Archives 13: 804-305, 309-321. 


able estates lying within the limits of the 1"* Parish & South 
Parish inclusively (saving the Polls and estates that were 
since sett off to Rowley and that part of Mr. Epes farm 
lost by sand). The First and South Parishes must agree 
on the bounds and divisions of the Parishes. 

Finally in July 1763, a complete list of the members of 
the South Parish was filed in the Records of the General 
Court and Col. Berry's Memorial of Sept. 5, 1753 stated 
that the list of polls and estates had been satisfactorily 

»Ma88. Archives 18: 426, 427. 

Colonial Cubbenoy and the Land Bank 

The expedition against Quebec under Sir William Phips 
in 1690 seems to have been undertaken with perfect confi- 
dence that the rich spoils of war would provide .for the great 
expense incurred. The disastrous result, however, involved 
the Colony in a debt of £40,000 and to meet this demand, 
an issue of paper currency was made. Printed bills, none 
under five shillings nor over five pounds, redeemable at any 
time in money, were put in circulation. These bills passed 
at their pap value, but as successive emissions were made and 
the date of redemption was pushed farther and farther 
away, until in 1722 no provision for redemption was made 
until the tax levy of thirteen years later, the bills depreciated 
rapidly in value. In 1714, the bills of public credit in cir- 
culation were estimated at £240,000 and silver had disa]> 
peared almost completely. 

Still there was a demand for more currency and on Dec. 
4, 1714, an Act was passed authorizing the emission of 
£100,000 to be distributed among the counties and loaned 
to inhabitants of the Province on real security for a term 
of five years. The discussion of the best method of meet- 
ing the exigencies of the situation and providing a stable 
and sufficient medium of trade, now became acute. Private 
banks were suggested and a series of spirited pamphlets pro- 
claimed various remedies for the public relief. One of these, 
entitled, "The Present Melancholy Circumstances of the 
Province considered . . . ." published in 1719, found the 
key to the situation in the retrenchment of needless and ex- 



travagant luxuries. The money had gone out of the coun- 
try, the author declared, to pay for 

Silver and Gold Lace, worn on Cloathes and Shoes, Velvet, 
Rich Silk, Sattin, Silk Stockings, Fine Broad Cloths, Cam- 
letts, Perriwigs, Fine costly shoes and Pattoons, Ribbons, 
.... Silk Handkerchiefs, Fine hats, gloves of great price 
and little worth, China Ware, very costly Looking Glasses, 
Cane Chairs, Costlv Beds and Furniture etc. 

There was too great indulgence in wine, rum and brandy 
"(not to mention Tea, Coffee, Chacolet, which People here 
formerly did very well without)." He called for reform in 
the needless expense of weddings and funerals which often 
impoverished the families, and suggested, "no gloves but of 
our own make given at either, nor Drink at funerals but of 
our own produce, nor Scarves but for Persons of some dis- 
tinguished rank." One of the most melancholy results of 
the extreme depreciation of the currency was. 

That Salary Men, Ministers, School Masters, Judges of 
the Circuit, President and Tutors at College, Widows and 
orphans, are prickt and hurt more than any, for while they 
pay it may be double or more for imported goods, and the 
produce of the country, yet their salaries are not increased. 

Another pamphleteer, in "An Addition to the Present 
Melancholy Circumstances . , . ." inveighed against the 
drink habit of the times. 

These Northern Plantations are great sufferers by the 
vast quantities of Rum spent among them .... If it could 
not be retailed under 10s. a Quart, I believe it would be 10 
times better for the Province .... If the high price might 
restrain many of the poor laborers from getting Rum and 
Flip, I believe their needy families would be much better 
provided for. Dont some men say that when Men drink 
BO much, they drink the blood of their Wives and Children. 


One independent disputant refused to believe that the 
conditions were so bad and criticized another writer. 

He don't tell us concerning Newbury, Ipswich, Cape Ann, 
Marblehead, Salem, (not to mention other places) all within 
our Province, that none of thern carried on so large a For- 
eign Trade during the late French War as they do now, 
and that some of them carried on no trade at all; but he 
would make us believe that by heavy Duties we have driven 
away Trade to our Neighbors. 

But the pamphlet which brought the question home to 
Ipswich people and made it, no doubt, a theme of conversa- 
tion in every household, was one which bore the cumbrous 







Fairly Defended by a Discovery of the Great Benefit, 
accruing by it to the Whole Province ; With a Remedy for 
Recovering a Civil State when Sinking under Desperation 
by a Defeat on their Bank of Credit 

By Amicus Patriae 

Maximus in Repnblica nodus est, et ad Res Praetor ( ?) 

Gerendas Impedimentum, Inopia Rei Pecuniaris. Cicero. 

The Want of Money (or a Sufficient Medium of Trades) 

is the greatest of all Interruptions in a Common Wealth ; 

and puts by or Obstructs the carrying out of Business in a 

Flourishing Manner.^ 

Boston, Printed in the Year 1721. 

There can be no question that Amiens Patriae, the author, 
was Rev. John Wise, the famous Pastor of the Chebacco 

* Colonial Currency Reprints. Prince Society Vol. II: p. 169. 


Parish. Thirty-four years before, in August, 1687, he had 
assailed the Andros government and had led his townsmen 
in their resistance to tyranny.* He was now in his seven- 
tieth year but his keen wit and biting sarcasm were not 

Our Medium of Trade is so Exceeding short and insuf- 
ficient that Business begins to Clogg; or does not go on so 
roundly as it might do, were it more redundant and full. 
As for the Money Medium, we have none at all, its quite 
Exhausted; and the Bills which have supplyed its Place, 
they are. grown very scarce, which is evident by the Loud 
Complaints of Town and Country. 

I would speak of one particular Example further in our 
carryings on and that is with respect to our College. Oh, 
what Begging and Contributing was there ; even from every 
poor Girl and Boy that had but a Penny to part with to a 
Beggar, to bring venerable HARVARD into its first Brick ? 
And now, Alas I at a word's speaking up goes another Paral- 
lel with that, and we hear nothing of Begging or of any 
Groans in its Birth. Oh! Dear Coimtry! These Bills are 
of a very impregnating Nature, they will beget and bring 
forth whatsoever you shall please, to fancy. 

« * « * # -X- 

When we had a little Silver Money, it was always high 
Prized and other things were in great subjection to it; And 
it held such a sway and to such a degree of Tyranny from 
the rate it was kept at and from the continual escape it 
was making, it had brought us into a pitiful heap of Cir- 
cumstances and especially as to our Ministry in Church 
order, for before the Bills came into use, it would make 
me sick to tell over the Story of these things; Oh the Re- 
pining, higling, complaining of Poverty ; with bad and poor 
payments; Criminal and Dreadful Behindments, as tho' 
Sacrilidge were no Sin or but a very venial one, and not 

* Ipswich in the Mass. Bay Colony. Vol. I: Chap. XIV, p. 225. 
See also his Diary while chaplain in the Quebec Expedition, Ditto, p. 525. 
His polemic Essays on Church Government have been considered In 
Chapter one. 


only in this or that poor village but too Epidemically. But 
since the Bills have been in Force, these Annuities have not 
only been Augmented, but Frankly and Seasonably payed, 
and I believe it has been so throughout the Country. And 
do we think these Reverend Men don't find that they can 
make as good a Dinner on the Bills of Credit as on Qold 
and Silver? Yesl every whit and where due Additions 
Iiave been made the seasonableness and round Payments 
have made their lives much more easy and comfortable, than 
when Silver Ruled the Rost. 

Oh, say some, we will try a Com and Provision Medium, 
till the Money comes . . • . manufactures, foreign trade, 
immigration of our good Brethren out of North Britain and 
Ireland, who will bring with them equal Religion with us, 
but a Superior Ingenuity and Skill in Manufactures. 

Many of our Old Towns are too full of Inhabitants for 
Husbandry ; many of them living upon small Shares of Land, 
and generally all are Husbandmen, or if they are any of 
them Tradesmen, their Husbandry hinders their Trade; 
And also many of our People are slow in Marrying for 
want of Settlements, whereas in old Countries they generally 
Marry without such Precaution and so increase infinitely 
&tc. We have Old Batchelours with Dames to Match them, 
to settle several Towns etc. And when we have accom- 
plished this Projection, We may expect that manufactures 
will go on amain in our Country. 


Question, How shall we keep up the Value of our Bills 
of Publick Credit. 

Gentlemen, You must do by your Bills as all Wise Men 
do by their Wives, Make the best of them. It is an acknowl- 
edged Theorem that there is no doing without Wives. The 
Lonesome and sower Phylosopher would frankly confess 
that Women were necessary Evils: For without their As- 
sistance the whole Humane Race must vanish : And unless 
they are Metamorphozed into things called Wives, the whole 
Species would soon Laps into an heard of Brutified Annimals. 
The great Skill is to cultivate the necessity and make it a 
Happiness, for that end Wise Men Love their Wives: and 


what ill-conveniences they find in them they bury: and what 
Vertues they are enrich't with they Admire and Magnifie. 
And thus you must do by your Bills for there is no doing 
without them; if you JDivorce or Disseize yourselves of 
them, you are undone: Therefore you must set them high 
in your Estimation 

* * « -x- « * 

He affirmed that British trade must be shortened by 
greater economy in living. 

Therefore I say if we will Live upon Ground-Nuts and 
Clams, and Cloath our Backs with the Exuviae or Pelts of 
Wild Beasts, we may then lower our Expences a great Pace ; 
and renounce this Branch of our Merchandize; but if we 
intend to Live in any Garb or Port as becomes a People of 
Religion, Civility, Trade and Industry, then we must still 
supply ourselves from the Great Fountain. 

An ill-tempered reply to Mr. Wise's "Word of Comfort", 
in the form of an anonymous communication, appeared in 
the Boston Gazette of Monday, February 20, 1720-1. 

N. E. Castle William 

February 1720-1. 
'N, B. That Amicus Patriae a late Author is Worldly Wise 
Man, and has spoke two Words for himself and not 
One for his Country, as Actions will better show a Man's 
designs than his Words: it would have been but the ingen- 
ious part in him, to have told us, that from Twenty Years 
long experience he has not been able to pay Literest for 
Money borrowed of Private People and of Twelve Hundred 
and Fifty Pounds (of his Miracle working Paper Money) 
borrowed of this Government by himself and two Sons, he 
has yet paid but £250 of it again, 'tis therefore that he de- 
clares and will insist on it as the best way to enrich his 
Country, to make Paper Bills enough for everybody to take 
what they please and further (in his whole bustle oi words) 
sayeth not. 


Two sons of Mr. Wise, Ammi Kuhamah and Henry, were 
both prominent Ipswich residents and actively engaged in 
business and in public affairs. The "Castle William ad- 
vertisement" as it was called, involved the private affairs 
of the family and must have created much excitement in 
the whole community. Mr. Wise replied at once in a com- 
munication "A friendly check from a friendly relation", in 
which he included "a letter from Amicus Patriae to his 
Son", dated Feb. 23, 1720-1. 

The Report from Castle William is so mean a thing, so 
little in Argument, and Pevish in Temper, its Beneath a 
Wise Man to Resent it : at least no other ways than you see 
in the Inclosed. But however to satisfy yourself, as to 
my Domestick Affairs, which you tho so nearly Related 
are a stranger to. 

Therefore some time within less than Three Years, we 
took out 1000 1. and put into the Publick Bank, an estate 
of 2000 1. which we would not take Five and Twenty Hun- 
dred for now. (Indeed such fat things Draw these Hungry 
Crows by a strange Instinct) We thought it might be very 
proper both for the Publick good and our own priofit so 
to do. And thro Mercy we have Reaped great Ease and 
Benefit by it. For that we have solved our former Money 
obligations and furnished the business of the Family (under 
your Brothers Sole management) to very great purpose, 
for since that our Business has gone on with such Success, 
that we have payed iuto the Bank about 200 1. with the 
Interest: and have another 100 1. ready to answer in that 
Affair. And not only so but the Temporal Business of the 
Family is so well Qualified and Adjusted, that thro Divine 
goodness and by the Assistance of the Auspicious and Pros- 
perous Bills, we do not fall short of Three Hundred Pounds 
Annual Income. And not only so, but tho' the Pevish 
Gentleman (If he be a Man) does allow if we put in 2000 1. 
which is already grown in Value, but also their Remains 
in our hands no ways intangled by the Bank in Rich housen, 
honest [ ] ad. Remote Lands and other Estates to the 
Value of One Thousand Pounds, or not much under, That 
considering what we have Done in less than Three Years 


towards the solving of the Bank &tc, I am full of Assurance 
that in the Remaining Six Years by Divine Aid and by 
a Frugal and Prudent Management we are quite out of 
Danger, as to Crows and Vultures. 

Therefore what I have Wrote on the Bank of Credit was 
purely in Love to my Country, that all Men in their Affairs 
may be as Prosperous as I have been. At Least that our 
Country may Universally Flourish in their Outward Affairs. 

Your Loving Father, 

Amicus Patriae. 

If any doubt remained as to the identity of "Amicus 
Patriae", it was effectually dispelled by the sharp retort of 
his opponents, who now published in full in the Boston 
Gazette* of March 13"*, Mr. Wise's appeal to the Court, less 
than two years before. 

To His Majesty's Honorable Justices of the Quarter Sessions 
met in Newbury, this 29*** of September, 1719. 

Worshipful and much Honoured 

The Subscriber being imder the Benign Umbrage of your 
Authority, Petitions your Fa\'our in his present Grievances 
relating to his Temporal Support. The Salary allowed by 
this Precinct is in the Original Grant but a poor business 
to maintain a Family Sick & Well, it being but Seventy 
Pounds in Money: That to diminish or any ways weaken 
it must needs stand under the head of Oppression if not a 

heavier denomination My Good Neighbors who are 

obliged by God and the Law to make this annually good to 
me as appears by Covenant ; They demur upon my demands 
for Money and offer to pay in Bills of Publick Credit as 
pretending they are Money, Tho' they do also themselves 
answer their own Plea by an allowance they make of 1. 20 
superadded and so make up the 1. 70 .... 1. 90 Poimd. 
Whereas if Bills were really Money in their account, I have 
no reason to think thev would vield so to do : neither if thev 
were truly so could I claim any such Addition. I acknowl- 
edge I am very loth to ex)ntend with my Neighbors but out 
of a due respect to ray Just Interest and Temporal Support, 

* The orlgrlnal document has disappeared from the Court Files. 


I cannot submit to any other Terms, but to have my Salary 
paid in proper Specie, or in a full Equivalent Your Hon- 
ours do very well know this Question has been very effect- 
ually answered in Mr. Adam Cogswell's case, viz. Any 
thing at a Valuation will answer the Money in Specie as 
well as Bills of Publick Credit. I believe you also are very 
sensible how Men value Money in Competition with the 
Sills, and in what Proportions the Exchange is made. As 
1 have been informed some Wise and Just Men ask Cent for 
Cent some 80 or 90 per Cent, and at the lowest Rate Twelve 
Shillings per ounce is allowed and I cannot be lower, for 
this will not make a full Equivalent in purchasing of Pro- 
visions &tc. That (may it please your Honours) The ut- 
most of my desires at this time is, That Your Honours will 
do me the favour as to signify in a few words to my Neigh- 
bors that they must needs perswade themselves, That Bills 
are not Money nor must they be so understood; and also 
that they must pay me in the proper Specie the Place In- 
dented for near Twenty Years ago: or otherwise, if they 
pay in Bills, then to do it to my Satisfaction. And this 
I shall leave to your Honours to Umpire upon either of the 
fore-recited Proportions: and if your Honours shall please 
to fix on the middle way, which I think is most safe ac- 
cording to the old saying, In medio tutissime, It will be 
most pleasing to me. 

I have ordered my Son to lay this Address before this 
Honorable Sessions, Seven Months are Expired and the half 
Years Salary not paid; To live till the next Quarter Ses- 
sions without any Recruit will be very mortifying. 

I hope for your Honours Clemency, Care and Expedite 
Measures at least that my Brethren may be directed and 
Quickened to their Duty. 
So Right Worshipful, I Rest 

Your Humble and Devoted 

Servant in Christ 

John Wise. 

In March, 1720-1, the private bank schemes were brought 
to nought by the vote of the Province, to loan £50,000, to 
be distributed among the towns and loaned to individuals 


in real or personal security, the interest on the loans being 
intended for the benefit of the towns. These loans were to 
be repaid, £10,000 a year, between the years 1726 and 1730. 
On May 11, 1721, Ipswich voted: 

That this Town will receive and draw their proportion 
of the fifty thousand pounds in Bills of Credditt out of y* 
Province Treasury as Emitted by the late Great & Generall 
Court or assembly in their last Sessions 

Voted that the Town will now proceed to the Choice 
of Trustees to receive our proportion of the abovesaid Bills 
of Credditt. 

Voted That this Town will choose but three Trustees. 

On May 25, 1721, it was further 

Voted that this Town's proportion of the fifty tiiousand 
pounds when received shall be let out at interest. 

The Town voted, on Oct 5, 1721. 

That Maj^ Symonds Epes, CoP. John Denison & John 
Wainwright Esq. be Trustees to receive out of the Province 
Treasury, the sum of fourteen hundred & Twenty nine 
Pounds & when they have received it, to notifie the Select- 
men that they may call a meeting to receive this & give them 
proper discharge from the same & to Improve said money 
as the Town shall judge will be most for their interest 

Meeting again on Oct. 12, it was 

Voted that the said money shall be left at Interest at 
6 p. Ct. per annum. 

Voted that the Town's proportion be let to three or more 
persons of the Town, that will give good & sufficient landed 
security & pay to the Town 6 per ct. annual interest They 
are then to be responsible to the Town for it ... . may 
let the money to citizens who will give good security, but no 
one person shall borrow or hire more than fifty pounds .... 
for their pains & trouble, those who hire from the Town 
shall have 2 per ct. for as luuch as they pay interest on, y' 
Two per ct. they shall receive out of the Town Treasury. 


A week later, the Town met again and settled the remain- 
ing details. 

Voted that the interest shall not commence till the expi- 
ration of two months from the dates of the mortgages. 

Voted that the Town Treasurer be directed to deliver to 
the Rev. Mr. Jabez Fitch, the sum of One Hundred pounds, 
part of the abovesaid money, he giving a good & sufficient 
mortgage for repayment of the same. 

Voted that Col. John Denison & Major Symonds Epes 
& Ensign Thomas Choate shall receive 1,329 pounds 

Provision was made for inspection of the mortgages to see 
that tiie titles were free and clear, and for due notification, 
80 that any inhabitant may be supplied. 

An interesting group of prominent citizens of the time is 
brought to notice in this connection. Col. John Denison was 
the son of the Rev. John Denison, colleague of Rev. John 
Rogers, and great grandson of Major (Jeneral Denison, who 
married Patience, daughter of Governor Thomas Dudley, 
and had a son John and daughter Elizabeth. The daughter 
became the wife of John Rogers, President of Harvard. 
John Denison, the son, married a daughter of Deputy Gov- 
ernor Samuel Symonds and had a son, John, 

a very Learned, ingenious Young Gentleman and an ex- 
cellent Preacher, who died here Sept. 14, 1689, very greatly 
Beloved and Lamented in the 24™ Year of his age. But 
before his Decease he had Married the only Daughter of 
the Hon. Col. Nathaniel Saltonstall Esq. of Haverhill, of 
whom Col. Denison was bom at Ipswich on the 20*** March ; 
after his Father's Death. 

This Gentlewoman afterwards Marrying the Rev. Mr. Row- 
land Cotton of Sandwich, this her son, removed hither with 
her and there had his Education till 1706, when he entered 
the College, where he took his 1** degree of Bachelor of Arts 
in 1710 and of Master in 1713. After this, intending for 
the Ministry, he preached a Year or two occasionally to good 
acceptance, till his Bodily weakness obliged him to desist. 
Upon whidi he settled in Ipswich, where his Paternal Estate 


lay, applyed himself to the Study of the Law, and Serv'd 
the said Town several times as their Representative in the 
General Assembly, wherein he made a considerable Figure, 
and industriously served his Country. About this time he 
was made one of the High Sheriffs of the County and Lieut 
Col. of a Regiment He was much Esteemed, Valued and 
Loved and at his Death was greatly Lamented. 

In 1720, he married the Younger Daughter of Rev. & 
Hon. John Leverett, Esq., late President of the Collie, and 
by her has left one son and one daughter.* 

Col Denison died on 'Nov. 25**, 1724, at the age of 35 
years. His only son, John, (Harvard, A. M.) died on Aug. 
28, 1747, at the age of 25 years, and with him, the Denison 
name became extinct. His widow became the wife of Rev. 
Nathaniel Rogers, Dec. 25, 1728, upon the completion of 
the stately dwelling on High Street, still known as the Rogers 

Major Symonds Epes inherited the Castle Hill farm from 
his father, Capt Daniel Epes. He was a Justice of the 
General Sessions Court and a member of the Governor's 
Council from 1724 to 1784. He died at his dwelling in the 
Hamlet on Aug. 30*^, 1741, leaving a widow, Mary (Whip- 
ple) who became the third wife of Rev. Edward Holyoke, 
President of Harvard. The tender obituary notice*^ reveals 
a character of singular beauty and devotion. 

A Gentleman of conspicuous Piety, Integrity and Charity: 
of a most humble, peaceable courteous and obliging Temper: 
Given to Hospitality, ready to distribute and willing to com- 
municate, Which amiable Qualities make his Departure 
(however ripe vrith Age) to be greatly regretted. Many 
Poor about us, especially, have cause for their own sakes 
to lament him. 

He had about twelve Days before his Demise been seiz'd 
with a Fever, but was so far advanced in his Recovery as 

* Obituary in Boston News Lietter.Dec. 8-10, 1724. 

* Boston News Letter, Sept. 3-10, 1741. 


to walk about his Chamber for some Days: on Saturday 
night was able to offer the Family Evening Sacrifice and 
went to Bed with the desirable Signs of a speedy Return 
to perfect Health : But who knoweth what a Day or Night 
may bring forth! Early next morning being observed to 
lie still in his Bed, he was let alone for some Hours .... 
on supposition that he was asleep, until at length upon a 
more critical Observation he was found to have "Slept in 
Jesus." Aged 79 years. 

John Wainwright, son of the merchant of the same name, 
was graduated from Harvard in 1711 and was just begin- 
ning his useful career in the public service. He was chosen 
Town Clerk in 1719-20, and held the office for many years, 
writing his records in a notably bold and graceful hand. In 
1720, he was elected a Representative and remained in office 
almost continuously until 1738, being Clerk of the House 
from 1724 to 1728 and from 1734 to 1736. He was also 
Colonel of a Regiment, Justice of the General Sessions Court, 
and was often called to positions of trust and responsibility 
in the Province. He died on Sept. 1, 1739, in his forty- 
ninth vear.® 

The first payment, a fifth part of the loan of £1429 be- 
came due in 1726 and the disastrous results of a constantly 
depreciating currency became evident in very painful fashion 
in one case at least. One wise pamphleteer had revealed 
the hardships imposed upon the ministers and all salaried 
men by the instability of the currency. ''^ Rev. Jabez Fitch, 
the colleague pastor with the venerable John Rogers, had 
been allowed a loan of £100 by special vote of the Town, 
though it had been decided that no loan should exceed £50. 
For this he executed a mortgage upon his house and two 
acres of land, at the rate of "five pounds per ct. per an- 
num"® It appears that Mr. Rogers had been allowed a 

* Ipswich Village and the Old Rowley Road, p. 7. 
» Page 140. 

• Essex Co. Deeds 39: 96. 


similar loan, and on Oct. C, 1726, he made a pitiful plea to the 
Parish for relief. He declared what every body knew well 
enough, that for years his salary "has not been made good 
to me in vallue, however it might be in Sum." His dimin- 
ished salary had obliged him to borrow and mortgage a good 
part of his estate and sell one part after another and at last, 
in his old age, he was obliged to ask the kindly help of his 
people. Ready response was made and the Parish "freely 
and cheerfully" promised to discharge the mortgage he had 
given to the Town for £100 of the £50,000 loan.® 

In 1727, loans made imder the £100,000 issue matured, 
and the Gteneral Court recognized the scarcity of money by 
allowing the Province tax to be paid in commodities and 
manufactured goods at specified prices. The Collectors of 
the tax were instructed by the Town to receive the sums 
assessed upon the freeholders and inhabitants, "agreeable to 
the Tax Act of the General Court this present year.'* 

Payment could be made in wheat, rye, barley, oats and 
Indian com, in fish, beef and pork, flax and hemp, butter, 
bees wax, bay-berry wax, and many other products "all which 
species shall be of the growth, produce & manufacture of 
tnis Province."^^ 

A second emission of £60,000 was made in Feb. 1727-8 
and Ipswich secured £1,560, 5s. as its portion of the loan. 
In mid-summer of 1731, the Province treasury was empty 
and the Greneral Court and Gov, Belcher were at a dead locL 
An appeal was made to the Towns and a Town-meeting was 
called for September 7. The record is : 

The representation from the House of Representatives was 
read and a considerable debate was had thereon and on the 
Motion made & seconded, the Question was put Whether 
the Town will chuse a Committee to prepare Instructions 

* First Parish Records and Page 14. 

^* The Schedule of Values Is entered under Nov. 7, 1727 in the Town 


for our Bepresentatives in the weighty affair of Supplying 
the province Treasury and report their Opinions to the Town 
thereon ? 

This was negatived, as well as the motion to give any 
advice or instruction to the Ipswich representatives. Jona- 
than Pellows and Mr. John Choate, Jr. were the represen- 
tatives that year. Mr. Choate was serving his first term. 
He was a young man of thirty-four years, a lawyer by pro- 
fession, though not a college graduate, and the confidence 
reposed in him by the Town in this serious juncture is a fine 
tribute to his ability. He was destined to have a very con- 
spicuous part in the financial wrangles of this period and in 
the sharp variances with the Eoyal Governor of the Province. 
In February, 1736-7, a new issue of bills of credit was 
made of £18,000 "of the present form" and £9000 in bills 
of a new form. These were called the "New Tenor" bills, 
and it was specified that they had a fixed value in gold or 
silver. A new complexity was now introduced, as henceforth 
all values were computed in both Old Tenor and New Tenor. 
Two rival schemes for bettering the financial situation now 
assTuned great prominence. In December, 1740, John Col- 
man, who had been a prominent figure in the financial de- 
bates for many years, had secured nearly four hundred sub- 
scribers to a scheme for emitting bills, secured by mort- 
gages on the real estate of those who held the loans. The 
company desired incorporation, but the Governor and Council 
were opposed, action on the petition was delayed and even- 
tually the company issued its bills without incorporation. 

These bills were signed by some of the directors, and were 
in the form of a promise in behalf of the signers and their 
partners to receive the same in all payments at the expressed 
value, lawful money, six shillings and eight pence per ounce, 
and after twenty years to pay the same in the produce or 
manufactures enumerated in their scheme.*^ 

^ Cuirency and Banking in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, 
Andrew McFeirland Davis, Part I: p. 130. 


This was known as the "Land Bank" or "Manufactory 
Scheme." Some Boston merchants organized an opposition 
project, which was known as the "Silver Bank" or "Silver 
Scheme", which proposed to issue notes, redeemable in silver 
at a given rate per ounce, and secured the agreement of the 
subscribers to refuse to receive the bills of other govern- 
ments, except under certain conditions, and to refuse the 
Land Bank notes altogether. This company also asked in- 

The Directors of the Land Bank were Robert Auchmuty, 
William Stoddard, Samuel Adams, father of the Revolu- 
tionary patriot, Peter Chardon, Samuel Watts, John Choate, 
Thomas Cheever, Gteorge Leonard and Robert Hale. Mr. 
Choate became prominent at once in the fi^t for incor- 
poration. The Committee of the General Court, appointed 
to investigate these rival schemes, reported adversely to the 
Land Banks in March, 1739-40, but the House voted to refer 
both schemes to the May session, both companies being pro- 
hibited from issuing notes in the meantime. 

When the Assembly met, the Governor and Council were 
hostile to the Land Bank but in favor of the Silver Scheme. 
The House was in hearty sympathy with the Land Bank. 
Petitions from the towns were filed, favoring or opposing 
each scheme. The Ipswich petition, written apparently by 
John Choate, made a vigorous appeal for the Land Bank, 
which was very popular in this community. 

To His Excellency, Jonathan Belcher, Esq., Captain (Gen- 
eral & Gt)vemor-in-Chief in & over his Majesty's Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay.^- 

To the Honorable, His Majesty's Council & house of Rep- 
resentatives in Greneral Court assembled, this fifteenth day 
of June, annoque Domini, 1740. 

The Petition of us, the Subscribers, Lihabitants of the 
Town of Ipswich, sheweth 

^Ma88. Archives, 102: 44. 


That yoiir Petitioners being apprehensive the land Bank 
Scheme, now under your Consideration, may, with former 
amendments k alterations, not at all destructive of its Essence, 
be greatly serviceable to the people of this Province, under 
their present diJEcult circumstances, on the following ac- 
cotmts, first. For that the Want of a Medium of Trade 
is BO great so that almost every body's Business very sensibly 
decays by means therof . 

2"^. For that it will tend to take away the unreasonable 
advantage that the Jitter of Money at Interest has & im- 
proves over the needy & necessitous Borrower. 

3"^- For that it will remove the Occasion of so much 
Truck & Barter trade, the mischief & oppression of which, 
is daily (& we believe) very justly complained of & groaned 

4*^. It will greatly tend to industry & to increase our 
home manufactures & by degrees bring the Balance of trade 
in our favour, the Contrary of which (as we take it) & as 
we think might be (as it proves) in the main Cause & has 
all along been so of sinking the Credit of Paper money, & 
on this account, May it please Yr Excel*^ & Honour, we 
with Submission, deem it preferable to any Emission of the 
form that the coim.try has ever yet had, in the following 

I. For that, whereas former Emissions not being calcu- 
lated to encourage our own Manufactures, but to enable the 
Merchants & Factors to carry their foreign Trade &tc. to an 
imequal & overbearing pitch, the following ill effects have 
been produced, as 

J. The Silver (of which we had once enough), was all 
sent home, to make Eemittances ; 

2"^. The Faith of the Government pawned for the Credit 
of their Bills has been thereby shamefully tho' unavoidably 
as to them broke, to the great Scandal of the Province & 
hurt, if not Ruin, of many, by means of the Extravagant 
Price the necessitous Merchant &c. have from time to time 
given for Silver, for the aforesaid Purpose; for whatever 
Price their Necessities obliged them to give, to support their 
Credit abroad, that became immediately the Value of our? 
Paper Money, yea & the Price of their Gk)ods too; & how 
this oppres'd the Consumer & imposed on the Gbvemment, 


we need not say : & here we beg leave to observe that altho' 
the land & Trading Interest are inseparable, when duly regu- 
lated & kept in an equal balance: yet when the latter out- 
grows the former, it must need be attended with a vast num- 
ber of ill Consequences ; converts that into Shame & Poison, 
which otherwise would be for the Health & Glory of the 

A Second Respect, in which the present Scheme is pre- 
ferable to others, is in that it brings none of those Distresses 
upon the people, y* a publick Emission must always un- 
avoidably do, in it's final Redemption, when drawn in by 
a Tax, none here being obliged to procure the Bills, but the 
immediate Possessor, whereas in those, many Thousands may 
be taxed for their Quota, that have none & know not how, 
or by what means to obtain them, not to say anything of the 
Impropriety or present Difficulty of the (Government's emit- 
ting Money. 

^. In that it's direct Tendency is to take away the 
Occasion of any Paper Medium at all, which we hope this 
Scheme will in Time effect, by the Increase of our said 
Manufactures, lessening our Importations, & thereby stop- 
ping the Channel, which if kept open, will as heretofore, 
always carry away Silver & Gold from among us, as well 
that which may be deposited for the Redemption of a Paper 
Emission as any other, when once it ge . . . . dear of its 
confinement & then 

^. If a distant day of Payment of these Notes or Bills 
of Credit, is, as by many thought, a Cause of their Sink- 
ing, tho negotiable in the Interim, then this Scheme is in 
this Respect preferable there being always a Stock in the 
Treasury, which (we think) never yet in any Emission, Pub- 
lick or Private, was the Case & promis'd it was only so: 
never provided, but here it must be, or the Mortgage is 
forfeited & sold to procure it. 

And will not all these Advantages atone for some small 
Defects in the present Scheme, or the Trouble of amending 
it & over balance the unreasonable Cry & Clamour, that is 
by y® Merchants & Factors made against it? Whose just 
& reasonable trade, we doubt not will be well served, thereby 
& further we are not concerned, unless it be to prevent it, — 
Upon the Reasons thus briefly hinted, with a great many 

ooLpOniax currency and the land bank, 157 

Thousands more in this Province, Landed men, Traders, 
Tradesmen &c. the main Prop & Support of the Common- 
wealth should [....] quite dispirited, thro the Want of 
Money, having hardly any, to carry on their common 
business, or to answer their daily Necessities, or hope 
left, in any other way of obtaining any, but what at 
best, will be abused in its use, & at last leave them, in 
as perplexed a Condition or worse, than at present, & as 
in r)uty bound shall pray &c. 

John Choate Francis Choate 

Andrew Burley Nathaniel Wells 

Robert Choate Jacob Pirkins 

John Boardman John Fuller 

James Eveleth John Perkens 

Thomas Choate, Jr. William Dodge 

The Land Bank grew rapidly in popular favor. On July 
30, upwards of 800 subscribers were enrolled. Six of the 
leading members of the House were Directors and many of 
the members were subscribers. The subscriptions were for 
small sums, in the main, and the friends of the Silver scheme, 
whose subscriptions were notably large, twitted the Land 
Bank people that their supporters were people of the com- 
mon class. The contest grew bitter and personal. The 
merchants of New England petitioned Parliament to forbid 
the continuance of the Land Bank. Gov. Belcher threatened 
to remove supporters of the Bank from ofBce. Justices of 
the Peace, who had been commissioned by the Grovernor, did 
not wait removal. They sent him their resignations. John 
Choate was one of the first to resign. 

May it please Your Excellency.*' 

In as much as by your Excellency's Proclamation of the 
Fifth Currant the holding of a Commission Under your 
Excellency is made Inconsistent with prosecuting the Manu- 
factory Scheme, in which we are Concerned and whereon in 

<*Ma8s. ArchlveSt 102: 90. 


our humble opinionB the Interest of our Native Country so 
much depends as to Require the Utmost of our Endeavours 
to promote the same. 

Therefore as with a Grateful! Sense of your Excellency's 
Favour, We Received our Commissions and Trusts, so with 
the Same Sense for your so long Continuing us therein, 

We now with your Excellency's leave, Resign these Trusts 
being concerned that our being out of Town, Deprived us 
of the oppertunity of accompanying those Gtentlemen that 
have this day Resigned before us. 

We are your Excellency's Dutif ull and hum**^* Serv** 

Samuel Adams 
John Choate 

Nov. 10, 1740. 

To Go Belcher, Esq. 

. . . . al & Govemour in chief 


Major Ammi Ruhamah Wise, who also held the commis- 
sion of a Justice of Peace, with several others, was removed 
from office on Jan. 1, 1741, for receiving and passing the 
notes of the Land Bank "and persisting therein.^' The 
Registers of Deeds were commanded to send in the names of 
all who had mortgaged their property ; a Proclamation was 
issued by the Governor, forbidding all persons holding com- 
missions in the militia "to have any hand in this scheme for 
defrauding the people"; (Nov. 1, 1740) and on Dec. 11, 
orders were issued to Col. Berry and the other commanding 
officers to investigate their subordinates and discharge all 

Andrew Burley was summoned to appear before the Gov- 
ernor and Council. His reply**^ was not lacking in cool de- 

Worthy Sir : 

I this moment Received yours of y* 26*^ December for his 

"Mass. Archives, 102: 88, 99. 
*«Mas8. Archives. 102: 121. 



Magestie^s Service and should have Cheerfully waited on 
liis Excellency and the Council acording to the Direction 
of the Board But yesterday meet with a blow on my leg 
which disables me from Rideing a journey: as to the com- 
plaint Exhibited against me for Receiving and pasing Manu- 
factory Bills Since His Excellency's Proclamation, I frely 
acknowledge I have Don and am determin'd so to doe at 

I am 

Sir, Your humble Ser*, 

Andrew Burley. 
December 31**, 1740. 

While the final decision as to the Land Bank was still 
pending, a bank was organized and a petition for incor- 
poration was addressed to the General Court by Edward 
Eveleth, Ebenezer Stevens and John Brown. The Council 
voted to refer the petition to a joint Committee but the House 
refused to concur. This bank actually printed and circu- 
lated notes of small denominations, only four of which are 
known to be in existence. They were dated at Ipswich, 
May 1, 1741 and were payable to the order of Mr. James 

A new Assembly met on May 27, 1741. The Ipswich 
Representatives were John Choate and Richard Rogers. 

Samuel Watts, a Director of the Land Bank was chosen 
Speaker, but the Gbvemor disapproved this choice. Wil- 
liam. Fairbanks, a supporter of the Bank, was then chosen 
and the election was approved, but as the Assembly was 
evidently in favor of the Bank the Governor dissolved it 
and ordered a new election. John Choate and Andrew 
Burley were chosen the Representatives from Ipswich and 
when the new House met, it organized with the choice of 
Mr. Choate as Speaker and the Governor again sharply dis- 
approved. John ITobson was then chosen and the business 
of the session was begun. 


(Governor Belcher was relieved of his office in August, 1741. 
In the summer of 1739 or the year, 1739, he had received or- 
ders to promote enlistments for an expedition under Admiral 
Vernon against the Spanish settlements in the West Indies. 
He issued a loan and made appointments of the necessary 
officers. Major Ammi Ruhamah Wise of Ipswich, who had 
been ejected from the office of Justice of the Peace for his 
support of the Land Bank was appointed one of the ten 
captains. A contemporaneous author^® remarks upon this 
action of the Governor. 

There was indeed among other extraordinary Circumstan- 
ces of his Ex . . . cy's Behaviour respecting tike Land Bank 
Scheme during the late Session of the Assembly one that 
seems particularly Remarkable. 

Major Wise, a trader in Ipswich and the Representative 
of that Town, was publicly known, both from the List of 
the Subscribers to the Land Bank Scheme and that of the 
Voters in favor of it in the House of Representatives, as 
well as other Transactions, to be a very considerable Sub- 
scriber to and Promoter of that Scheme; and it appears 
that on the 9*^ of July, about a week after the second Me- 
morial of the Merchants had been presented to his Ex - . cy 
and the C ... 1 against the Scheme and his Ex . . . cy's 
strong Promises to 'em that he would discountenance it 
and endeavor to suppress it, his Ex ... cy in C ... 1 
appointed the Captains of the ten Companies proposed to 
be raised in this Province for his Majesty's Service in the 
late Expedition against the Spanish Settlements in the West 
Indies, and that Major Wise was the second Captain in 
his Ex . . . cy's List. 

The writer says that the Governor had "refused the ser- 
vices of two Persons for raising each of them a Company, 
both of 'em of superior Pretensions to those of Mr. Wise." 

The Boston N"ew8 Letter, July 31 — Aug. 7, 1740 reports: 

"An Account of the Rise, Progress & Consequence of the two late 
schemes, etc.— Boston, 1744, In the Colonial Currency Reprints, Prince 


Maj. Wise of Ipswich, having Compleated his Company^'' 
of Voluntiers in the County of Essex, they came to Town 
Yesterday and consist of a Number of lusty Men, able to 
endure Hardships and to appearance capable of serving his 
Majesty in the important Expedition propos'd against the 
Spaniards with Courage and Resolution. 

An Act of Parliament declared all the transactions of the 
two Bank Schemes illegal and void and ordered that they 
should be entirely abandoned on or before Sept. 29, 1741, 
under penalty of treble damages. This Parliamentary in- 
terference, as it was regarded by the friends of the Land 
Bank, was bitterly resented and there were signs of a violent 
uprising in several towns. Had Governor Belcher remained 
in power, it is possible and even probable that the first col- 
lision with Great Britain would have occurred at this time.^® 
Happily his successor, Gov. Shirley, appreciated the extreme 
delicacy of the situation. He found the Land Bank party, 
which was very numerous throughout the Province irri- 
tated and inflamed to such a degree that they seemed ripe 
for tumult and disorder. Two thirds of the members of the 
House of Representatives were either partners or abettors 
of the Land Bank Scheme and a general opposition by them 
to all the measures of the Government was feared.^® 

Wiser counsels prevailed and on Sept. 28, the Directors 
declared that the scheme was relinquished, although there 
was stormy opposition. The Silver scheme had already 
been abandoned. Many years elapsed however, before a final 
settlement of the affairs of the Land Bank was reached. 

The names of the Ipswich subscribers and partners have 
been preserved in several lists in the Archives of the Com- 
monwealth, the Essex Coimty Registry of Deeds and else- 

" The Roll of the Company has not been preserved. 

« Currency and Banking: In the Province of Mass. Bay. A. McP. Davis. 
Part n, p. 191. 

"•An Account of the Rise. Progrress and Consequences of the two late 
Schemes. Colonial Currency Reprints. 


where. Some apparently signed their names to the original 
subscription list, but never took any of the notes, as no 
record of mortgages appears, frightened perhaps by the un- 
expected opposition and the seriousness of the conflict. 
Some became sharers in the enterprize after the earliest 
lists had been published. Strangely enough, John Choate's 
name is omitted in some lists, though he was a Director and 
one of the most conspicuous supporters. The complete list 
of the Ipswich men who were identified in greater or less 
degree with the Land Bank is as follows.^® 

Thomas Adams, yeoman. 


John Boardman, gentleman, 


John Brown 

John Brown, Jr., yeoman, 


Andrew Burley, Esquire, 


Francis Choate, Grentleman, 


John Choate, (Director of the Company) 

Robert Choate 

Thomas Choate, Jr., gentleman. 


Parker Dodge 


William Dodge 

Benjamin Dutch 


Edward Eveleth 

Isaac Eveleth 


James Eveleth 

Josepli Fowler, gentleman, 


William Giddings 

Benjamin Gilbert 


John Gilbert 

Joseph Gilbert, yeoman. 


Abraham Knowlton 

Ebenezer Knowlton, yeoman, 

'^Mr. Andrew McFarland Davis in AnnendiY TC. Part TT 


nf Ilia vmf*1r nn 

Currency and Banking has made an exhaustive study of the lists of part- 
ners. The following list is compiled from his summary. 


Samuel Knowlton 

John Patch 

Jaoob Perkins 

John Perkins, yeoman, £200 

Samuel Kogers 

Timothy Wade 

John "Whipple, Jr., Gentleman, £400 

Joseph Whipple, Jr. 

Ammi R. Wise, Esquire, 



Daniel Wise, Shopkeeper, 

The only Ipswich subscribers to the Silver Bank, so far 
as known, were Daniel Appleton, Esq. and Eev. ilTathaniel 

In pursuance of an Act for more speedy finishing of the 
Land Bank, passed Oct., 1Y43, and another Act passed Au- 
gust, 1744, assessments were levied on the Ipswich sub- 

£ . £ 

Thomas Adams 4 Joseph Fowler 4 

John Boardman 10 Benjamin Gilbert 8 

John Brown 4 Joseph Gilbert 4 

Andrew Burley 30 Abraham Knowlton 4 

Francis Choate 10 Ebenezer Kiiowlton 12 

John Choate, Esq. 20 John Patch 2 

Thomas Choate, Jr., 20 John Perkins 4 

Parker Dodge 4 John Whipple, Jr. , 8 

Benjamin Dutch 4 Ammi & Daniel Wise 22-10 

The settlement of the Land Bank still remained incom- 
plete. An Act of February, 1Y59, to finish the business, 
authorized an assessment of £3000 on such surviving members 
as the "Commissioners should judge of ability as to estate." 
The Commissioners assessed the Ipswich members on Sep- 
tember 8"*, 1763.22 

'^ Boston News Letter, Jan. 2, 1746 Supplement. 
"The Boston Gazette, Sept. 12. 1768. 


£ 8. d. 

Thomas Adams 7- 0- 

John Boardman 17-10- 

Francis Choate 14- 0- 

John Choate, Esq. ^^ 87-10- 

Thomas Choate, Jr. 31-10- 

Benjamin Dutch 7- 0- 

John Patch 3-10- 

John Whipple, Jun. 14- 0- 

On March 22, 1764, the Commissioners levied another' 
assessment.^* The Ipswich share holders who were assessed, 
under penalty of their estates being sold if payment were 
not made in thirty days were as follows. 

£ 8. d. 

John Brown 5-12- 

Andrew Burley 42- 0- 

Parker Dodge 5-12- 

Joseph Fowler 5-12- 

Benjamin Gilbert 11-4-0 

Abraham Knowlton 5-12- 

Ebenezer Knowlton 16-16- 

Ammi & Daniel Wise 31-10- 

Several persons who were assessed Sept 8, 1763, as sur- 
viving partners, having deceased, their estates are assessed 

£ s. d. 
John Boardman 14- 0- 

Benj. Dutch 5-12- 

The Commissioners advertised in the Evening Post on 
August 27, 1765, that a large portion of the assessments 
remained unpaid and that they should proceed to collect on 
October 4^. 

Col. Choate was cordially supported by the majority of 

^ The maximum assessment. 

»* The Boston Gazette, March 26, 1764. 


his fellow citizens. He was elected to the House every year 
until 1750 and in several subsequent years. In 1745, he 
obtained leave of absence to go with Pepperell to Cape 
Breton.^*^ He was enrolled as Colonel and Captain of the 
First Company of the 8^ Mass. Eegiment in the Louisbourg 
campaign and performed efficient service later at Albany. 
In 1747 and 1748, the Town voted to elect but one Repre- 
sentative and the honor fell to him. There was a very dis- 
cordant minority, however, as the following communication 
to the Boston News Letter clearly reveals. 

Ipswich, May 15, 1747. 
The Inhabitants of the Town, Yesterday, at a legal Meet- 
ing, elected to represent them the ensueing Year, in the 
General Assembly, John Cheat, Esq., who we are fully sen- 
sible has for many years served this Town and Country in 
a publick Capacity with Faithfulness and Integrity, notwith- 
standing the injurious Misrepresentations of many, but more 
particularly the incessant detestable Endeavours of an in- 
famous Chatterer, who at all Opportunities is essaying to 
asperse the Characters of worthy Men in a publick Station, 
and has thereby rendered himself the Scorn and Contempt 
of all honest men on both sides of the Water, Who have had 
the Unhappiness of being pestered and plagued with his im- 
govemable malicious Tong. 

It may be true, as has been affirmed, that the long and 
heated currency conflict led up to those consultations of the 
Representatives with the Selectmen of the towns which prob- 
ably suggested the Committees of Correspondence through 
which so much was accomplished in the days of the Revolu- 
tion ; while the arbitrary suppressioon of the Land Bank com- 
pelled men to face the question whether such legislation as 
that through which the closure was accomplished could pos- 
sibly be tolerated by a free people. 

« See Chapter vm. French and Indian War. 


The FjiENOH and Indian ob Seven Yeabs Wae, 1755-1762 


The Acadians in Ipswich. 

The four years war between France and England, 1744- 
1748, which terminated with the Treaty of Aix-La-Chapelle, 
was the occasion of one brilliant event on this side the Atlan- 
tic, the capture of the fortress of Louisbourg in Cape Breton 
by the English and Colonial forces. An expedition under 
the command of William Pepperell of Kittery, a merchant 
of large wealth but with slight military experience, sailed 
from Boston on the 24*** of March, 1745. The siege was 
conducted with great vigor and the fortress surrendered in 
two months. 

Edward Eveleth had been commissioned Lieut. Col. and 
Captain of the 2"** Co. of the 5*** Massachusetts Regiment, 
Col. Robert Hale, on Feb. 7, 1744. He was present at the 
siege and capture and many Ipswich men were no doubt in 
his company. Unfortunately none of the Military Rolls 
of that expedition have been preserved.^ On or about the 
first of June, 1745, Col. John Choate of Ipswich, Lieut 
Col. William Williams and Major ITathaniel Thwing re- 
ceived their commissions from Gov. Shirley, and under his 
instructions proceeded to raise the 8*"^ Mass. Regiment, con- 
sisting of ten companies of forty men each. They arrived 
with eight companies about the fifth of July, the other two 

^ The principal record is the Pepperell Papers, Mass. Hist, Soc. ColL 
Sixth Seriesp Vol. X. This narrative is based upon these papers. 



companies being expected at any time, and found to their 
^inexpressible joy,'' that the city had already surrendered. 
Their late arrival, for which they were no wise responsible, 
gave rise however to the question whether their regiment 
was to be regarded as a part of the expedition, and entitled 
to a proper share of the awards and further service, or 
v«^liether it should be sent home at once. Col. Choate and 
his brother officers petitioned on July 8*** that the expedition 
should not be deemed at an end and that their regiment 
should be esteemed part of the army, and it was so decided 
by a Council of War. As Col. Choate was also Cap- 
tain of the 1"* Company, another group of Ipswich men was 
undoubtedly included in it. 

Col. Eveleth evidently had filled a prominent place in 
tiie conduct of the siege. Immediately upon his arrival, 
Col. Choate was also recognized as an officer of ability. He 
was appointed Judge Advocate of a Court of Admiralty, June 
20*^ and Judge Advocate General for Courts Martial on 
July 23*. Dr. John Manning of Ipswich was commissioned 
Surgeon on June 7"*. 

Colonel Edward Eveleth, in his petition for reimburse- 
ment,^ stated that after the reduction he was ordered to 
Canso, where he was obliged to subsist several men from 
May first to August fifth, including Mr. Benjamin Crocker, 
a chaplain in the expedition. Mr. Crocker was a prominent 
Ipswich citizen, a graduate of Harvard in the class of 1713, 
a Representative, a teacher for several years of the Gram- 
mar School, and a frequent preacher in the Ipswich pulpits. 
His wife, Mary Whipple, daughter of Major John Whipple, 
inherited the Whipple House, and there they made their 
home.* Richard Lakeman, Clerk of the company, confirmed 
Col. Eveleth's statements.* William Holland, wounded at 

*lAia88. Archives 73: 518, 74: 64. He received £52-7s-6d for his wages as 
Lieut. -Col., 39 weeks and 2 days. 
* Ipswich Hist Society Pubs. XX: 33. 


Cape Breton, was brought home and died June 4, 1745.^ 
Mary Lakeman, administrator of Silvanus Lakeman, an en- 
listed soldier under Lieut. Col. Eveleth, who was sent home 
sick and was robbed of his gun, a good Queen's arm, peti- 
tioned for £12 damage in March, 1753.® 

A partial list of Col. Choate's company on Nov. 13, 1745, 
contains the names of Stephen Whipple, Clerk, Daniel 
Kimball, Moses Jewett and John Jewett. l^o residences 
however, are given and the Ipswich men can not be accu- 
rately determined. One vessel was dispatched to Boston on 
June 22"'', with a single company of Col. Choate's regiment. 
The rest remained during the winter. Col. Choate had 
l)art in a reconnoissance to the Island of St. Johns on May 
14*^ 1746. Two days later, a Council of War decided that 
it was advisable that the Ifew England troops, who had not 
enlisted in His Majesty's service, should be discharged and 
sent home as soon as vessels could be provided for their 

An account book*^ of Capt, Jonathan Bumam of the 
Chebacco parish notes the impressment of men in that par- 
ish, and reveals the makeshifts to which the Town officials 
were obliged to resort to provide their equipment. 

An a Counpt of such men as are jmprest or Detacht into 
his maiestyes saruice in the year 1744 whose names are 
under written that are under my Command Belonging to 
Chebaco Compeny. 

Ebenezer Cogswel Joseph emerson 

Daniel Androus Benjamen Androus 

humphery williams Isaac pockter 

mosis foster iunr Nathan Story 

«Mass. Archives 73: 522. 

•"• Town Record. 

"Mass. Archives 74: 92. 

' Essex Institute Hist. Coll.. XUX., Jan., 1913. 


these whos names are a boue written ware Imprest into 
liis majestyes sarvis June y* 5, 1Y44 

Imprest Into his maiesties sarvis thomas poland June y* 
18, 1745 

thomas Bumum y' S^ was Imprst into his Majestyes 
Sarvis July y* 27, 1745 

Ben j amen procter & John uamy was Imprest into his 
Majesties Sarvis Apriel y*^ 28, 1746 

Samuel Gidding and Samuil Story was Imprest Into his 
ZMajesties Sarvis July y*^ 16, 1746. 

Nathan Burnum was Imprest Into his Majesties Sarvis 
July y* 16, 1746 and nathan Burnum And Caleb Bumum 
hiered Caleb Androus to goe into the Sarvice & gave him 
thirty eight pounds old tener paid equally between them 

David Low juner was Imprest into his Majesties Service 
In march, 1748. 

Daniel Low was Imprest into his Majesties Service May 
y' 11, 1748 

June y® 2, 1746 then Receued of Jeremiah Lufkin two 
guns which I imprest and Delivered to two of his Sons that 
went to the Cape brittcn expedition 

Receued of Jeremiah Lufkin a Catreg Box 

Reciued of william Allin a Catreg Box 

Receued of Cap" Jeremiah Foster a gun which I Imprest 
And Deliuered to Thomas Grotten which went In the Cape 
Britton Expedition 

Receved of m^ Solomon Giddings Thomas Grottons Cat- 
treg Box 

An a Counpt of men Imprest into his Majesties Service 
by Capt. Jonathan Burnum Imprest in May, 1748 who 
paid forty pounds a peace in Bils of Credit old tenor. 
Receued of Joseph Andreus for his son Joseph forty 

pounds 40- 0- 

Receiued of Thomas lufkin for his son Thomas 

forty pounds 40- 0- 


Eeceiued of Stephen Bonnum forty pounds 40- 0- O 

Receiued of Nathaniel Cavis forty pounds 40- 0- O 

John lul hiered into his Maiesties Service May the 
24, 1748 and I paid him sixty pounds old ten- 
ner 60- 0- O 
WiDiam Kimbol hired into his Maiesties Service 
may the 24, 1748 and I paid him sixty pounds 
oldtener 60- 0- 
Jonathan, son of Captain Burnam, was at Louisbourg. 
The men impressed in 1744 went in the Expedition no doubt, 
some of the others may have been included in Col. Choate's 
regiment John Kinge, known as the "Ipswich lad," was 
in one of these regiments. Henry Russell® was in Louisboui^ 
over the winter. An affectionate letter from his mother 
has been preserved. 

Ippsich, Jenuary ye 13th, 1745. 
these with my love to you hoping they will find you in per- 
fect health as they leave us and Blessed be the name of the 
Lord for it (that is) all your friends are well and send 
their respects to you. your aunt Gammage® in particular 
sends her love. I have Reed the Letter vou wrote the 
Eighth of Last month and am very sorry that you are like 
to stay all winter. I want to see you my son very much I 
hope you will come home as soon as possible, all your re- 
lations pity you very much. I have sent you some things By 
a vessell from Beverly, I cannot remember the Capt. name 
but you might find him out. Viz, some Cheeses five pound 
of Butter some Links some herbs Some apples some otmeal 
Some Sewet Some Indian meal Some thread Some yearn 
I could not get the caps Done and therefore could (not) 
send them The Barrell is mark H R upon the head of it 
I should be glad if you would send to me by the first op- 
pertunity Send when you think you shall come home. 

So no more at present But Remain your loving and dear 

Sarah Russell. 

" Son of Henry and Sarah Russell, bp. Dec. 2, 1722. 
* Henry Russell and Sarah Adams, inten. 11: 8: 1713. Her sister, Han- 
nah married John Gamage, May 23, 1728. 


P. S. I would have you keep from bad Company. Old 
Mr Rogers^® Died the 28th of December and was Buried 
the 3rd of Jenuary, Mr Fowler Died the same Day Buried 
the last of December. 

^had H R twise upon one head, and mark on the 

other H Russel with Blacking. 


Mr Henery Russell 

Lewisbourg on 

Cape Britan 
these with care, 
(captain name is blotted out) 

Col. S. Waldo certified^^* that Zachary Dwinnell of Ips- 
wich was enlisted in his company and was borne on the rolls 
from 5 Aug., 1746, to the time the troops were disbanded. 
William TTrann memorialized^^** the General Court, April 
5, 1749, that the name of Ebenezer Maxey, then dead, had 
been omitted in Col. Choate's muster roll, and prayed that 
his wages might be paid to his widow, who had six small 
children dependent upon her. 

The news of peace had hardly reached the colonies before 
the French Grovemor of Canada sent a force to proclaim 
French supremacy in the Ohio valley, in June, 1749. Three 
years later, forts were built and garrisoned by the French 
and in 1764, they built Fort Duquesne, on the site of the 
present city of Pittsburg. In May, a detachment of Vir- 
ginia militia, commanded by Col. Gteorge Washington, met 
and defeated a body of French troops at Great Meadows on 
the western slope of the AUeghanies. 

The Seven Tears War or the French and Indian War, 
as it is commonly called, now began. Expeditions were 
planned against Fort Duquesne, against Crown Point, a 
French stronghold on Lake Gteorge, the source of many In- 
dian attacks, and Fort !N'iagara; and a third, against the 

^ Rev. John Rogers, Pastor of First Church, Joseph Fowler. 
>*«Mass. Archives, 73: 111. 
**^Mas8. Archives 73: 367. 


Acadian settlers in JTova Scotia. New England men had no 
part in the first of these which was led by Gen. Braddock, 
and suffered disastrous defeat in the summer of 1755, but 
they had a conspicuous part in aJl the other operations of 
the war. 

The conquest of Fort Beausejour in June, 1755, and the 
removal of the Acadian peasantry from Nova Scotia, was 
accomplished by an expedition led by Lieut. Col. Monckton. 
Col. John Winslow commanded 2000 Massachusetts troops 
with Dr. John Calef of Ipswich as the surgeon of his regi- 
ment. The roll of the regiment has not been preserved. 

The experience of Captain Thomas Staniford of Ipswich 
in his good schooner, "Jolly Robin," ^^ is typical of the 
danger of the peaceful merchant service in this period. In 
February, 1756, while at Halifax, he was informed by Gen. 
Winslow that Gov. Shirley ordered him to sail for Boston 
at once. He was not bound for that port but made sail as 
directed. When he arrived at Nantasket, a boat from "H. 
M. Sloop Hornet" came along side and an officer impressed 
four of his crew. Captain Staniford appealed to Gen. 
Winslow, who promised to secure their release.^* 

Dr. John Calef of Ipswich had warrant from Qov. Shirley 
on Jan. 22, 1755 to proceed to Fort Halifax on the Ken- 
nebec river, to take care of the sick soldiers in the garrison. 
He started at once and arrived at Falmouth, now Portland, 
in three days where he was obliged to leave his horse and 

travel on foot the rest of the wav. He arrived at the Fort 


"the beginning of February" and found the garrison very 
sickly, and it continued so until the first of April. The 
sickness was then much abated, and as his medicines were 
almost spent, he advised with the commanding officer and 
returned home. As he had received no pay, he petitioned 
that "his Extraordinary Fatigue & Service in the Midst of 

" Called sometimes the "Jolly Rover." 
"Mass. Archives 65: 193. 


Winter" should be recognized. His expenses were, for 
horse hire 26/8, 10 days expense himself and horse at 3/ 
a day, horse keeping at Falmouth 16/ and £3-12"-8*, ex- 
clusive of wages. The Greneral Court voted him £15-18/. 
In the spring of 1756, an army was recruited largely from 
the militia of Connecticut and Massachusetts to attack the 
Trench and their Indian, allies at Crown Point. To en- 
courage the companies to penetrate the Indian country, Gov. 
Shirley issued a proclamation** on June 18, 1755, granting 
to every such company consisting of not less than 30 men, 
30 days provisions and for every Indian captive £220, for 
every scalp £200, provided the company should have per- 
formed a march of at least 30 days. A grant was made to 
every inliabitant of the Province, for every captive £110, 
for every scalp £100. 

Captain John Whipple of the Hamlet commanded a com- 
pany in Col. Bagley's regiment, in service from April, 1755 
to December and January following, which was composed 
largely of the young men of the Hamlet and Chebacco. 

The roll, as returned by Capt. Whipple in Feb., 1756, in- 
cluded :** 

John Whipple, Captain Jacob Smith, Corporal 

Stephen Whipple, Lieut Nathan Thompson, Corporal 

Philip Lord, Ensign Kobert Potter, drummer 
Aaron Day, Sergeant Privates 

Antipas Dodge, Sergeant Nathaniel Adams, Corporal 
Ebenezer Knowlton, Sergeant after Dodge's death. 

John Appleton, Clerk Samuel Brown 

Greorge Adams, Corporal Stephen Brown 

promoted Sergeant after John Daniels 

Dodge's death. Ebenezer Davise 

Isaac Hovey, Corporal John Dennis 

» Mass. Archives 74: 462. 
MMass. Archives 94: 83. 


Mark Fisk James Reynolds 

Nathaniel Heard David Riggs 

Moses Hodgkins Abraham Safford 

Thomas Howlet Edward Seakes ? 

John Jones Jeremiah Seachell 
Thomas Kimball (Shatswell) 

William Kimball William Semons 

John Lakeman John Small 

Thomas Loney W^illiam Smith 

Stephen Lowater James Stephens 

Joseph Machem Robert Stocker 

William Mansfield Samuel Tuttle 

Elijah Maxwell Scipio Wood 

Andrew Morse Andrew Woodbury 

Nathan Patch Isaac Woodbury 
Francis Poland 

The old day book of Mark Howe of Linebrook contains 
the item 

An account of soldiers under Lt. Mark How Command 
that have enlisted into his Majesties Service under Capt. 
Herrick's Command in the Defence of North Amarica. 

Michael Holegate, Mark How Jr. the fifteenth day of 
March, 1755. 

15 Sept. 1755. Allen Perley hired Nehemiah Abbott in 
his Room to go to CrovTn Point under Capt. Isaac Smith, 
which shall go for Perley's turn. 

The soldiers listened to a sermon by Rev. Mr. Wiggles- 
worth, Pastor of the Hamlet church, and then began the 
long march from Ipswich to Albany, A letter^ '^ written 
from Albany to a friend in Boston gives a high character 
to these New England soldiers. 

The Behavior of the New England Provincials at Albany 

^Boston Gazette, August 11, 1765. 


is equally admirable and satisfactory .... Instead of the 
Devastations committed by the Troops in 1746, not a Farm- 
er has lost a Chicken or even a Mess of Herbs — they have 
five Chaplains and maintain the best Order in the Camp— ^ 
Publick Prayer, Psalm singing and martial Exercises in- 
grossed their whole Time at Albany. Twice a week they 
have Sermons and are in the very best Frame of Mind for an 
Army, looking for success in a Dependence upon Almighty 
God and a Concurrence of Means. Would to Qod the New 
England Disposition in this Respect were catching. 

From Albany, the whole army marched to Lake George, 
^where Fort Edward was built by the New England men, 
skilled in the use of the axe and the building of log houses. 
Late in August, Major General William Johnson, who had 
been appointed to the chief command, led his little army 
of 3400 men, including several hundred Indian allies, to 
the southern shore of the lake and established his camp. 

On the morning of Sept. 8*^, Dieskau, the French com- 
mander, assailed the camp with a large force of French 
regulars, Canadian militia and Indians. For five hours 
the raw New England militia sustained the assault of the 
trained soldiers of Europe and the more cunning attack 
of their Indian foe, and finally, leaping over their frail 
defences, put the enemy to flight. Two hundred and six- 
teen of the Americans fell and ninety-six were woxmded. 
Antipas Dodge, Sergeant in Capt. Whipple's Co. and John 
Jones were among the slain. ^® Corporal Nathan Thomp- 
son was wounded three times. He petitioned^*^ the Gen- 
eral Court for relief, Feb. 11, 1Y56. 

being so hotly engaged with the enemy in y® woods and 
obliged to retreat .... the first shot I received was just 

>• Pelt, History of Ipswich, p. 149, says that Joseph Slmmonds also fell on 
that day and that Elijah Maxwell or Maxey wcui wounded in the hand, 
which was made useless. They were all Hamlet men. Mass. Archives, 
94: 83. Bancroft, 4: 211. 

>'Mas8. Archives 76: 96. 


above the Elbow, the second about half way between y* Elbow 
and Wrist, the third in my left side. 

Having lost the use of his arm entirely, he asked aid 
as a wife and five children were dependent upon him. 
£5 was voted for his present relief. 

A second company, under the command of Capt. Isaac 
Smith of Ipswich, was ready to march to reinforce the 
army at this time. The roll, reported by the Captain in 
the February following included :^^ 

Isaac Smith, Captain 
John Jones, Lieut. 
Gideon Parker, Ensign 
John Adams, Sergeant 
Benjamin Brown, Sergeant 
David Smith, Sergeant 
Daniel Porter, Clerk 
Nehemiah Abbott, Corporal 
Greoffrey Purcell, Corporal 
Jacob Town, Corporal 
Aaron White, Corporal 
Stephen Bennett, Drummer 
(Waite ?) 
Francis Appleton 
Daniel Averell 
James Burch 
Benjamin Chapman 
Simon Chapman, died at 

Joseph Cheney 
Richard Hubbard Dodge 
Joseph Emmons 

Daniel Giddings 
Daniel Gilbert 
Solomon Goodwin 
Nathaniel Grant 
Benjamin Heath 
Jonathan Harris 
John Herrick 
Jedidiah Hodgkins 
Stephen Hodgkins 
Ezekiel Hunt, marched to 

Deerfield & deserted. 
David Ireland 
Edmond Kimball 
Philip Kneeland 
Edward Lamson 
Joseph Lord 
James McNiell 
John Moulton 
Thomas Morphew 
Samuel Patch 
Bemsley Perkins 
Jacob Perkins 
Nathaniel Perkins 

"Mass. Archives 94: 1: 92. 


Samuel Pickard James Smith 

William Kand Thomas Tenney 

Thomas Riggs Ezra Towne 

Samuel Rogers John Tuttle 


To this long roll of Ipswich soldiers in the first campaign 
may be added the names of 

Joseph Fisk John Rogers 

Abijah Howe Daniel Shergeat 

Robert Lee Israel Town 

William Morrison Jacob Town 

Andrew Patch Aaron Waite 
Daniel Poland 

These appear on the enrollment list, returned by Col. 
Berry, noted as "Crown Point men," in the Index,^® though 
their names are not found on the roll of either of the Ips- 
Avich companies. 

An enrollment of Col. John Greenleaf s Regiment^^ con- 
tains the names of: 

John Adams Isaac Martin 

David Bennett William Newman 

Jonathan Fellows Daniel Parsons 

Samuel Fellows John Quarles 

Joseph Killam Robert Quarles 

Ebenezer Mansfield Lemuel Tucker 

With these exceptions, the Col. Greenleaf enrollment is 
almost identical with that of Captain Isaac Smith's Com- 
pany in Col. Plaisted's Regiment, already given. 

Gen. Johnson, though urged by Gov. Shirley and the N"ew 
England provinces, to press the campaign against the French, 
took no advantage of the decisive victory. He employed his 

>*Ma8S. Archives, 93: 227. 
**liafl8. Archives 93: 225. 


force in building Fort William Henry, a wooden structure, 
near Lake George and on the approach of winter, retaining 
a sufficient garrison, he dismissed the militia. The troops 
were at home by mid-winter. Captain Whipple's roll,^^ re- 
turned in Feb., 1756, bears the record. 

"Travel from Albany to Ipswich, 225 miles, 15 miles p' 
day, is 15 days, at 1" 6** p'^ day is 22/6 p' man." Their 
time of service was from April to December, 1755 and 
January, 1756. Captain Smith made his attested return 
on the 26*** of February and certified his company's service 
from Sept. 9 to Dec. 17. They made the return march in 
the same number of days required by Capt. Whipple's com- 

The Commissioners appointed to go to Albany to forward 
the Crown Point expedition, James Minot, Col. John 
Choate and Samuel Livermore, reported on Dec 12, 1755.^- 

They arrived at Albany on Nov. 12*^, and while 20 miles 
away, they overtook 57 head of cattle, which were being 
driven to the camp as a present from Long Island. The 
drovers informed them that about 200 sheep had already 

reached Albanv from the same source. 


Next day we set out and in three days we arrived at 
Fort W" Henry. Met about a thousand troops marching off, 
said to be chiefly of Connecticut men & about 200 wagons 
returning with many of the sick of this Province. Held 
council at the Fort, agreed on garrison. 430 at upper, 320 
at Lower Fort. Col Bagley to be Chief .... 

At Albany we ordered all the sick under the care of 
Doctor Calfe (Dr. John Calef of Ipswich) with Doctor Hall 
for his second or assistant, the said Calfe was the only Phy- 
sician of iTote we could prevail on to accept this charge 
and as the sick were numerous and a number of them at 
the Flatts, six miles out of Town, we were obliged to prom- 
ise him some further allowance than the stated wages of a 

*^Ma,88. Archives 94: 1: 92. 
>*Ma88. Archives 75: 18-26. 


siLrgeon. Capt Stone was driving up 237 head of cattle 
for this Province. The forts appear to Us to be strong and 
well-built capable of a good defence but ill situated with re- 
spect to some neighboring hills that overlook them .... 

Dr. Calef, Surgeon to the late Col. Samuel Willard's Regi- 
ment and Dr. Hall addressed a memorial^* to the Commis- 
sioners, asking further remuneration. 

We performed said service until January 18 and for a 
considerable part of the time visited and dressed upwards 
of an hiuidred sick and wounded persons & did perform 2 
amputations, viz. a leg and an arm. 8 persons sick ten 
miles this side the city and several at the Flatts above the 

The Council voted. To John Calef 40/. To Jer. Hall 
£8. In Council, Feb. 25, 1756, John Choate, Esq., Josiah 
Dwight, Esq. and John Murray, Esq., were chosen a Com- 
mitt<3e of War^* to repair to Albany. This Committee did 
not accept apparently, and Col. Choate was again appointed 
on April 14***, his associates being Elisha Sheldon and John 

The Commissioners were at Eort Edward on June 22, 
1756 and wrote^^ from there that guards and scouts were 
needed to protect the wagons engaged in transporting sup- 
plies to Fort William Henry. They remained there during 
the summer, but were summoned home on Aug. 27***.^® 

Early in the summer of 1756, the New England men were 
summoned once more to join the British regular regiments 
in a new campaign. The long marches, the prevailing 
sickness and the weak leadership of the former year proved 
very discouraging. The difficulty experienced in raising the 
new levy is well shown in Col. Berry's letter. 

I. Archives 75: 509. 
*• Mass. Archives 75: 155, 492. 
"Mass. Archives 75: 668. 
"Mass. Archives 76: 54. 


Mr. Secretary. 


In Obedience to His Excellency's orders to me of April 
15, I Proportioned the One hundred and seventeen men de- 
manded out of the Regiment under my Command and had 
them all Inlisted or Imprest at the day. But so it was 
(as before Observed to you) 18 in Capt. Low's Company, 
every one paid the fine. 10 from Capt. Davis did the like 
8 in Capt. Allen's Company did likewise. Since which they 
have done all as I apprehend Officers could To hire and 
many have given £13-6-8, And now men are not to be pro- 
cured at any Lay. 

The Fishermen when they come in keep hid, or go off 
to sea so as not to be taken. They are yet m Constant 
Pursuit and I dont leave them Six days without fresh Or- 
ders, and were it to save the Country, I can do no more. 

I herewith send a list^** of the men that have been In- 
listed & Impressed and Sent forward also of what is waiting 
& where .... 

And hope not to be wanting in my utmost Endeavors to 
forward what is yet behind. I have been in hourly expec- 
tation to have sent a Compleat list of the whole that have 
been Demanded which Occasioned my delay. But have been 
obstructed as above. Which I hope will plead an Excuse 
for him who with difficulty bears to be Out Strip't in point 
of duty, by any Officers whatsoever. 

And is 


Your Obedient — 

Humble Servant, 

Tho" Berry 
Ipswich, June 4, 1756. 

To the Hon^** Secretary^ Willard^** 

Capt. Stephen Whipple of the Hamlet, brother of Captain 
John, with whom he served as Lieut, in 1765, was in the 
field with 41 able bodied soldiers who had passed muster 
at Boston on May 7"*, 1756, to go to Crown Point, 

His rolP^ included a group of Ipswich men, 

*•• The list has not been preserved. 

*^ Mass. Archives 94: II: 233. 

» Mass. Archives 94: 1: 200. Col. Plaisted's Regiment 






Stephen Whipple, Captain 




Nathaniel Adams 




Thomas Adams 



g € 

John Baker 




John Boyuton 




Stephen Brown 




Benj. Glazier 




Caleb Lampson 




Stephen Lowater 




John Marshall 




Elijah "Maxey 




Benj. Binder 




William Poland 




Eben Porter 




Joseph Whipple 




The rolPs of Capt. Andrew Fuller' 

s Co. in the 

same regi- 

ment. Col. Ichabod Plaisted'i 

3, included the names 





John Daverson 




Caleb Low 




John Mays 




John Stacy 




Andrew Woodbury 




Capt. Jonathan Pearson's company, Col. Plaisted's regi- 
ment at Fort Edward, July 26, 1756, reported on its roU.^® 

age bom residence 
Aaron Caldwell 36 Ipswich Ipswich yeoman 

Nath^ Foster 24 

John Knowlton, Corporal 18 



[N'ewbury shipwright 



John Maybe 




William Perkins 




James Eobans 




John Webber 




Ensign Joseph Greenleaf 




"BCaas. Archives 94: 

1: 201. 

* Maaa, Archives 94: 

n: S41. 


was enrolled in Capt. Edmund Mooer's company, Col. Plais- 
ted's regiment.*^ Benjamin Brown was enrolled as Ensign 
in Capt. Pearson's Co., returned Dec. 22, 1756.^^ 

The rolP^ of Capt. Stephen Whipple's company. Col. Icha- 
bod Plaisted's regiment, at Fort Edward, July 27, 1756, 
bears the same names as the earlier roll with few changes. 
Thomas Adams was then sergeant; Kathaniel Adams, Ste- 
phen Brown and Stephen Lowater were corporals; John 
Marshall had died on the march to Albany. The names of 
John Boynton, Benjamin Glazier and Eben Porter do not 
appear. Moses Dodge, bom in Beverly, 18 yrs. old, resi- 
dent in Ipswich, a joiner, and Benj. Webber, bom in Ips. 
age 18, resident in Wenham, a laborer, are added. Nathan- 
iel Adams had been hired; John Baker, Stephen Brown, 
Moses Dodge and Joseph Whipple had been impressed ; the 
rest had enlisted. Amos Story was on the roll*' of the com- 
pany reported Feb. 1, 1757. 

The roll'* of Capt. Israel Davis's company, Col. Bag- 
ley's regiment, at Fort William Henry, Aug. 9, 1756, in- 

Anthony Potter, Sergeant David Ireland 
Ebenezer Davis, Corporal Thomas Kimball 
Joseph Bumam Thomas Loney 

Daniel Chapman John Bobbins 

Zachariah Dwinell Ebenezer Smith 

Ezekiel Hunt Jacob Smith 

Asa Holegate Robert Stocker 

The roll®*' of the same company, from Feb. 18, 1756 to 
Dec, 21'* following, mentions Jeremiah Shatswell, drummer, 
Samuel Potter, and that Thomas Kimball was the son of 
John Kimball. 

*^Ma,88. Archives 94: II: 847. 
•^Mass. Archives 96: 1: 136. 
» Mass. Archives 94: II: 849. 
"Mass. Archives 95: 1: 191. 
MMass. Archives 94: U: 886. 
"Mass. Archives 96: I: 116, 117. 


Gideon Parker, Ensign in Capt Isaac Smith's company 
in the first campaign, was Captain of a company in CoL 
Plaisted's regiment in 1756. The roU*^ of his company 
from Feb. 18, 1756 to Dec 22, 1756, included as Ipswich 

Gideon Parker, Captain Nathaniel Grant 

I^wrence Clarke, Sergeant George Harper 
Jacob Cogswell, Sergeant Amos Howard 

Benjamin Grant, Corporal David Kilbom, dead 
Moses Hodgkins, Corporal Joseph Lord, dead 
William Kimball, Corporal John Moulton 
William Mansfield, Corporal Richard Pulsepher 

Privates John Robins, Jr. 

William Connolly John Rust 

John Davison Joseph Smith 

Joseph Emmons Richard Smith 

Captain Parker received orders from Gov, Shirley to raise 
a company in February. He had nearly completed it, when 
he was seized with rheumatic fever on April 20"* and con- 
fined to his room until the last of May. He petitioned for 
medical expense. '"^ As soon as he was able, he made the 
long journey to Crown Point and took command. Nathan 
Baker*® informed the General Court that he was a member 
of Capt. Parker's Co. though his name did not appear on the 
roll, and Nathaniel Smith, Moses Ames and Moses Lyford*® 
made a similar complaint, adding that they had found their 
own guns. 

The summer of 1756 witnessed no active campaigning, 
but the men suffered greatly from the diseases fostered by 
prolonged continuance in unsanitary camps. In the winter, 
they were again dismissed to their homes but many broke 
down on the way. 

*Ma8S. Archives 96: I: 128. 
*> Mass. Archives 77 : 49. 
""Mass. Archives 77: 86. 
**Mas8. Archives 77: 87. 


In April, 1757, the army was again on the march. Col. 
Daniel Appleton*^ writing from Ipswich, April 13*^ to Col. 
Brattle, reports that 76 men have been enlisted in his regi- 
ment for the Canada expedition, two impressed and one f ?] 
and 3 officers, whom he had delivered to Capt. Whipple 
agreebly to Col. Bagley's direction, and had enlisted 19 un- 
der Capt. Herrick for Penobscot. 

Montcalm, the brilliant French commander, reinforcerl 
Ticonderoga and threatened Fort William Henry with a 
strong force of French and Indians. The alarm was sounded 
and reinforcements were hurried forward. A foot company 
of 90 men under the command of Capt. Thomas Dennis,*^ 
hastily gathered from the militia regiment of Col. Daniel 
Appleton, marched from Ipswich on August 16, and on the 
following day a troop of horse under Capt. Richard Man- 
ning*^ hurried away. The foot company reached Sudbury, 
the horse troop, Springfield, before the news of the disaster 
was received and they then returned. 

On August 2°**, a full fortnight before the relief had 
started, Montcalm made his attack. No help came to the 
garrison and on August 9***, having received from Montcalm, 
honorable terms of surrender, the commander of the Fort 
opened the gates. The Indians could not be held in check, 
and despite the eiforts of the French officers, they fell upon 
the garrison as it took up its march to Fort Edward, plunder- 
ing and killing to their heart's content. Capt. Enoch 
Bailey's company with a full quota of Ipswich soldiers, was 
"in the capitulation," and "at the late seige from Feb. 12, 
1757 to Oct. 22"^^ following," and the roll*» of the company 
preserves the names of the Ipswich men who knew the 
horrors of that day. 

**Mas8. Archives 78: 438. 
^ Mass. Archives 95: 2: 512. 
**Mass. Archives 95: 2: 551. 
^Mass. Archives 96: 1: 19. 



Caleb Adams, Corporal 
Stephen Adams 
Benjamin Bumham 
Robert Dorothy 
[tfathaniel Grant 

Jonathan Galloway 

John Glazier, son of Benjamin 

Joshua Marshall 

Daniel Smith 

James Smith 

£lisha Gould, killed Aug. 5***. Joseph Smith 

The roll*'* of the same company from February to Novem- 
ber 1757, contains many familiar names. 

William Connery, discharged 

Aug. 16. 
John Foster 
Jonathan Fearns 
Richard Harris 
Moses Ilodgkins 
George Harper 
David Ireland 
Amaziah Knowlton, son of 

John Lakeman 

William Mansfield 

George Newman 

Daniel Reddington 

John Rust, dead Sept. 2. 

Richard Smith 

Henry Spiller 

Thomas Wells 

Benjamin White, dead Sept. 

Jeremiah White 

Capt. Israel Davis's company was at the siege as well, 
and his roll^*^ included Benjamin Kimball, sergeant, Wil- 
liam Harris and elonathan Lovell, privates. A number of 
Ipswich soldiers were taken prisoners and carried away. 
John Robins, about fifty years old, was with a tribe called 
"Canaday Indians," "Daniel Smith, Jr., Thomas Jones and 
Robert Quarles,^^ all young men and Carried of by the In- 
dians, but wether with them or the french I^ow we cant tell." 

Again the IS'ew England soldiers spent the winter in their 

^Mass. Archives 96: 1: 65. 

^Mass. Archives 96: 1: 21. 

** Mass. Archives 77 : 687. Report of Col. John Choate. Col. Choate 
says, (Archives 77: 651) that Robert Queries was of Gloucester. Col. Choate 
reported also for the Committee of present defence of the Western and 
Eastern Frontiers and for building a fort at Penobscot, Jan. 18: 1758. 
Archives 77 : 454. 


homes, but the spring of 1758 saw them engaged in the 
stirring activities of that year. Louisboui^ had been given 
up to the French by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle. They 
strengthened its fortifications until it was deemed impreg- 
nable. Eariy in June, however, it was infested by a great 
fleet and an army of 10,000 men, led by Jeffrey Amherst, 
with James Wolfe serving as a Brigadier. After a vigorous 
siege, the fortress surrendered on July 27*^. 

Capt. Stephen Whipple marched again and Capt. Gideon 
Parker seems to have been in the field as well. A great 
army gathered at Lake George for the conquest of Fort 
Ticonderoga and the effectual checking of the French ad- 
vance into New England. It was commanded by Gren. 
Abercrombie but Lord Howe was the "soul of the enter- 
prize." The experienced Montcalm led the French. On 
the 6*** of July, Lord Howe's command met a force of the 
enemy and vanquished it, but the leader was the first to f alL 

The two armies met on the 8*** of July and the British 
force was routed with great loss. Rev. John Cleaveland, 
Pastor of one of the churches in Chebacco, was commissioned 
as Chaplain in Col. Jonathan Bagley's r^ment on March 
13*^, 1758. His Journal*'^ of the summer campaign, nar- 
rates many details of the march, camp life and the disas- 
trous battles. Religious services were a conspicuous feature 
in the daily routine. 

June 15, (1758) About four o'clock to-day Col. Bagley's 
Regiment began to come into Flatbush. All Captain Whip- 
ple's Company arrived safe except one, Jacob Lufkin, who 
they left at Northampton or hadley much indisposed by an 
unlucky Blow upon his blind eve prayed with Three or four 
companies of our Regiment this evening. 

June 16. Friday. This morning attended prayers with 
several companies of my Regiment. Several persons. Cap- 
tain Morrow's Co. were put under guard for killing some of 
our Landlord's cattle, fresh meat being found upon them. 

«' Essex Institute Hist. CoU. 12: 85. 


June 17. This dav came on Court Martial of these ahove 
mentioned and they foiind three guilty, who were condemned 
to be whipt two fifty lashes and one 25. But one was dis- 
charged by the Colonel and the other two received but 10 
lashes apiece, viz. Ketire Bacon and Joseph Brown. 

Sabbath 18. This day preached to a large and attentive 

19. Monday. Prayers early because of our marching 
toward Scheneacdy, marched 19 or 20 miles, my regiment 
^would rather have gone to Crown Point and Quebec 

Tuesday. 20. iElegiment called together for prayers in 
evening. 7 P. M. 

23. Friday. This evening Col. Bagley received orders 
to march toward Fort Edward on arrival of Col. Williams's 
Reg. at Schenectady. 

25. Sabbath. Set out for half-moon and arrived at about 
sunset .... I cautioned the Regiment to remember the 
Sabbath day, to keep it holy, and they did behave quite civilly 
in general. 

The regiment, Mr. Cleaveland notes, arrived at Fort Ed- 
ward on June 29**". On Wednesday, July 5***, tents were 
struck at 5 A. M., the men were embarked on batteaux, and 
after a brief camp during the day, they rowed all night, 
landing at day light at the Narrows. As all bridges had 
been burned, a long detour through thick woods was neces- 
sary. After marching about two miles, they were attacked 
in front by 3000 French and Indians. Col. Bagley's regi- 
ment was ordered to charge the enemy on the right. "My 
Lord Howe was killed and about 24 of our men were miss- 


Saturday, July 8**^. Our troops attempted to force the 
French intrenchment before the Fort with small arms and 
met with very great loss. Our men acted with the greatest 
intrepidily .... Many were slain and many came in 
wounded, the number not yet known though it is conjec- 
tured that a thousand are among the killed and wounded. 
Capt. Whipple received a ball in his thigh which lodged 


there. Lieut Burnham rec^ a mortal wound in his bowels 
and Lieut. Low was slain as we suppose. 

Julv 9. Sabbath, reembarked and returned to Fort 

•/ ^^ 

William Henry .... This evening Lieut. Burnham was 
buried having died upon the water of his wound. I under- 
stand he inquired much for me and desired to.s^e me before 
he died. But I was in another battoe and could not be 
found, the Lake being full' of them. 

Mr. Cleaveland says that 10 privates in Capt Whipple's 
company were wounded. Amos Howard of Ipswich certi- 
fied*® that five balls were shot through his clothing and a 
bullet passed through his right arm below the elbow, mak- 
ing his arm useless. Ebenezer Potter*® of Ipswich was shot 
through the right hand and disabled for his trade of weaving. 

The rolls*^^ of Capt. Whipple's company bear melancholy 
evidence of the brave part taken by the Ipswich soldiers in 
this disastrous battle. 
Nathan Burnham, Lieut., dead July 9. 
Stephen Low, Lieut., dead July 8. 
Samuel Knowlton, Ensign and Lieut. 
James Andrews, Sergeant. 
John Tuttle, Corporal and Sergeant. 
Archilaufl Dwinell, Corporal, dead Sept. 20. 

Caleb Adams Jeremy Burnam 

Isaac Allen, son of W™. John Burnam 

Jonathan Andrews Benjamin Craft 

Joshua Andrews Francis Craft 

Robert Annable, Jr., son of Jacob Cogswell 

Robert Moses Davis 

Jonathan Bowles Andrew Dodge 

Benj. Burnam Nathaniel Dodge, son of 
Isaac Burnam, son of David. Richard. 

^Mass. Archivea 78: 341. 

«Mads. Archives 78: 80. 

■•Mass. Archives 96: 2: 608. March 13 to Dec. 9, 1768. 



Henry Emerson, son of Jos., 
dead Sept 23. 

Joseph Emerson 

John Foster 

Joshua Foster, son of Jere- 

Joshua Guppea 

John Holland 

Amos Howard 

William Jones 

Stephen Kent 

Aaron Ejiowlton, son of 

Ezra Knowlton, son of Ben- 

Jacob Lufkin, son of Jona- 

Moses Lufkin, son of Jere- 

Ebenezer Mansfield 
Jonathan Marshall 
Elijah Maxey 
George Pierce 
Gteorge Pierce, Jr., son of 

Abner Poland 
Ebenezer Porter 
Abner Ross, son of Jabez, 

dead April 3^ 
William Simmons 
Jesse Story 
David Thompson 
Jonathan Wells 
Joseph Whipple 
Thomas Whipple, son of 

Jeremy White 
William Wise 

Retire Bacon*^^ of Ipswich, of Col. Ruggles's regiment, 
was in the battle and lost his pack containing his blanket 
and clothing, while caring for Lieut Nathan Bumum, 
stricken with a mortal wound, which caused his death the 
next day. 

The company roU'^ of Capt. Andrew Giddings of Glou- 
cester, in Col. Bagley's regiment, in the Crown Point ex- 
pedition, from March 13 to Dec. 9, 1758, included some 
Ipswich men. 

Isaac Martin, Lieut. Jos. Hobby ? 

Benjamin Chapman, Sergeant Jedediah Hodgkins 
William Smith, Corporal Jonathan Lowell 
Thomas Bumam Samuel Robins 

John Clough Thomas Wade 

** Mass. Archives 79: 67. 
■^Mass. Archives 96: 2: 611. 


In the company of Capt. Joseph Newhall were Philemon 
Dane, Samuel Rogers, son of Samuel, and Jeremiah Shats- 

Captain Thomas Poor of Andover returned his roll,^^ 
from March 13 to ITov- 27, 1758, "on the Canada expedi- 
tion," which included. 

Moses Bradstreet, Lieut. 
Daniel Giddings, Ensign 
Thomas Gains, Sergeant 
Thomas Loney, Sergeant 
Benj. Binder, Corporal 
Thos. Kimball, Corporal 
Daniel Brown, son of Daniel 
Richard Brown 
Benjamin Bumham 
Jonathan Bumham 
John Caldwell, son of Daniel 
Francis Cogswell 
John Dennis, son of Thomas 
Ebenezer Fuller 
Gleorge Harper 
John Harish (Harris) 
Moses Haskel 
Nathaniel Heard 
Benjamin Hodgkins 

Michael HoUen 
Caleb Kimball 
William Kimball 
Thomas Knowlton 
James Lord, son of James 
Francis Merrifield 
Samuel Newman, son of 

John Newmarsh, son of John 
John Perkins 
Joseph Pulseffer, dead ? Sept. 

Daniel Saiford 
Robert Stocker 
Ebenezer Smith 
William Stone 
Jonathan Treadwell 
Stephen Wate (Wait) 

Nathaniel Moulton*^* of Ipswich, a private in Capt Sam- 
uel Dahin's company, Col. Nichols's regiment, petitioned for 
relief in January, 1760, certifying that he was taken pris- 
oner on July 20, 1758, at Half-Way Brook, carried to Ticon- 
deroga. Crown Point, Montreal and Quebec, suffering great 
hardship from imprisonment and cruel treatment, being al- 
most starved. He was sent to England on Sept. 25, 1758, 

"Mass. Archives 97: 1: 70. 
M Mass. Archives 78: 778a. 


then to New York, where he arrived May 4, 1759. Caleb 
KimbalP'^ of Ipswich made the same petition. Each re- 
ceived £8. 

In a list of vessels burnt, driven ashore or carried away 
at Monte Christo, by a French frigate, in December, 1768, 
occurs the name of The Charming Molly Davis of Ipswich, 
with 90 hogsheads of molasses and 6 of sugar, burnt by the 
enemy. *^® 

In the Spring of 1759, preparations were made for the 
conquest of Ticonderoga and the reduction ,of Quebec. 
Gen. Amherst commanded the former expedition in person; 
the attack on Quebec was assigned to Gen. James Wolfe, 
who had distinguished himself at the siege of Louisbourg. 
Col. Daniel Appleton reported the list*^*^ of soldiers, enlisted 
or impressed from the militia regiment commanded by him, 
"to be put under the immediate command of His Excel- 
lency, Jeffrey Amherst, Esq., General and Commander-in- 
chief of his Majesty's forces in North America, for the In- 
vasion of Canada," dated Ipswich, April 10, 1759. 

Col. Appleton's list bears the names of 64 men, and it 
possesses peculiar interest in that it reports as well, the age 
and the former militarv service and whether the enlistment 
was voluntary. Young lads of seventeen marched by the 
side of seasoned veterans, thrice their age. Few of the 
older men had not participated in at least one previous sum- 
mer campaign and some had served four years successively. 
Only a few were impressed. . 

previous service campaign age 

Caleb Adams, Jr. 1757-58 Lake George 27 

Matthew Annable 26 
John Baker, Lieut 

John Baker, 3*" 1756 " 21 

"Blass. Archives 78: 779a. 

** Historical Publications, Essex Institute, XLV, 840. 

"Mass. Archives 97: 1: 110. 



previous service campaign 


Ben j amin Bnmam 1757-1758 Lake George 


Isaac Burnarn 




8. David 

Jonathan Bumam, 4*** 




William Campemell 1756-1758 



Daniel Choate, Jr. ? 


Daniel Choate 


Francis Cogswell, 3*, sailor 1758 



Jacob Cogswell 




Francis Crafts 1756-1758 



Tho' Dennis, Jr., sailor 


Benj. Dike 

1757 (?) 



Nathaniel Dodge 




8. Eichard 

Thomas Emerson, Ensign 


Moses Fisher, sailor 

Joseph Fisk 


Joshua Foster 




8. Jeremiah 

Thomas Gaines 1755-6-7-8 



Thomas Giddinge 


8. Thos. 

Benj. Gilbert 


John Harris 




William Harris, 3^, sailor 




Nathaniel Hart 




Nathaniel Heard for 

Mark Piatt 




servt to Nath. AppJeton 

Elihu Hewes 



Philemon How 


8. Mark 

Nathaniel Jones 


8. Jn" 

Stephen Kent 




Knowlton, Lieut. 


Abraham Knowlton, Jr., 





Thomas Knowlton, sailor 





previous service campaign 

John Liakeman for 

David Hobson 1758 

Hichard Lakeman, sailor 1758 
£benezer Lord 

Stephen Lowater 1755-6-7-8 
Moses Lufkin 1758 

Ebenezer Mansfield 1755-1758 
Jonathan Marshall 1758 

Martin, Lieut. 
Elijah Maxey 1755-6-8 

George Newman, Jr., 

sailor 1757 

John Newman 

Daniel Newmarch, sailor 

James Perkins, hired . 

Nathaniel Perkins ^ 1755-58 

George Pierce, sailor 


John Pinder, Jr., sailor 


Jonathan Pulcifer, Jr., 


JeflFrey Purcill 


James Eobbins 


John Bobbins, sailor 


Richard Smith 


Solomon Smith, Jr. 

Jesse Story 


Samuel Tuttle 

William Vannen 1756-7-8 

Samuel Waite 

Jonathan Wells, Jr., sailor 


Amos Whipple 

Joseph Whipple 

Stephen Whipple, Capt. 
























18 s. Jeremiah 





18 son C^. 



19 s. Solomon 





IV s-WilUam 



Gen. Amherst assembled his anny at Lake Geoi^, and 
his force was so far superior to the French, that Ticonderoga 
was abandoned without a battle on July 26***, and Crown 
Point five days later. The summer was loitered away 
though it had been planned that Amherst should advance 
by land to co-operate with Wolfe against Quebec The 
fleet and army composing the expedition against Quebec as- 
sembled at Louisbourg and proceeded at once up the Saint 
Lawrence. The fourteen sailors in Col. Appleton's list were 
all assigned to H. M. Ship Alice in the fleet commanded by 
Vice Admiral Saunders and served from April 2* to Nov. 
10"*, 1759.*^® The seventeen year old lad, Philemon How, 
son of Mark and Hephzibah How of Linebrook, died at 
Louisbourg of fever on June 16***.*^® 

In addition to the 64 enrolled by Col. Appleton, many 
others served in the several companies, which were recruited 
in this vicinity. Capt. Israel Davis attached to Col. Jona- 
than Bagley's regiment, returned his roll®® from Louisbourg, 
covering March 19 to Nov. 1, 1759. It bears the names of 

Benjamin Kimball, Lieut. Ammi Knowlton 

William Simmons, Sergeant Thomas Knowlton 

Benj. Binder, Corporal Thomas Loney 

Joseph Bumam James Lord 

John Glazier Robert Stocker 
Jacob How 

The rolP^ of Capt. Gideon Parker's company in the ex- 
pedition to Quebec, April 21, 1759 to Nov. 14, includes 

Nehemiah Abbott, Sergeant Mark Platts 

Joseph Emmons Samuel Ross, Jr., son of 

Ebenezer Fuller Samuel 

Jonathan Lowell 

**Mas8. Archives 98: 1: 203. 
** Account book of Mark How. 
••Mass. Archives 98: 1: 204. 
MMass. Archives 97: 2: 308. 



Scipio, negro servant to Jo. Eliphalet Smith 
Kust Aaron Waite, Sergeant 

Serg. Waite arrived home, sick with "pestilential fever" 
and died eight days afterward.®^ 

In the company**^ of Capt. Ephraim Holmes, March 31 to 
Nov. — , at Lunenburg, Nova Scotia, 11 March, 1760, were 
Joshua Guppy and Jonathan Treadwell of Ipswich. 

Capt. Joseph Smith of Rowley was "up the river" with 
his company from April 21 to Nov. 29, 1759. His roll®* 
included : 

Benjamin Brown, Lieut. David Goodhue 

Philip Lord, Lieut. David Goodhue, Jr., son of 

Samuel Lord, Ensign Mr. 

Samuel Stickney, Sergeant John Graves, son of John 

William Stickney, Sergeant Samuel Hidden 

Richard Sutton, Sergeant John Johnson 

Aaron Caldwell, Corporal John Laiten, son of Mr. 

Thomas Kimball, Corporal Thos. Lakeman, son of Mr. 

Richard Lakeman, Corporal John Lord 

James Smith, Corporal Nathan Low 

Stephen Hodgkins, Drummer John Maybe 

Benjamin Bumham Willibe Nason 

John Carty, Jr., son of Mr. Samuel Newman 

Ezekiel Cheever Cesar Northend, Deceased, 

Nath. Conner, son of Mr. servant of Mr 

Francis Coffey, Deceased, ser- Thomas Potter, Deceased, 

vant to Mr. Parsons. Son of Mr 

Peter Copper, Deceased, John Rice, Deceased, son of 

served to Oct. 1. of Mr 

Abel Cresey, son of Mr. Ebenezer Smith 

William Dennis Stephen Smith 

Mark Dresser Abraham Tilton 

Aaron Goodhue Samuel Tilton 

• Mass. Archives 78: 798. 
■*Ma88. Archives 97: 2: 286. 
>«Mas8. Archives 97: 2: 822. 


The story of Quebec needs not to be told again. On the 
morning of Sept. 13*** Wolfe's army stood on the Heights 
of Abraham, having scaled the precipitous slope under cover 
of night. In a few hours, the French army was van- 
quished and the French power in America was broken, but 
bc>th generals, Wolfe and Montcalm were numbered with 
the slain. Felt, the early historian of Ipswich, records that 
Abraham Hobbs of the Hamlet heard Greneral Wolfe say 
to his men when the French approached, "Now, my boys, 
do your best."®*^ Many other Ipswich soldiers must have 
shared the fortunes of that great day. 

The English plan of campaign for the year 1760 in- 
cluded the advance of the main force under Amherst by 
way of Lake Ontario and the St Lawrence Kiver against 
Montreal, of a second force by the way of the Richelieu 
river, and, of the garrison at Louisbourg and all the troops 
that could be spared from Quebec.*® These forces all com- 
bined before Montreal and it capitulated on Sept 8, 1760. 

Men were enlisted in Ipswich in February and March, 
"for the total reduction of Canada. "*'' 

Benjamin Burnham 
Keuben Burnham 
Nathan Chapman 
Keuben Chapman 
son of Nathan. 
Philemon Dean*® 
Daniel Dresser, Jr. 
Joseph Emmons 
William Foster, Jr. 
Benjamin Glazier, Jr. 
John Glazier 
Nathaniel Grant 

• History of Ipswich, p. 149. 
•• Channlngr. History of the U. S. 11: 
•'Mass. Archives 97: 2: 417, 423, 98: 
"Mass. Archives 98: 2: 408. 




Benjamin Hodgkins 



born in Ipswich, 



in Falmouth. 


John TiOatherland 
son of Sarah. 


Ebenezer Martin 



John Maybe 



Willibe Nason 



Benjamin Pulcifer 



Eliphalet Smith 



son of Eichard. 


Jonathan Wells 
son of Sarah. 


s. n 

: 694. 

», 98: 

1: 2» 82, 106, 110. 



Lieut. Benjamin Brown, iNTatlian Chapman and his son, 
Reuben, John Maybe and Philemon Wood? were attached 
to Capt. Anthony Stickney's company, list from Feb. 27, 
1760 to Jan. 5***, 1761.^® In the company of Capt Joseph 
Smith of Eowley, who died during the campaign, (roll from 
Feb. 14** to Dec. 9, 1760.^<>) were 

Benjamin Bnmam, Corporal Eliphalet Smith, son of Rich- 
Joseph Emmons ard. 
Willoughby Nason Joseph Smith, dead 

Jonathan Wells, son of Sarah. 

Robert Peasely brought the Captain's papers from Albany. 
The rolF^ of the company of Capt. Israel Herrick of 
Boxford from Feb. U^ to Dec. 18, 1760 included 

John Farley, Sergeant 

Stephen Andrews 

Reuben Bumham 

Joseph Dennis, son of Tho- 

Israel Fellows, son of Benja- 

Joseph Fellows, son of Jona- 

William Grolton 

John Holland 

Benjamin Hodgkins 

David Island (Ireland) 

John Manning, son of John. 

Moses May 

Samuel Quarls, son of Sam- 

John Safford 

Joseph Smith, died. 

Stephen Smith, son of Ste- 

David Thompson 

Samuel Waite, son of Sam- 

Matthew Whipple, son of 

Kathaniei Emerson was enrolled in the company*^* of 
Capt Richard Sykes of Amesbury. 
The company rolF^ of Capt, Nathaniel Bailey of Glou- 

•Mass. Archives 97: 2: 384. 
''Mass. Archives 98: 1: 256: 267. 
" Mass. Archives 98: 2: 275. 276, 277. 
" Mass. Archives 98: 2: 280. 
»Mass. Archives 98: 2: 343, 872, 378. 


cester from Feb. 14, 1760 to Feb. 7, 1761 included many 
Ipswich men: 

Samuel Knowlton, Lieut. John Halbut 

Thomas Gains, Sergeant, Nathaniel Heard 

died Stephen Kent 

Matthew Annable Ebenezer Knowlton, son of 

Francis Brown, deserted Samuel 

Benjamin Bumam, dead Moses Lufkin 

Francis Bumam Moses Lufkin, Jr. 

Jeremiah Bumam, dead Lewis Martin 

John Bumam Elijah Maxey 
Joseph Bumam, son of Jona- Ebenezer Smith 

than Richard Smith, left as a 
John Cogswell nurse 

Andrew Dodge, deserted. William Vennen 

Benjamin Gilbert Jeremiah White 

Joshua Gruphe Eobert Whipple 

Capt Stephen Whipple's company and that of Capt. Israel 
Davis of Danvers seem to have remained at Louisbourg 
during the year 1760. Some of the men in their companies 
suffered much hardship on their return. Jonathan Bur- 
num, a member of Capt. WTiipple's company, in a memorial 
to the Council, stated that his company remained until De- 
cember, 1760, when the troops were put on board transports 
for iN'ew England. Many were sick, all were greatly 
crowded. His Captain told him that if he would go on 
board Capt. John Potter's vessel, bound for Ipswich, and 
work his passage, he should have the same pay as the other 
men. The vessel was cast on shore on the Isle of Sables and 
lost and all on board suffered much hardship. 

The ship on which his company sailed was obliged to winter 
"at the Mount,'^ and the men did not get home until Spring, 
their pay continuing. A vessel was fitted out at Marble- 
head and sent to the Isle of Sables for the shipwrecked men, 
who were obliged to pay $10 apiece for their passage. 



Cenjamin Pinder of Ipswich, in Capt. Davis's company, 
was with Bumam and petitioned'^* with him for reimburse- 
ment. Lieut. Benjamin Kimball of Capt. Davis's company 
w^s ordered to Boston with a company of sick soldiers and 
had received no wages. '^'^ 

The roir* of the company of Capt. Francis Peabody of 
Boxford from April 28, 1760 to April 18, 1776, bears the 
name of Israel Clark, Corporal and Sergeant and the entry. 

Paid for cleaning the hospital in Virginia after the men 
recovered .... 

and extra expenses for sick in Virginia, 

Although the war in America was virtually finished with 
the reduction of Montreal, the New England men were re- 
tained in garrison service at various points. 

Capt. Gideon Parker's rolH'' from April 18, 1761 to Dec. 
13, 1761, included: 

Samuel Lord, Lieut 
Nathaniel Chapman, Sergeant 
Thomas Kimball, Sergeant 
Jacob Martin, Sergeant 
Moses Hodgkins, Corporal 
Samuel Newman, Corporal 
Benjamin Winter, Corporal 
Benjamin Caldwell, Drum- 
Benjamin Ayres 
Samuel Ayres 
Daniel Cheat 
Jacob Cogswell 
Kobert Dodge 
Joseph Emmons 
Josiah Hardy 
Cteorge Harper 

n Mass. Archives 80: 100. ISO. 
^ Siass. Archives 80: 665. 
^Mass. Archives 98: 2: 896-9. 
^Mass. Archives 99: 1: 111. 

Joseph Hunt 

Robert Huse 

David Ireland 

John Leatherland 

Daniel Lord 

Nathan Low 

Ebenezer Mansfield 

William Mansfield 

David Martin 

Simon Martin 

Elisha Newman 

Mark Patch 

Joseph Pulcifer 

Jeffrey Pursley (Purcell) 

Anuni Euhami Rogers 

John Rogers 

Richard Smith 



Samuel Wait John Woolett 

Samuel Wait, Jr. Timothy Winter 

Joseph Wise 

Willoughby Nason was enrolled in Capt. Edward Blake'a 
company/® Col. Saltonstall's raiment, from Nov. 2, 1760 
to Sept 2y 1761. Benjamin Bumam was in the companj 
of Capt Henry Young Brown''® of Haverhill at Halifax, 
from April 18, 1761 to Feb. 7, 1762. 

The valuable West India islands were occupied by several 
expeditions in 1759 and later. Col. Bagley's regiment was 
stationed there, Dr. John Calef , serving as Surgeon, Dr. 
Wallis Rust as Surgeon's mate. Capt. Whipple's company 
was thus engaged, as appears from the roU,®^ which covered 
the period from Ifov. 20, 1759 to Nov. 15, 1761. It bears 
the entry. "To sundry supplied the sick at Monte-Cristo 
and New York etc." 

Samuel Knowlton, Lieut Jonathan Bumam 

Elihu Hewes, Ensign William Campemell 

Caleb Adams, corporal and Francis Croft 

sergeant Joseph Fisk 

Solomon Smith, corporal and Joshua Foster 

sergeant, son of Solomon. Eben Lord 

Jonathan Jaunt, corporal. Stephen Lowater 

John Baker Eben Mansfield 

John Berry, servant to Dr. James Perkins 

Calef Samuel Tuttle 

Isaac Bumam, son of David Joseph Whipple 

A singular exchange of men is shown in Col. Bagley's 

«*Mu8. Archives 99: 1: 187. 
**MaB8. Archives 99: 1: 149. 
**Ha8s. Archives 98: 2: 880. 


Boston, May 12, 1759. 
Ueceived of CoL Sylvester Eichmond, Two men, Wallis 
Rust & John Berry, both of Ipswich in the room of 2 Quakers 
of sd. Richmond's Regiment, for which servis I have agreed 
'with them by the consent of their master Dr. John Calf of 
Ipswich for £12 each to be paid to sd Calf. 

Jonathan Bagley^^ 

liVallis Rust was a physician in Ipswich, later in life, 
and was probably bound as an apprentice to Dr. Calef . He 
was his assistant, ^^surgeon-mate," as already noted. John 
Berry was enrolled in Capt Whipple's Co. as "servant of 
Dr. Calef." 

Capt. Israel Davis of Danvers reported his roll®^ from 
If ov. 2, 1759 to April 14, 1761. It bears the entry. 

To expenses at Antigua in journeying to the Governor, 
who was out of Town. 

Paid Dr. Roche for attendance on sick of my company. 

To 7 coffins for men who died there, fresh meat, wine, etc. 
for the sick. 

In this company were 

John Finder, Sergeant Thomas Knowlton, private 

William Simmons, Sergeant James Lord 

Joseph Bumam, Corporal Robert Stocker 
and Sergeant 

The roll®* of Capt. Nathan Brigham's company from 4** 
of March, 1762 to Jan. 1, 1763 has many Ipswich names. 

Samuel Lord, Lieut Nathaniel Brown 

Jacob Martin, Sergeant Daniel Choate 

John Brown, Sergeant Joseph Fisk 

Jonathan Bowls John Fisk 

« Hasfl. Archives 78: 010. 

• Mam. Archives 98: 2: 887, 888, 892, 479. 

•Mass. Archives 99: 1: 205, 234. 


Thomas Herriman Jeffrey Purcell 

Joseph Holland John Sayward 

Jonathan Kindrick Richard Smith 

John Lakeman Joseph Wise 

John Leatherland James Woodbury 

David Martin William Woodbury 
John Martin 

1763. To ferriaje of 90 men over Hudson Eiver at 2d, 15s. 

To transporting the baggage of each man and those who 

helped them along to Crown Point, £3- 0- 

Elijah Maxey was in Capt. Moses Hart's company, March 
4 to Dec. 20, 1762.®* George Patterson was in the company 
of Capt. Abel Keen, Nov. 2, 1762 to Aug. 17, 1763.8'^ John 
Brown entered the service July 21, 1763 and was attached 
to Lieut. Joseph Chadwick's company, at Crown Point®* 
until Nov. 18, 1763. 

These seven years of warfare on land and sea were of in- 
calculable value to the Colonies. As we have noted, the 
great bulk of these soldiers and sailors were young men, and 
with few exceptions, they suffered no material impairment 
of health and strength. They entered the war, as mechanics, 
farmers, tradesmen, and fishermen, they emerged from it 
trained and efficient soldiers and men-of-wars men, inured 
to danger and hardship, self-reliant in sudden crises. 

Twelve years of growing discontent elapsed. War with 
the mother country came at last. But "the embattled farm- 
ers," who made their stand at Lexington, Concord and Bun- 
ker Hill, were not the raw and undisciplined militia we often 
imagine. Among them, and in the armies that were after- 
wards assembled, there were many veterans of this earlier 
war, and their presence was of great advantage to their in- 

**MasB. Archives 99: 1: 216. 
*>Ma88. Archives 99: 1: 279. 
**MasB. Archives 99: 1: 286. 


experienced associates. Many of the officers of the French 
and Indian war raised companies at once and took the field. 
Some attained the highest rank. Town officials as well had 
^ined experience in raising and supporting their allotments. 
Had it not been for these long years of the struggle with 
France, the war with Great Britain would almost inevitably 
have been a hopeless contest. 


One of the most distressing episodes of the French War 

was the deportation of the inhabitants of the villages about 

the Basin of Minas, and in the vicinity of Fort Beausejour, 

which was captured by Lieut. Col. Monckton in July, 1755. 

As they refused to take the oath of allegiance to the British 

Crown, it was regarded a military necessity, incident to 

the occupation of TTova Scotia, to remove the inhabitants 

and destroy their farms. They were a prosperous and happy 

people. The official list of the "French inhabitants of 

Grand Pre, Mines Kiver, Cannard Habitant & Places ad- 

jatient, confined by Lieut Colo. Winslow within his Camp 

in this Place (Grand Pre) after their coming in on his 

Citation, on the 5*** of September past," contains the names 

of the heads of families, which included 1923 individuals, 

with "820 old & Infirm not Mentioned," a total of 2743. 

They owned 1269 bullocks, 1557 cows, 2181 young cattle, 

8690 sheep, 4197 hogs, and 493 horses. Their comfortable 

homes were scattered up and down, beside the fertile 

meadows which they had reclaimed with wondrous skill 

from the wash of the tides, with an elaborate system of dikes. 

Their houses and bams were burned. Col. Winslow re- 
ported the destruction of 255 houses, 276 bams and 11 mills 
at Qaspereau, Cannard and other villages. Their cattle 
were confiscated by the soldiery. They themselves were 

" The material for this sketch is derived from the Neutral French Papers 
In the Massachusetts Archives. 


crowded into small vesflels and shipped to New England, 
Pennsylvania, Maryland and the Carolinas. 
Col. Winslow entered in his Journal,*® 

October 6***. With the advice of My Captains, Made a 
Divission of the Villages and Concluded, that as many of the 
Inhabitants of Each as Could be Commoded Should Proceed 
in the Same Vessel & That whole Familys Go together, and 
Sent Orders to the Several Familys to hold them Selves in 
readiness to Embarke with all their Household Goods, etc 
but even now, Could not perswade the People I was in 

It was a task very repugnant to the kind hearted ^e^w 
England men, upon whom fell the burden of the deporta- 
tion, and Col. Winslow's entry under October 8***, reveab 
his sympathy for the unfortunates. 

began to Embarke the Inhabitants who went of Very 
Solentarily and unwillingly, the women in Great Distress, 
Carrying off Their Children In their arms. Others Carry- 
ing their Decript Parents in their Carts and all their Goods, 
Moving in Great Confussion & appeard a Sceen of woe & 
Distress. Fild up Church and Milburry with about Eighty 

Transport acconmiodations were wretchedly inadequate. 
The "Leopard,'* commanded by Captain Church, took 178 
with their goods, and Captain Milburry had 186. The neces- 
sary discomfort, arising from their cramped quarters on 
these small vessels was enhanced by scant liberty of the deck. 
The able bodied Acadian men probably outnumbered the 
crew, and the possibility of their rising and taking posses- 
sion of the transport was guarded against by strict regula- 
tions. Happily the voyage was short. The transports bear- 
ing the New England contingent were at anchor in Boston 
harbor early in November, 1755. Two months and more 
elapsed before definite action was taken by the authorities. 

•» Collections of Nova Scotia Historical Society, HI: 164. 


A Committee was appointed by the House of Representa- 
tives on Dee. 27, 1755 to distribute them among the towns. 
Selectmen and Overseers of the Poor were authorized to re- 
ceive them and employ and support them, it being under- 
stood that this act, "shall not be construed or understood to 
be an Admission of them as Town Inhabitants." Town 
authorities were instructed to keep an exact account of all 
charges incurred for their support and to transmit it to the 
Secretary's office "for the reimbursement of this Province by 
the Government of ]^ova Scotia." 

Notwithstanding Col. Winslow's repeated allusions to the 
household goods, which the Acadians took with them, most 
of them arrived in a verv destitute condition, and the towns- 
folk of the various communities received them with ill-con- 
cealed resentment. In February, 1756, the Council sent an 
Address to Governor Shirley. 

We must acquaint your Excellency, that the live-stock, 
the husbandry tools, & most of the household furniture of 
these people were left in the Province of Nova Scotia, and 
that very few have brought with them any goods or estate of 
anv kind soever. In the Southern Colonies, where the win- 
ters are more mild, employment may be found so as to pre- 
vent any great expense to the Government, but here they 
are a dead weight, for many of our Inhabitants are scarcely 
able to find employment sufficient to support themselves dur- 
ing the winter season. 

An Act was passed authorizing Commissioners for each 
County to "provide necessary tools & implements for hus- 
bandly work, weaving spinning & other handicrafts work for 
each family." 

The coming of these people of strange language, devotees 
of the Catholic religion, was anticipated and discussed by 
the Ipswich people for several months. At last on Feb- 
ruary 9*"*, 1756, three families arrived. They had come to 
Marblehead apparently by water, had been transported from 


there to the Hamlet and John Patch had furnished two 
teams to carry them and their baggage to Town* Mistress 
Susanna How of the Tavern, afterwards known as Swasey's* 
i-eceived them, and at her hostelry, Margaret Landry, wife 
of John, gave birth to a son, named in honor of his place 
of nativity, John Ipswich Landry. Dr. Samuel Rogers, 
whose house was on the spot now occupied by the Meeting- 
house of the South Church, provided shelter and fuel for 
ten days, and on Feb. 19***, they found a permanent home 
in William Dodge's house. At that time he owned the 
dwelling on Turkey Shore, now in possession of Mr. A. Story 
Brown, and various allusions to this neighborhood in Town 
accounts, confirm the belief that here they made their home. 
Out of door work was not to be found, but the Town pro- 
^dded them with a loom and tackling and two spinning wheels 
and later in the season, scythes, hoes and spades for their 
gardens. Supplies of food were provided, beans, fish, pota- 
toes, fiour and molasses, with frequent addition of cider, 
rum and sugar. Fuel, milk and clothing were given them, 
and the house rent was paid by the Town. In the course of 
the year the Town made return of its outlay and the names 
of the strange guests thus thrust upon them. They were 
John Landry and Margaret, his wife, and children; Mary 
12 years, Margaret, 10 years, Naune, eight, Ozet, six, Mad- 
lin, four, Frances, two, and the baby, John Ipswich, nine 
months. Francis Landry and Mary, his wife, and their 
children, Charles, aged thirty-five, Jermain, thirty, and Ozet, 
twenty-six. The third family consisted of Paul Breau and 
Mary Joseph, his wife, and children : Joseph, aged fourteen, 
John, twelve, Naune, eight, Mary, six, John Battis (Bap- 
tist), two and a half, and the baby Elizabeth, two months. 
An Act was passed in August which ordered that all the 
'^neutral French," as thev were styled, should confine them- 
selves within the bounds of the town where they were located, 
unless liberty was given them by one at least of the Select- 


laeiL If found elsewhere, they were to be set in the stocks, 
not exceeding three hours; for a second offence, to be pub- 
licly whipped on the naked back, not exceeding ten stripes. 
'No person was permitted to ship any on board a fishing or 
coasting vessel. 

Another glimpse of these Acadians is afforded in the list 
returned by the Town on July 20, 1760 : 

Francis Landry, aged sixty-seven, and Mary, his wife, 
aged sixty-five, were both infirm. Charlet Landry, their 
son, aged thirty-six, was non-compos-mentis. Ozeta was then 
twenty-four. Jermain was no longer a member of the 

The younger Landry family included the parents, John, 
aged thirty-nine, and his wife, Mary, thirty-six. 

The children had become so far identified with the chil- 
dren of the Town that they were now called by the familiar 
Provincial names, and were known as Molly, Peggy, Nancy, 
Susan, Matty and Francis. John Ipswich was now four 
years old, and there was a new baby, Betty, a year old. 

Paul Breau, forty-three, and Mary, forty-one, had their 
goodly brood still, Joseph and John, Nanny and Molly, John 
Baptist and Elizabeth, and a new born, year old Peter. 

The account of William Dodge in 1760 mentions "Father 
Landry," "living in my house." Mr. Felt®® says that there 
was a priest among them, who went about peddling wooden 
ladles. Men and women both wore wooden shoes. 

In the course of a few years, as the French people seem 
to have approved themselves industrious and inoffensive, an 
Act of the Legislature, passed in August, 1760, permitted 
them to be regarded as legal inhabitants of the various towns, 
and there was a disposition to grant them lands that they 
might attain self-support. 

But the Acadians, clinging to their Catholic faith, and 
deprived by their exile of the enjoyment of it, had no desire 

•• History of Ipswich, p. 66. 


to make their homes here. And when letters from London 
had informed them that the French Ambassador had declared 
that the King of France, regarding them as some of his 
faithful subjects, would order transports for conveying them 
to France, upon being informed how many wished convey- 
ance, more than three hundred heads of families, including 
both the Landry families, sent their names. 

Another invitation was given them to settle on a grant 
of land in the Miramichi River and the Gulf of St. Law- 
rence. A letter to the Agent, regarding this proposition, 
states that "they seem generally inclined to remove out of 
the Province." "If this should be the case, and we lose 
the benefit of their service, now they might be made useful 
subjects, after they have been supported while we looked 
upon them as our enemies, the Province should be reim- 

Count de Estaing, Governor of St. Domingo, assured all 
the Acadians who wished to go thither, that they would be 
provided with transportation and temporary support John 
and Francis Landry and Paul Bronx requested passports in 
Dec, 1764. This scheme however came to nothing, and in 
February, 1766, Otov. Bernard addressed the House in their 

Ever since I have been Governor of this Province, I have 
had great compassion for this people as every one must who 
has considered that it was by the exigencies of war rather 
than any fault of their own that they were removed from a 
state of ease and affluence and brought into poverty and de- 

The plan of removing them to Canada was now being dis- 
cussed and the Governor urged that this be accomplished. 
Correspondence with the Governor of Canada was begun at 
once, and in the course of the Summer, arrangements were 
made for the removal. On Aug. 18, 1766, the Town refused 


to grant money to pay for the passage of the French neutrals 
to Canada. But a way of deliverance was provided, as from 
this time, no allusion to them appears in any records of the 
Town. A final tax rate of £20 for their support was voted 
in Xovember, 1766. The large expense incurred by the 
Town was repaid by the Province. 


Slaves^ Servants and Apprentices 

Two citizens of Ipswich took so resolute a stand against 
human slavery, that the Colony of Massachusetts Bay would 
never have borne the reproach of permitting it, if their coun- 
sels had been heeded. Nathaniel Ward, the author of the 
Body of Liberties adopted in 1641, thus dealt with it: 

There shall never be any bond-slavery, villanage or cap- 
tivity among us, unless it be lawful captives taken in just 
wars, and such strangers as willingly sell themselves or are 
sold to us. And these shall have all the liberties and Chris- 
tian usages which the law of God established in Israel con- 
cerning such persons doth morally require. (article 91) 

Richard Saltonstall denounced in General Court the act 
of Capt. James, master of the ship "Rainbow," who kid- 
napped two negroes on the Guinea Coast and brought them 
into Boston in 1645, and demanded that they be returned 
at the public expense. 

But Indian slavery b^an at an early date. William 
Paine had an Indian servant, Mary, in 1656. The hor- 
rors of King Philip's War kindled intense hatred against 
the Indians and at its close many were bought as slaves, 
and many were sent into bondage in the West Indies. 
Capt. John Whipple brought home an Indian boy, Law- 
rence. Major Samuel Apple ton bought three captives, 
and Samuel Symonds, Esq., the Deputy Gt)vemor, paid 
£5 for an Indian boy and girl.^ Rev. John Rogers had an 
Indian servant, James Huntaway, in 1692. 

> Ipswich In Mass. Bay. Vol. I: pp. 216, 217. 


Xegro slavery was well established in the last quarter of 
the seventeenth century. Gov. Simon Bradstreet, replying 
to Randolph's charges, affirmed in 1680, that no company 
of blacks or slaves had been brought in to the country for 
the space of fifty years. 

Only one small vessel about two years since after twenty 
months voyage to Madagascar .... brought hither forty 
or fifty negroes, most women and children, which were sold 
here for 10, 15, and 20 pounds apiece .... Now and then 
two or three negroes are brought from Barbadoes and sold 
for about 20£ apiece .... So there may be in our govern- 
ment about 100 or 120, [with an equal number of Scotch- 
men, sold as servants in Cromwell's time] most now married 
and living here .... about half as many Irish brought 
hither at several times as servants. 

The Deputy Governor, Samuel Symonds, had a "servant," 
who bad been brought from St. Christopher, but as Mr. Sy- 
monds complained of him in 1668 as "lazy, nasty, saucy," 
and otherwise at fault, he was a heavy burden to his master. 
In the eighteenth century, the number of slaves increased 
rapidly and nearly every Ipswich family of means included 
one or more. On the "South Side," Phillis, negro child of 
Mr. Joseph Abbe, the blacksmith on the river bank, died 
July 28, 1736.^ Francis Crompton, the inn-keeper, owned 
three at least, Hannibal, who died at Chebacco in 1724, 
Jane, who married Bristol, servant of Rev. Edward Payson 
of Rowley in 1730, and Rose. Col. John Choate acquired 
the Crompton dwelling. His will, made in 1766, reveals 
his regard for his slaves and his thoughtful provision for their 

To my servant Jane the Bed and furniture she has usually 
laid on and one small Bible. 

To my servant Binah, a suitable bed and furniture. 

To said two servants their freedom, the first to begin at 

s Ipswich in the Mass. Bay Colony, Vol. I: p. 459. 


my wife's decease, and Binah, when she is 22 years old .... 
sd Binah's time from her mistress decease until she is 22, 
to be at the disposal of Elizabeth Potter, but my desire 
is she shall be put out to some farm here and not brought up 
in Town, and she shall be comfortably clothed by said Sarah 
when her time is out.* 

Both married in due time. Jane became the wife of Scipio, 
servant of Samuel Potter, in 1771, and Binah, the wife of 
Peter, servant of Samuel Adams, in 1776. 

Capt. Ammi R. Wise^ who lived where the meeting house 
of the South Church now stands, owned Bristol, who married 
Jane, the servant of Capt. John Harris in 1731, and had 
a mulatto, an indentured servant, on his schooner, "The 

Esther was the slave of Increase How, the inn-keeper, on 
the opposite corner from Capt. Wise's, and Capt. Richard 
Homan, who was the proprietor in Revolutionary days, had 
two black servitors, Dimon and Newberry. 

Capt. Thomas Wade built the stately old Wade mansion 
in 1727. He bequeathed to his wife, his negro woman, 
to his daughter, Elizabeth Cogswell, his negro girl, in 1737. 
His brother, Jonathan, bequeathed to his wife the use of 
his negro man Dick, in 1749. Dick, who seems to have 
been known as Peter, as well, married Sarah, servant of 
Mr. Thomas Burnam, in 1729, and their son rejoiced in the 
name of Titus Dick. Timothy Wade, son of Capt. Thomas, 
gave his wife, Ruth, at his decease, "my negro man, Pomp, 
except she finds it best to sell him,'' in 1763.* 

Dea. Thomas Norton, the tanner, who lived in the old 
mansion which stood beneath the great elm, near Mr. Henry 
Brown's, bequeathed his negro woman, Phillis, to his son 
Thomas in 1750.° In this group of dwellings, some ten 
or twelve slaves were probably living at the same period. 

* Probate Records 343 : 1. 

* Ipswich In Mass. Bay, Vol. I: pp. 471, 473. 
■ Ipswich in Mass. Bay, Vol. I: p. 468. 


In the Candlewood district, James Bumham, as his in- 
ventory revealed in 1737, owned a negro man and an old 
negro woman. The man was appraised at £100 but the poor 
old woman was valued only at £5, while the cows were ap- 
praised at £8, a yoke of oxen at £17 and a horse at £22.^ 
James Brown, on the farm now owned by A. Story Brown, 
had Kant, appraised in 1741 at £70 and Bett appraised at 
f 80J William Brown had Flora, in 1743. John Brown 
devised by his will in 1759, his negro child, Louie and negro 
woman, Phillis.® His son, John, had a servant, Scipio, who 
died in 1787. 

At the Appleton Farm, George and Dinah, slaves of Major 
Isaac, were married in 1741, and three children were bom 
to them, Jacob, Bilhah and David. Tidey, another slave of 
Major Isaac, married Jupiter, servant of Samuel Adams in 
1751. Benjamin Crocker, owner and occupant of the house 
now owned by the Historical Society had two slaves. Flora 
and Tim, who were married in 1726. Jacob, the slave of 
Col. John Appleton died in 1733, and Dinah in 1750. Col. 
Thos. Berry owned Scipio and Thyris. Scipio and Flora 
had two babies, Tamasin, baptized in 1746, and Andrew, 
baptized in 1750. Quash, servant of John Wainwright, Esq., 
died in 1721. Thomas I^ord's slaves, Cuffee and Nanny 
married in 1732, and Peter took to wife, Jane, servant of 
Thomas Stamford. Violet, servant of widow Rebecca Dodge, 
married Jupiter, former slave of Mr. Jewett in 1779. 

The original deed of sale of a slave by Nathaniel Kins- 
man, son of Joseph Kinsman of the Candlewood district, 
then a resident of Gloucester is in the possession of the Ips- 
wich Historical Society. 

Know all Men by these Presents that I, Nathaniel Kins- 
man of Gloucester .... Joyner, for and in consideration 
of the sum of three hundred and fifty Pounds in Bills of 

• Candlewood, Pub. of the Ipswich HlBtor. Soc, No. XVI— XVH: p. 7. 
V Candlewood. p. 27. 
■Candlewood, p. 38. 


public Credit of the old Tenor so called to me in Hand paid 
by Jonathan Burley of Norwich, in the County of New 
London in the Colony of Connecticut in New England Grent. 
tJie Receipt whereof I acknowledge and do hereby acquit 
and discharge the said Jonathan Burley, his Heirs etc., 
from and of the Same and every Part thereof have given 
granted sold assigned set over conveyed and delivered and 
do by these report give grant Sett over convey and deliver 
unto the said Jona Burley his Heirs .... One Molatto 
Servant named Silas of the Age of Sixteen years To 
Have and to Hold the said Molatto Servant to him the 
said Jonathan Burley .... to his and their Proper Service 
Use and Benefit and Behoof for and during the naturall 
Life of the said Mollatto Servant. And I the said Nathan- 
iel Kinsman .... do hereby covenant and agree with the 
said Jonathan Burley .... that I am before the Enseal- 
ing hereof the lawful master of the said Molatto Servant 
.... will defend and warrant etc. 

In Witness Whereof I have hereunto set my Hand and 
Seal this twenty-third Day of August in the twenty-ihird 
Year of his Majesty King Gteorge the Second Beign Annoq. 
Domini One thousand seven hundred and fourty-nine. 

Nathanael Kinsman (seal) 

Signed, Sealed and 
delivered in Presence of Us. 
John Dane 
Joseph Sanders 

The Boston newspapers abounded in advertisements of 
the sale of slaves. The Boston Gazette rarely appeared with- 
out them in the year 1761. On July 13, it announced 

Just imported from Africa. 

A number of prime young slaves from the Midward Coast 
and to be sold on board and also, a likely, hearty, male Negro 
child about a month old to be given away, 

Elisha Brown of Providence gave notice on August 3*, 

A Parcel of likely Negroes, imported from Africa, cheap 
for Cash or Credit, with Interest, also if any Persons have 


any Xegroe Men, strong and hearty, tho' not of the best 
moral Character, which are proper subjects for Transpor- 
tation, may have an exchange for small Negroes. 

The issue of August 31"* advertised a likely, spry, active 
Xegro boy; on Sept. 21"*, the arrival of Captain Day in 
forty days from Goree on the coast of Africa with sixty 
line slaves. Isaac Royal Esq. of the Koyal House, Medford, 
inserted the brutal advertisement in the issue of April 5***, 

A likely Negro Wench to be disposed of, who understands 
household business, and something of Cookery. 

Also four of said Wench's children, viz. three Girls and 
one Boy. 

On May 24*^, 1762, notice appeared 

To be sold, a Parcel of likely Negroes, both Male and Fe- 
male, from ten years of Age to Twenty, imported the last 
week from Africa, enquire of Capt. Wickham on board the 
sloop Diamond, now lying at the wharf. 

Husbands were sold without their wives, wives without 
husbands and little children were torn from their mother's 
arms to be sold or given away. Many were advertised who 
had grown up in the families and learned useful trades and 
occupations. The advertisements in the Salem Gazette show 
that many slave owners in this vicinity had no more com- 
punction in selling children of tender age away from their 
parents, and the only sign of shame was the withholding of 
the owner^s name and directing that inquiry be made of the 

In January, 1769, a very strong healthy Negro Boy about 
ten years old was offered for sale, "for want of Employ," 
and a healthy Negro Girl about 18 years old, in June; and 
notice was given of a negro about 67 and a woman about 
57, who were "to be boarded out." In October, "a likely 


Negro Lad, abt 18 or 19 works well at Cooper's trade & 
understands work in the Field or Garden," was in the mar- 
ket In December, a boy of nine years and a little miss 
about six, were advertised. A "negro woman about 20, with 
her child, a hearty strong boy about 3^2 years old," awaited 
a purchaser in November, 1770. Ezekiel Dodge of Ipswich 
advertised a great variety of English and West India goods, 
glass, stone and iron wares, at his shop and appended. 

Said Dodge has to sell a very likely Negro Girl of about 
16 years of age. 
May 12-19, 1772. 

Xotice of "A IN'egro child of a good breed, to be given 
away," appeared in December, 1774, and in February, 1775. 
Capt. Benjamin Lovett of Beverly advertised a likely N^o 
Boy about six or seven years. Mark Haskell of the Com- 
fort Hill farm on the Rowley road, had a vigorous young 
slave who made a bold burst for liberty in June, 1772, and 
his master proclaimed his loss. 

Ran away from Mark Haskell of Ipswich last Saturday 
Sennight, a N^ro Man named Cato 22 years old, middling 
stature etc. 

June, 1772. 

Dea. Matthew Whipple of the Hamlet made most gen- 
erous provision for his slave, Plato. 

This may satisfy whom it may concern that I, the Sub- 
scriber in Consideration that my Servant Plato has been a 
faithful Servant that after my Death and my Wife's Death 
he shall be free if he desires it and if he don't he shall have 
Liberty to live with any of my friends whom he pleases, 
and I give him Liberty to live in my east Kitchen & have 
his feather Bed and Bedding thereto belonging & a Pot & 
Skillet & a Pewter Platter & Bason & Spoon & Tramel, 
two Chairs, one Ax and one Hoe and a Cow & he shall 


have a good Pasture for her and Liberty to cut hay suffi- 
cient for her, & have one Acre of land, where it may be 
most convenient for him, and a Barrel of Cyder & three 
Bushels of Apples a Year as long as he lives yearly & every 
Ycjar & have liberty to cut Wood he necessarily shall want, 
& Barn "Room for his Cow & hay & all other Priviledges 
necessary for him. In Case he should by any Providence 
be disenabled to support himself or through old Age not able 
to support himself comfortably, my Heirs shall do it what- 
ever he shall stand in need of, which is my Will. 

Matthew Whipple. 
Ipswich, Dec. 3, 1760. 

Plato married Phebe, another slave in the same household, 
in 1762, and for a second wife, Phillis, formerly servant of 
Col. Jonathan Cogswell, in 1785, the widow of Caesar 

As early as 1765, public opinion began to be strongly 
against slavery, and Deacon Whipple's and Col. Choate's 
freeing of their slaves by will illustrates a frequent method 
of terminating their bondage. The slaves themselves were 
already demanding their freedom before the Courts. In the 
Inferior Court of Common Pleas, in March, 1765, Jenny 
Slew of Ipswich brought suit against John Whipple Jr. gen- 
tleman, on a plea of trespass, 

that sd John on Jan. 29***, 1762 at Ipswich, aforesaid, 
with force and arms, took her, held and kept her in servitude 
as a slave, in his service and thus restrained her of her law- 
ful liberty, from that time to March 5*^ last, and did other 
injuries to the amount of £25. 

She lost her suit but appealed to the Superior Court of 
Judicature, and at the November term in 1766, the jury 
found for the appellant and awarded her £4, "money dam- 
age," and £9. 9s. 6d. costs, and execution was issued accord- 

* Essex Institute Hlstor. ColL XXIV: 96. 


Another evidence of the lightening of the bonds of tiie 
slave is afforded by the advertisement inserted by Thomas 
Boardman of Ipswich in the Boston Evening Gazette, April 
14, 1760. 

Came to the House of the Subscriber on the 4*** inst, a 
Negro Man, aged about 50, a thick sett Fellow of about 5 
Feet Stature. Had on an old Felt Hat, a white mill'd Cap, 
a red Shag Great Coat, a green Jacket, an old checkt Shirt 
and a Pair of Black Cloth Breeches. Said Fellow says he 
belongs to Mr. John Green of Concord, who has given him 
a Pass to obtain Business. His Master may have him again 
paying the charges. 

Ipswich, April 10, 1760. 
Thomas Boardman. 

Josiah Woodbury of Beverly was in very jubilant mood 
when his slave decamped in 1771. 

Ran away from Josiah Woodbury, cooper, his house 
Plague for 7 long Years, Masury Old Moll alias Trial of 

He that lost will never seek her, he that shall keep her 
I will give two Bushel of Beans. I forewarn all Persons in 
Town or Country from trusting said Trial of Vengeance. 
I have hove all the old Shoes I can find for Joy and all my 
Neighbors rejoice with me. A good Riddance of Bad Ware. 


The tide of public sentiment was now rising rapidly. 
Nathaniel Appleton and James Swan, merchants of Boston, 
distinguished themselves as writers on the side of Liberty. 
In 1773, the abolition of slavery was a subject of forensic 
discussion at the Harvard Commencement. Juries inva- 
riably gave verdicts in favor of slaves who sued for freedom 
and in 1780, the present Constitution of Massachusetts was 
adopted, its first article asserting that all men are bom free 
and equal. The General Court passed an Act in March, 


1788, "to prevent the slave trade and for granting relief 
to the families of such unhappy persons as may be kid- 
napped or decoyed away from this Commonwealth." 

So far as the records of the time indicate, the Ipswich 
elavea suffered no especial hardship, beyond their legal bond- 
age. They married and their children seem to have grown 
up in the families of which they were members. They were 
assigned seats in the meeting house, were allowed to become 
communicants and enjoy all the privileges of church mem- 
bers. Their children were baptized. They were cared for 
in old age and were given Christian burial by those whom 
they had served. But they were only chattels. If the 
whim of the owner decreed, they were sold, and families 
were scattered. 

Eventually, they died or drifted away from the town, after 
they had received their freedom. Only a few are remem- 
bered. Old Quomino lingered well into the nineteenth cen- 
tury. Prince, a slave in the family of the Saffords, reputed 
to have been of royal blood in the African tribe from which 
he was stolen by the slave traders, became a freeman and 
his marriage with Kate, servant of Joseph Cogswell, on Aug. 
28, 1780, was recorded as the marriage of Prince Freeman. 
But he held to the family name, and their large family of 
children were all recorded as sons and daughters of Prince 
and Kate Safford. Their son James married Peeley Cheev- 
er, and they and their family were honored members of the 
South Church. Jane and Jacob, children of James, are 
well remembered and the widow and children of Jacob are 
still among us, highly respected by all. 

The "servant'^ of the early years of the Colony was a 
man, woman, or child, who was bound by a formal instru- 
ment to render service to the "master" for a term of years 
at a specified wage, who became a member of the family 
and was bound to render obedience to all the master's com- 
mands. Frequently the term of service began in England. 


George Giddings came over in the ship Planter and his 
certificate^® of emigration is of interest. 

2 April, 1635. 
Theis underwritten are to be transported to !N^ew England, 

imbarqued in the Planter Nicholas Frarice M*^ bound thither 

the parties have brought certificates from the Minister of 

St. Albans in Hertfordshire and attestacon from the Justices 

of peace according 1o the Lord's order. 

George Giddins, husbandman, 25 years 
Jane Giddins 20 years 

Thomas Carter 25 1 

Michael Willinson 30 ^Servants of George Giddins. 

Elizabeth Morrison 12 J 

Mr. John Whittingham, one of the most prominent 
men of Ipswich, brought a whole retinue of servants. Rich- 
ard Coy disputed his obligation after eight years though he 
was bound for ten, and carried the matter into the Courts. 
The depositions made by various witnesses reveal in inter- 
esting detail the particulars of the Indentures. 

Mr. Whittingham brought over y® plaintiff & his brother, 
Matthew Coye, in y' 1G38 with divers other servants who 
first came from Boston in Lincolnshire to London where 
Mr. Wittingham kept them upon his own charges from y* 
first of May till y® 24*** of June, so that his bringing up 
to London and charges of his staying there could not be less 
than 40' his passage to N. E. 6 pounds, which amounts to 
seven pounds, besides other charges and provision besides what 
was allowed ordinarily to passengers, all which came to no 
less than 8 pound, .... cannot here be less than 15 pound, 
and 16" for a boy of 13 years of age to be layd out here 
for 10 years service, cannot any way seem injurious to y* 
servant and much advantageous to ye Master .... 

Matthew Coy, aged about 33 years, testified. 

^From "Our Early Emigrrant Ancestors,*' edited by John C. Holten, 
quoted In "The Giddings Family.*' 


his mother sent Richard Coy with his sister Mary to M' 
Whittingham then at Boston in England & told them she 
was willing that her son Richard Coy should searve but 
seven years with Mr. Wittingham and if that would not 
satisfie the said Richard Coy should return home again.^^ 

Haniel Bosworth, later the cowherd of the town, Robert 
Smith, Samuel Kent and John Annable, all fellow servants 
of Mr. Whittingham, bore their witness. Only the pressure 
of extreme poverty can explain the willingness of the mother 
to send three of her children, and one of them a lad of 13 
years, across the ocean, to a new country, with no prospect 
of ever seeing them again. As Richard Coy acted as attor- 
ney for Samuel Heifer in 1660, it is evident he was a 
lad of parts and that he made his way successfully in the 
new world. 

Deputy Grovemor Symonds of the Argilla farm had some 
Irish servants, William Downing and Philip Welch, whom 
he prosecuted before the Court in 1661, for refusing further 
service. The simple story of their sorrowful experiences re- 
veals the tragedies that resulted in the coming of the Irish 
to New England. Cromwell treated the Irish with great 
cruelty, and many young Irishmen were taken by violence 
and sent over seas. John Ring, who came to own Ring's 
Island, as it is still known, near the Argilla Road, made 
deposition in Court as follows : 

This deponent saith that he with divers others were stolen 
in Ireland by some of y* English soldiers in y® night out of 
theyre bedd & brought to Mr. Dill's ship, where the boate 
lay ready to receive them & in the way as they went some 
others they tooke with them against their consents & brought 
them aboard y® said ship where there were divers others of 
their countrymen weeping & crying because they were stoUen 
from theyr friends they all declaring the same & amongst 
the rest were these two men William Downeing and Philip 

" Court Files. Vol. HI: 2. 


Welsh and there they were kept until upon a Lord's day 
morning y® master set saile and left some of his water and 
vessels behind for hast as I understood. 
(In Court 26-4-61) 

John Downing deposed that Downing and Welch "with 
several of our country men," were stolen by the ship master. 
George Dell, master of the ship "Grood fellow," certified 
that he "sould to Mr. Sam. Symonds two of the Irish youths 
I brought over by order of the State of England, the name 
of one of them is Philip Dalton, the other Edward Welch 
for nine years for six and twenty pounds." He declared 
that the younger youth "owned his name to be Philip." 

These two young men, torn from their beds, hurried off 
to the ship with others of their countrymen, weeping and 
lamenting their hard fate, "sold," as the phrase was, to Mr. 
Symonds for a long term of service on their arrival, declared 

what agreement was made between Mr. Symonds and y*^ 
said Master was never acted by our consent or knowledge 
yet notwithstanding we have indeavored to do him y** best 
service we could these seven compleat years which is 
3 years more than y® . . . . use to sell y™ for at Barba- 
does, w° they are stollen in England, and for our service 
we have no calling nor wages but meat & clothes. Now 7 
years service being so much as is practised in old England 
& thought meet in this place we being both above 21 years 
of age, We hope this honored Court & Jury will seriously 
consider our Conditions. 

Xaomy Hull, another servant of the Dep. Governor, tes- 
tified to the dramatic way in which Philip announced "they 
being come into the parlor to prayer" in the evening, "We 
will work with you or for you no longer."^^ 

Philip W^elch joined with Edmund Dear and William 

« Court Piles, Vol. VI: 115. 


Danford in a petition to the Salem Court in 1678, r^ard- 
ing a verbal will of Robert Dorton, an Irishman, who had 
left £25 in the hands of John Ring when he left the country, 

and ordered it so that if he came not here within the 
space of three years, then he willed the said summe with 
the use thereof to four of his coimtrymen namely Edward 
Dear William Danford Philip Wealch and John Ring, and 
that party of the four that was in most need at the three 
years end, he was to have y*^ bigest share. 

Edward Zealand, aged 38 years, and Elizabeth Dear, aged, 
upward of 15 years, testified to the same effect. Daniel 
Grazier and John MorilJ, Irishmen, came to Ipswich about 
1661 and the Selectmen complained against them, that they 
persisted in remaining though "they were not willing to 
have them as inhabitants." 

A few years later, a young Indian lad was bound out to 
Mr. Henry Bennett, the owner of the farm east of Argilla. 
With a little company of Indians, a squaw, whose husband 
had been slain by hostile Indians near Lake Winnepesaukee, 
drifted down to Castle Hill, with her two little children 
and her old mother-in-law. She died not long after, leaving 
her children to the care of Captain Daniel Epes and his 
excellent wife. The younger boy, named Lionel after Cap- 
tain Epes's younger son, grew up in the family, but when 
he was a well grown boy, his uncle Robin, a shiftless Indian, 
who was in debt to Mr. Bennett, stole him away from Cap- 
tain Epes and indentured him to Mr. Bennett. The orig- 
inal instrument has been preserved in the Files of the 
Ipswich Court. Its quaint language, the long and exacting 
service to which it bound the lad, and the very meagre com- 
pensation, render it a document of enduring value. ^* 

This Indenture made the fifteenth day of May in the yea re 
of our Lord one thousand six hundred seventy nyne Be- 

« Court Flies, XLI: 129. 


tweene Laionall Indian of the one partie and Heanery Ben- \ 

net of Ipswich in the Countye of Essex husbandman of the j 

other partie. Whare as I the aforsaid Layonall Indian for \ 

and in consideration me heare imto movinge and with the ' 

consent and good Likinge of my Gran mother and my uncle 
Roben Indian have put and doe by these presents Binde 
myselfe as an aprintes unto Henery Bennett his heares or 
asigns for the full and hole terme of eleven years from the 
daye of the date heareof with him or them my M*^ or M" 
I doe by this presents ingage faithfully to serve duringe the 
saide terme of eleven ^'^eares thare servets to keepe thare 
Comands LafuU and honest I doe heareby promise to obaye 
and ale houses not to frequent my M" goods I ingage not 
to waste nor absente myselfe from my master's service by 
night nor by day but in all things shall behave myselfe as 
an aprentice oife or should do dureinge the saide terme for 
and in Consideration thare of I the sayd Henerye Bennet 
do promise and ingage to tfinde this my aprentise with suf- 
ficient met drinke and Lodginge and aparell duringe the 
saide terme and at the eande thereof to give him two sutes 
of apparell the one fit for saboth dayes and the other for 
workeinge dayes in witnes whareof the same we have hear- 
unto set our hands the day and year above saide .... 

the mark X 

of prang qua 
the + mark 

of Lionell the Indian 
the R mark 

of Robin Indian 
Signed and delivered 
in presence of 

Jacob Perkins 

John Bridge 
the mark A of borne dasinemo. 

Under this system of indentures, which gave almost un- 
limited authority to masters and bound the servant or ap- 
prentice, as he was often called, though he was taught no 
trade, to unquestioning obedience and a wretchedly underpaid 
service, it is not strange that masters were often abusive, that 


servants took every advantage and that frequent recourse to 
the Law was necessary to adjust the various difficulties. 

As boys of a dozen years were bound out, innkeepers were 
forbidden to entertain them, and the law of 1668 required 
that all apprentices should be educated and trained in the 
catechism. One lad at least profited by the instruction he 
received, the servant of Mrs. Jonathan Wade. In a friendly 
chat with Mr. Bartholomew, Mrs. Wade told him 

what a great mercy she had in having such a servant ia 
her house in her husband's absence, how ready and forward 
he was in all that was good, in asking her children questions 
out of y® Scripture & her selfe also which she thought was 
to see if he could pose her.^* 

In marked contrast with the amiable relations between 
servant and mistress in the Wade household, was the mis- 
conduct of Andrew Tarras, servant of Lieut. Appleton, 
which resulted in the sentence of the Court that he should 
be well whipped with twenty lashes and serve his master 
thirteen weeks more than the term, that he should serve by 
Indenture, for "his miscarriages in his master's house. ^^ 

William Warner complained of his master, Cornelius 
Waldo, for detaining him three months after his service 
was out. Testimony was given that when Warner's term 
of apprenticeship was nearly out, Mr. Waldo asked him 
whether he would give him three months for the time he 
Lad misspent. The apprentice ran away but was caught and 
severely punished. Richard Brabrook testified that 

Mr. Waldo sold William Warner to me living or dying 
staying or running and all the clothes he had when he came 
to me were hardly worth the taking off the dung hill except 
a payre of shews. ^* 

" Court Flies, HI: 2, 1658. 
» Salem Court Records. 1654. 
'•Court Files VTII: 113. (1662) 


Tamar Quilter brought suit against Eichard Buckley, to 
whom her only son, Joseph was apprenticed. She testified 
that she found him ill-treated, sick in a cold room, and took 
him home to nurse him back to health. ^'^ John Bridge, ser- 
vant to j^athaniel Wells, told a pitiful tale of cruel treat- 
ment before the Court. He had served him faithfully two 
and three quarters years, but 

he, having shamefully abused and beaten me soe that it is 
questionable whether ever I should be sound again or not, 
on Sabbath day after meeting when sick & unable to work, 
turned me away without any clothes except a few ragged 
ones that would scarce hang on my back so that I was forced 
to beg clothes, shoes so bad had to tie them about my feete.^® 

Richard Parker was so cruelly treated by his master, 
Philip Fowler, that he brought suit against him. The Court 
decided in his favor but upheld the right of the master to 

though they do justifie any person in giving meet correc- 
tion to his servant which we see not but the boy did deserve, 
yet do testifie against the maner of punishment given in 
hanging him up by the heeles as butchers do beasts for the 
slaughter and caution him against such kind of punishment 
and order him to pay costs and fine.^® 

Poor Toby Tailer, a boy bound to Samuel Bishop, came 
to Jacob Perkins Sen. and "showed his wrist swollen where 
tied up and flogged, his back with long red wales." 

Evidently the sympathies of the Magistrates were with 
the master, and when the fault of the servant was extreme, 
the penalty imposed was very severe. Nicholas Van Den, 
servant of Robert Cross, was convicted of theft in March, 
1668, and the Court gave his master 

1' Court Files, VI: 81. (1661) 
" Court Files XXVI: 30. 1676. 
>» Court Records. 1682. 


liberty to put off his servant, Nicholas Van Den, for ten 
years to any of English nation besides the time he is ser- 
vant before for satisfaction for his theft .... and to put 
iron upon his neck in the meantime. ^^ 

He ran away from his master in the following year, but 
a "hue and cry" was issued by Mr. Symonds and he was 
arrested. "For running away from his master Robert Cross 
dyvers times & stealing from his master, & loss of time & 
charges," Nicholas was sentenced to "pay his master 40£ 
to be branded in the forehead with the letter R and be 
severely whipped." Henry Spencer suffered a similar pun- 
ishment in 1665. 

Peter Lecross, servant of the Rev. William Hubbard, with 
some boon companions, robbed his master of his wine and 
fat sheep and stole from other parties. The Court fined 
Lecross 8£, which Mr. Hubbard paid ; and to repay the debt, 
the Court sentenced the thieving servant to serve his master 
two years after his time had expired. 

In one case at least, the Indenture was terminated by a 
decision of the Court in 1697. William Baker complained 
that Charles Atwood, his apprentice, absented himself from 
his service notwithstanding he had by indenture several years 
to serve, but the Judge ruled in favor of the apprentice, that 
he was under no further obligation. Lawrence Clenton 
"bought his freedom" of Robert Cross by the payment of a 
sum of money in 1666. 

A servant or apprentice of Rev. John Wise of Chebacoo 
left his master covertly, and the minister, advertised the 
event forthwith in the Boston News Letter of January, 1712. 

Ran away from his Master, the Reverend Mr. John Wise, 
Minister of Jebacco. A servant Man, Named James Holms, 
Aged about 19 years of a short thick Truss body. Sanguine 
Complexion, a grayish eye, light colored straight hair, not 
cut on the crown nor very long; had on an old felt Hat, new 

•• Court Files XXXVH: 113, 1682. 


Home-spun gray cloath coat an old Druger Wastcoat, a pair 
of Homespun Breeches, dark sheep gray colored stockings, 
a new pair of wooden heel shoes. 

Whoever shall apprehend the same Run-away servant and 
him safely (return) to his said Master at Jabacco or to Mr 
Joseph Wise, Shopkeeper in Anne Street, Boston or give 
any true Intelligence to either of them So as his Master 
may have him again shall have Fourty Shillings reward be- 
sides all necessary Charges. 

About the time of the Revolutionary war, advertisements 
of run away servants frequently included a Post Script. 

"All Masters of Vessels are cautioned not to carry off said 
Apprentice as they would avoid the Penalty of the Law.'' 

Elisha Perkins Gould an Ipswich lad about 17 years old. 
who had been apprenticed to Mr. John Giddings of Glou- 
cester, ran away in November, 1774, and was duly adver- 
tised ; and Joseph Ross, an Ipswich apprentice left his master 
and went to Wilmington, where he was suspected of enticing 
another apprentice, Robert Kilby, to join lots with him.^* 

The apprentice system continued in vogue well into the 
nineteenth centurv. All trades were learned in this wav. 
An Ipswich Indenture of 1803 is an interesting illustration 
of the complete control of the apprentice by his master dur- 
ing the term of service, and of the surprisingly small return 
the apprentice received for his long years of faithful service, 
over and above the trade he had mastered. 

This indenture Witnesseth That Benjamin Kimball Jun' 
of Ipswich in the County of Essex & Commonwealth of Mas- 
sachusetts shipwright hath put and placed and by these 
presents doth put and bind out his son, Benjamin Kim- 
ball y® 3'^ and the said Benjamin Kimball y® 3** doth hereby 
put, place and bind out himself as an Apprentice to Samuel 
Wade of said Ipswich to learn the Art trade or Mystery of 
a House wright. The said Benjamin Kimball y® 3** after 
the manner of an iVpprontice to dwell with and serve the 
said Samuel Wade, House wright, from the day of the date 

>> Essex Gazette, July 11. 1769. 


hereof until the thirtieth day of November, which will be in 
the Tear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and seven, 
at \vhich time the sd. Apprentice, if he should be living, will 
be twenty-one years of age : During all which time or term, 
the sd Apprentice his said Master Well and faithfully shall 
serve; his secrets keep; and his lawful commands every 
where at all times readily obey; he shall do no damage to 
his said Master nor wilfully suffer any to be done by others ; 
and if to his knowledge be intended, he shall give his Master 
seasonable Xotice thereof: He shall not waste the Goods 
of his said Master, nor lend them unlawfully to any; at 
Cards, Dice or any unlawful Game he shall not play ; for- 
nication he shall not commit, nor Matrimony contract dure- 
ing the said Term ; Taverns, Ale-houses, or places of Gaming, 
he shall not haunt or frequent; from the service of his said 
^Master, he shall not absent himself; but in all things and 
at all times he shall carry and behave himself, to his said 
Master and all others as a good and faithful Apprentice 
ought, during the whole time or term aforesaid. 

And the said Samuel Wade on his part, doth hereby prom- 
ise, covenant and agree to teach and instruct the said Ap- 
prentice, or cause him to be taught or instructed in the Art, 
Trade or calling of a TTouse wright by the best way or means 
he can, if the said Apprentice be capable to learn and shall 
well and faithfully find and provide for the said Apprentice 
good and sufficient meat, drink, washing and lodging, and 
other necessaries fit and convenient for such an Apprentice, 
during the term aforesaid, and at the expiration thereof 
shall give unto the said Apprentice two suits of Wearing 
Apparel, one suitable for the Lords Day, and the other for 
a working day. 

In Testimony whereof, the said parties have hereunto set 
their hand and seals, this seventh day of Jan'y, in the year 
of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and three. 

Sam^ Wade seal 

Benjamin Kimball 
Benf Kimball Jr. 
Signed, sealed and 
delivered in presence of 

Nath' Wade 
Nath' Wade jr. 


Fishing and Commebob in the 18th Centuby. 

The fisheries were the most important industry of old 
Ipswich. Encouraged by the Statute of 1639, which enacted 
that all vessels and other property employed in "taking, 
making and transporting of fish be exempt from duties and 
public taxes for seven years, and that all fishermen during 
the season of business be exempt from military duty/' the 
men of the Town turned vigorously to this promising em- 

The year 1641 found a fishing settlement already estab- 
lished at Little Neck and fishing stages set up for the drying 
of fish. The Town voted in that year that the whole of 
this Neck should be set apart for the advancement of fish- 
ing. Every boat's crew that came to fish there was allowed 
room for their stages and an acre of ground for a garden, 
with the privilege of building houses for their convenience 
while engaged in fishing. A Committee was appointed by 
the Town in the same year to set buoys and beacons for the 
safe navigation of the river and bay, to provide salt and 
further trade in every way. William Paine also received 
liberty to build a wharf and ware house. 

Francis Wainwright and his associates were engaged in 
fishing in 1648. A Deposition^ was made in that year that 

Francis Wainwright & his company did lose out of the 
boats one quarter of one hundred of bread and a dozen of 
cod hooks newly ganged and a puter bottell of strong water 

^Ips. Ct Record. 


almost full and a roole of tobacco of 4 or 5 lbs wayte • . . . 
besides all this we miss 600 qtls. dry fish which we delivered 
to Peter Pilford, who made our fish in the winter season. 

The boats were at Marblehead, when the theft occurred. 
Robert Dutdi and Robert Filbrick of Ipswich offered like 

For a century and more, this industry flourished at Little 
Neck, where the sheltered cove and the pebbly beach fur- 
nished a convenient base for the shore fisheries. As the 
business developed, Francis Wainwright^ Thomas Bishop, 
Thomas Wade and others established themselves on the Isles 
of Shoals, and a large business centered there. A meeting 
of the merchants, Mr. Jolliffe, M^ Lidgett, M^ Whitcomb 
and others, together with several fishermen considered the 
price of fish and "the said marchants did then & there de- 
clare they would not give above 26 Ryalls p^ quintall by 
reason there was little exportation for the fish and the price 
bad broke so at Marblehead."^ No doubt our Ipswich mer- 
chants had their voice in these deliberations. Thomas Seby 
Lad given his bond to Francis Wainwright Dec. 12, 1665, 
to deliver to him at the Isles of Shoals "in well-cured, well 
conditioned marchantable dry cod fish by the 20*** day of 
June to the value of £272-10'.* On Nov. 19, 1684, Eichard 
Donne, Gabriel Grubb, William Pumery and William Urin, 
bound themselves in bond of £200, to deliver to Francis 
Wainwright "all the cod, poUuck & haddock fish w*^ all 
the traine oyle that we shall ketch or take betwixt this 
present day & the last day of May next ensueing," and to 
sell to no one else.* 

John Newmarsh brought suit against John Tod of Row- 
ley for withholding 20 quintals of merchantable cod fish 
from him in March, 1669. Robert Pierce, an Ipswich fish- 

» Court FUea, XVIH: 55. 
•Court Files. XHI: 25. 
« Court Files, XXIII: 133. 


erman, testified that he was at Smutty Nose Island in July, 
1668 and heard Newmarsh make demand on Tod. 

William Roe came from the Isles of Shoals and bought 
a house and lot by the river bank in 1671, which he sold 
two years later to two other fishermen from the same islands, 
Andrew Diamond and Henry Maine. Capt. Diamond be- 
came an important citizen and his name is still attached 
to the outlying island, part of the ancient Robert Paine 
farm, where he established his fishing stage. '^ Henry Maine, 
reputable citizen so far as we know, has attained mythical 
renown as an evil doer, and suffers endless punishment, 
shovelling the shifting sands on Ipswich bar.* 

Hugh AUard sold to Francis Wainwright in 1671 all 
his land, houses, staging &tc on Smutty Xose Island. The 
northern half of the Islands was deserted gradually, and on 
Star Island, the business was monopolized by three chief 
proprietors, Francis Wainwright and Andrew Diamond of 
Ipswich and Nathaniel Baker of Boston." 

Thomas Bishop and Thomas Wade executed a bond in 

March, 1670-1 binding themselves to pay to Thomas Deane 

good merchantable fish at the Isles of Shoals to the value of 

£35. The inventory of Mr. Bishop, filed in March, 1671, 
shows that he owned a quarter of the ketch, "Margaret," 

of 34 tons, half of the ketches, "Gk)od Hope," 36 tons, 

"Susannah," 28 tons, "Hopewell," 26 tons and another of 

30 tons, and half "one single boat." His interest in vessels 

and cargoes was £686, 10'. 

Some ancient building contracts reveal the size of these 

diminutive vessels. Robert Dutch, an Ipswich merchant, 
contracted with George Carr Jun. of Salisbury in 1677 

to build of two inch white oak plank, a ketch of 25 tons, 

34 feet long, 12 feet broad, 6 feet deep in the hold. John 

■ Jeffre3r*8 Neck and the Way Thereto. Ipswich Hlat Soc. Publications, 
XVni: 26. i 

•Ipswich In the Mass. Bay Colony, Vol. 1: p. 405. 

V The Isles of Shoals, John Scrlbner Jenness, 1875, contains a full and 
valuable account of the fishing: Industry at the Shoals. I 


Hendricks of Newbury, ship-wright, agreed to build for 
Francis Wainwright in 1687, "a substantial vessel or lighter, 
30 feet long on the keel, 11 ft. 8 in. broad, 3Vi> ft. deep 
in the hold, with a good cuddy, Mr. Wainwright to deliver 
the oak plank." Hachaliah Bridges owned a sloop, which 
w^as sunk in Ipswich river in 1669 and Peter Perry's ketch 
"was attached for debt by John Newmarsh Sen. in 1689. 
Capt. If athaniel Piper, master of Mr. Robert Paine's "bark," 
ordered an anchor of "8 score weight," from the Rowley 
Iron Works, in 1673.^ 

Even the ships of that day were of very modest dimen- 
sion. Thomas Mudgett of ISTew Salisbury contracted to 
build "a good substantial ship" for ^Jficholas Paige of Boston, 

76 foot by the keele in length upon a straight line and 
20 foot rake before and proportionate rake abaft, fit for such 
a ship, 26 feet wide by the heme, 11 feet deep in the hold, 
5 feet between decks at the main mast, ship to have 2 decks, 
and a half deck, with two foot of the maine mast with 2 
boats, for £605. 

She was launched at Amesbury, named the "Ann Bonaven- 
ture," and was impressed by the Council for the expedition 
against Quebec in 1691. 

But these little vessels were manned by brave and skilful 
sailors, and they served not merely for the shore fishing, 
but for foreign voyages, laden with their cargoes of fish 
and oil. The original charter, drawn up on Sept. 7, 1673, 
between Abraham Perkins and John Bumam of Ipswich, 
owners of the good ketch, "Dora," 29 tons, and Richard 
Martyn of Porstmouth, is still preserved in the Court Files. ^ 
She was chartered to load with Piscataqua mackerel and 
oil for the Isle of Barbadoes, to have a return freight of 
sugar, and "shall have 600 lb. good Muscavado sugar for 

• Court Piles, 
•■Vol. XXI: 104. 


every ton she shall carry." William Patterson of Ips\^ch 
was at Barbadoes, seeking sugar in 1667-8. 

Henry Russell of Ipswich and others dispatched the ketch 
"May flower" to Newfoundland in 1664, and Philip Beare 
and Arthur Abbott, sailors, went into the interior with the 
Indians, hunting and getting beaver skins.^ For coastwise 
traffic as well there was constant demand for small craft 
like these. Capt. Steven Cross with his sloop, "Adventure," 
brought passengers and freight from Wethersfield to Boston 
in 1681 ; the year before he had made a trip to Exeter for 
boards for Francis Wainwright and he had been along the 
coast to Piscataqua for boards in 1671. William Paine 
contracted with Boston merchants to deliver in Boston 
10,000 of good and merchantable white oak pipe staves in 

In contrast with these coast-wise trips and the cargoes 
of fish is the ambitious scheme of the owners of the ketch, 
"Zebulon," belonging in Ipswich, who purposed to send her 
"into the Indyes for a further discovery of trade, that may 
tend to the advance of this Commonwealth," and therefore 
asked the loan of two colonial guns in Boston, in October, 
1646. They stated that before the next Spring, the Iron 
Works would supply "all sorts of guns."^^ Another early 
venture is that of Dr. John Ward, chirurgeon, in the Boston 
ship, "John, the Adventurer," bound for London, of £70 
in good sound merchantable and well cured tobacco in 
November, 1651.^^ No doubt many such mercantile ven- 
tures were made, and long and anxious months elapsed be- 
fore it was known whether they netted gain or loss. The 

dangers and uncertainties of these early voyages are revealed 
in the suggestive memorandum that Thomas Harris had 

given £40 in 1689 to redeem his eldest son out of Turkey.^* 

• Court Plies, XI: 71. 

" Felt, History of Ipswich, Appendix P. 315. 

" Court Files, XH: 63. 

" Pelt: History of Ipswich, p. 315. 


In 1683, Ipswich was annexed with other towns to Salem, 
as their port of entry and clearance; but in 1685, the Ips- 
wich representatives, Daniel Epes and Simon Stacy, peti- 
tioned the (Jeneral Court, that " there being some merchants 
& Traders in Ipswich that doe imploy some vessels to Bar- 
badoes and other places," a local Naval officer might be 
appointed. The House appointed Mr. Stacy, but the Coun- 
cil non-concurred. Such an official was appointed however 
in 1692. 

As the century drew to its close, the fishing industry was 
so prosperous that Little Neck did not suffice, and request 
was made by the fishermen for a location on Jeffrey's Neck. 
Mr. John Appleton, Capt. Andrew Diamond and Mr. Fran- 
cis Wainwright were appointed by the Town as a Com- 
mittee to lay out the lots for fishing stages and for flake 
room. The lines of stones on the hill side still mark roughly 
the several lots then assigned. 

After the division of the common lands in 1710, Jeffrey's 
Neck was owned by the Commoners in the capacity of Pro- 
prietors. Their Committee, appointed to regulate the 
bounds of the fishing station reported in April, 1715, that 
'Tlichard Gross, Phillips and Spiller, Mr. Wade, Merrifield 
alias Holland, and Richard Lakeman" were using two boats 
each, and occupying 6 rods on the hill side, and that Thomas 
Newmarch, Silvanus and Tobias Lakeman were operating 
3 boats and using 9 rods of flake room. James Brown, Wil- 
liam Harris, Joseph Holland, William Willcomb, Francis 
Crompton and Richard Rogers were interested in this fishery 
in the following years. ^^* 

The shore whale fishing was also engaged in to some ex- 
tent John Higginson of Salem wrote to Symonds Epes of 
the Castle Hill Farm, on Dec. 10*^, 1T06 : 

I hear a rumour of several whales that are gotten, I desire 

»• Jeffresr's Neck and the Way Thereto, Ipswich Histor. Soc. Pub. XVill: 
pp. 69, 68. 

236 iPSWTCir, in the Massachusetts bay ooi>ony. 

you to send me word how much we are concerned in them, 
find what prospect of a voyage. When they have done, I 
desire you would take care to secure the boats and utensils 
belonging to them. 

x\gain on Sept. 22, 1707, he wrote regarding the whale 
boats and crews at Ipswich, "We should be in readiness for 
the noble sport." ^^ From Castle Hill, Little iJ^eck or Jef- 
frey's JTeck, the spout of a whale might have been seen by 
the trained eyes of the fishermen, and watchers may have 
been stationed there. Five whale boats were impressed in 
Ipswich for the expedition to Xova Scotia in 1707.^* 

Capt. John Holland sailed out of Ipswich river in the 
spring of 1700 one Sabbath day with his crew, Edward Hol- 
land, John Holland Jr. and Robert Knight, with two pas- 
sengers, Stephen Perkins and Kichard Holland, and arrived 
at Capenny wagen, the next day at noon. For his Sabbath 
breaking, he was summoned into Court and paid his fine. 

The outbreak of Queen Anne's war opened a new field 
of adventure and the trained sailors and fishermen were 
quick to respond. Capt. Samuel Chadwell, master of the 
sloop, '*The Flying Horse," with eleven Ipswich men among 
his full crew of forty, lay at Newcastle in March 1702-3, 
ready to sail for the Bay of Fundv at a moment's notice.*'^ 
The sloop, "Hopewell," of 55 tons, Capt. John Chadwell, 
master carried Capt. Matthew Perkins's company of 60 men 
to Nova Scotia, in the expedition of 1710.^® 

Capt. Beamsley Perkins, most noteworthy of the early 
Ipswich sailors, began his career no doubt in the fishing 
ketches. He was master of the sloop, "Marlborough," and 
the frigate, "Despatch," in Queen Anne's war. He com- 
manded the ship, "Eagle Galley," which cleared from Bos- 
ton for Montserrat on Jan. 14, 1705, and in 1706 and 1707, 

" Felt, History of Ipswich, p. 109. 

" Felt, History of Ipswich, p. 315, Appendix. 

" Pagre 32. 

" Page 40. 

FISHING JlNV commerce IN THE 18tH CENTUBY. 237 

the ship, "Blessing," plying between Boston and West India 
l>orts. In May, 1714, he was captain of the brigantine, 
** Ipswich," which cleared from Boston for Quebec. Capt. 
Pelatiah Kinsman was outward bound for the West Indies 
in November, 1715.^'' Capt. John Harris died on Jan. 11, 
1737, at the age of forty-six, having commanded various 
merchant vessels and distinguished himself in engagements 
on the Spanish coast of the West Indies.^® 

The shipping registers, issued by the chief magistrates, 
mention some Ipswich craft of this early period. 





Tonnage Masters 





John Bradstreet 





Humphrey Woodbury 





Peletiah Kinsman 


Sea Horse 


Nathaniel Downing 





Stephen Perkins 



Sarah & Margaret 25 

Thomas ITewman 





Samuel Sargent 




Beamsley Perkins 

They were all square-stemed and built at Ipswich except 
two. ' The sloop "Unity" was built at Newbury, and the 
"Sarah & Margaret" at Duxbury. The "Sagamore" was 
partly owned in Boston and so was the brig "Ipswich."^® 

The Canso fishing banks claimed a deadly toll of the Ips- 
wich fishermen. Thomas Lull was killed while on a voyage 
thither in 1735. Xathan Ilodgkins Jr., Francis Hovey, 
David Knowlton, Samuel Pulcifer and Robert Stocker all 
perished on the Bank on April 7, 1737, and Tobias Lake- 
man in Sept., 1738. 

Capt. Ammi R. Wise, master of the schooner "Lark," "for 
the security and safe laying of his vessell, more particularly 

" Boston News Letter. 

^ Pelt, History of Ipswich, Appendix p. 334. 

^ Felt. History of Ipswich, Appendix, p. 314. 

238 ipswioir, ix the Massachusetts bay colony. 

in the Winter season," received a grant of some of the flats 
"at the westernmost part of the Great Cove," where he built 
a wharf and store house. This location was owned after- 
ward by Capt. Gideon Parker,^^ who used it as a shipyard. 
It served this use for many years. It is now included in 
Dr. Tucker's lot. 

William Start of Ipswich, Master of the schooner ''May 
Flower," loaded with dry fish and ready to sail, made his 
declaration that on Aug. 3, 1752, 

being well mor'd with two Anchors & well fastned to a 

stage head with sundry Fasts. But by a Strong Gale of 

Wind in the Night & the Tide was drove so nigh the stage 

head that when the Tide went out she broke her Fasts & 

fell over into the Channel, by which he supposes some of 

the Fish to be damaged. ^^ 


Benj. Ober, skipper of schooner "Ipswich" damaged by a 
storm, made his declaration in Jan. 26, 1754.^^ She was 
insured in April, 1758, owned by Samuel Vans, and com- 
manded by Capt. Benjamin Davis. ^* Capt. Dodge in the 
"Ipswich" was trading to the West Indies in 1772. 

Francis Cogswell, a tanner and owner of the Denison 
farm, now owned bv Dr. H. F. Vickerv and the heirs of 
Dr. Francis B. Harrington, was engaged in the fisheries as 
well, and his estate, at his death in 1755, included 

the schooner Deborah & boat & all appurtenances, £80- 0- 
the old schooner Dolphin & boat & all appurtenances, 66-13- 4 

The danger from French privateers during the French 
and Indian war put an effectual embargo upon this thriving 
industry and Felt says that the fishing fleet was reduced 

■• Ipswich in the Mass. Bay Colony. Vol. I, Paeres 476, 489. 
•* Essex Co. Notarial Records. Historical Coll., Essex Institute, XLVI: 
" Ditto, p. 120. 
** Histor. Coll., Essex Institute. XXX: 88. 


to six schooners.^*. Fourteen of the Ipswich sailors found 
place in the crew of H. M. S. "Alice" in the expedition 
against Quebec in 1759. The business revived after the 
war, and continued at Little iTeck through the century. 
Nathaniel Smith, Nathaniel Farley, Abraham Choate and 
John Patch were owners of wharves, storehouses and fishing 
stages.^^ The sloop, "Endeavorer," Capt. Thomas Treadwell, 
was included in the fleet in 1716. John Newmarch Jr. 
who died in 1812, owned a third of the wharf and a third 
of the schooner, "Hero."^® 

The old "Jolly Eobin," which had been impressed at 
Halifax during the French War for a trip to Boston,^'' 
and subsequently was engaged in transport service on the 
Hudson River, was still in service in April 1772, when she 
sailed for Maryland and Virginia, commanded by Capt 
Newmarch. The "Charming Molly Davis,"^® with 90 hogs- 
heads of molasses and 6 of sugar was captured and burned 
by a French frigate at Monte Cristo, Dec. 2, 1768. The 
Ipswich schooners "Lively" Capt. Jn** MascoU and "Dolphin" 
Capt. Jo* Soward, both owned by Perkins and Paine, were 
insured in Jan. 175 S. 

The sloop "Falmouth," Capt. Daniel Gk)odhue, which 
sailed from Ipswich for Dominica on April 5***, 1764, spnmg 
a leak on April 10*^, which increased steadily and on the 
23*, they cut away the mast. She sank on May 9***. "The 
Captain and 6 others took to their boat with such Neces- 
saries as they could get at, and after being toss'd upon the 
Ocean for 28 days in the Utmost Danger of perishing, they 
arrived at Monto Christi in perfect Health, tho greatly 
fatigued."^® The log book of Capt. Philip Hammond con- 

•*Felt, History of Ipswich, T&ge 109. 
" Pub. Ipswich Historical Society XVIU: 80-85. 
"Probate Records 383: 24. 
"Mass. Archives 65: 193. See also Pago 172. 

>* Bssex Institute Histor. Collections XLV: 346. Boston Gazette, Jan. 15, 
** The Boston Gazette, July 30, 1764. 


tains the entry. "July 16, 1768. Saturday. This day 
we came to port Roiel & Landed our oxen and Horses & 
sheep & this day Capt. Staniford saild for Home from port 

In December, 1770, Capt. Hammond, in the schooner, 
"Speedwell," sailed for Virginia, and in the same month, 
the schooner "Hopewell," Capiain Staniford, cleared for SL 

The ancient account book of Dummer Jewett, covering 
the years 1759 to 1763, mentions the brig "DoUe," a fish- 
ing schooner owned by Capt. John Smith, "Spiller ye skip- 
per," the schooner, "Dorothy," and the schooner, "x\rgilla," 
Capt. Moses Wells. Capt. Wells owned a farm on the 
Argilla road and with a fine sense of fitness, chose that 
musical name for his craft. Michael Holland, Aaron Kins- 
man, Nathaniel Moulton, Jonathan ISTewmarch, David Pul- 
cifer and William Stone were fishermen of that period, wlio 
had accounts at the Jewett country store. Stephen Safford 
was a sail-maker. 

Mr. Jewett was one of the owners of the schooner, 
"Saunders," which was built in Rowley and launched in 
December, 1759. She was commanded by Capt. Thomas 
Staniford and made trading voyages to Halifax, with live 
stock, to Virginia, to Philadelphia to purchase wheat, com 
and flour, and in May, 1768 to the West Indies. A yoke 
of oxen were included in his freight, one of which died on 
the voyage. 

For many years, the trade with the West Indies afforded 
a market for the fish and other commodities, and the return 
cargoes of sugar and molasses and tropical fruits found ready 
sale. The wharves and storehouses and the fishing estab- 
lishments at Diamond Stage, Jeffrey's ITeck, Little ITeck, and 
Green's Point were busy hives of industry. Sloops and 
schooners came and went and many Ipswich lads took to the 
sea as sailors or fisherman. The files of the Essex Gazette 


and the shipping records of the District of Salem and Beverly, 
which included Ipswich nntil 1799, give interesting glimpses 
of these men of the sea and their vessels. 

Capt. Abraham Dodge had various thrilling experiences. 
Sailing from Ipswich for the West Indies in Feb. 1770, his 
schooner grounded on the bar and vessel and cargo were 
reported a total loss. One of the crew was drowned, and 
the rest were near perishing before they were discovered 
and taken off. A year later, he had the schooner "Eliza- 
beth,'' and his arrival from Cape Nicholas Mole is noted 
in April. Wlien he arrived in Ipsvnch in May, 1774, he 
brought in the Master, chief-mate, four sailors and four in- 
dented servants of the brig "Two Brothers," picked up at 
sea in an open boat These men abandoned their ship 
secretly, leaving sixteen persons on board, who probably 

Captain Ephraim Kendall arrived at Ipswich in the 
schooner "Falmouth," in August, 1769, in 26 days from 
the West Indies. He sailed regularly to St. Lucia, St. 
Eustatia and other West India ports and occasionally to 
Canso and Nova Scotia. Captain Stanwood in the schooner, 
"Fame," sailed for Virginia, in Nov. 1770. Eobert Stalker 
was living at Tennent's Harbor in Nova Scotia in 1772 en- 
gaged in the curing of fish. In 1775, Ipswich was credited 
with 1 brig, 11 schooners and 43 boats, employing 190 men. 

The Revolutionary War checked this flourishing trade. 
The schooner, "Hannah," Capt. James Clenton, was cap- 
tured by the letter^f -marque schooner, Liverpool, in 1779. 

There were many sad tragedies on the dreaded Ipswich 
bar and the beach in these busy years. Lieut John Board- 
man, a prosperous farmer on the Rowley road and John 
Rogers, son of Capt Richard, both young men returning 
from Marblehead, were "cast on shore on Castle Hill Beach 
and Perished with the Cold and Snow," March 10, 1765. 
Two boats with nine men coming ashore from their vessel, 


which lay outside, were overturned in the surf and eight 
perished, on October 1**, 1784. In September, 1785, a boat 
with six men returning from the clam flats, heavily loaded, 
was sunk by the high seas, and four were drowned, one of 
them leaving a widow and six children. 

With the close of the Revolution business revived ac- 
tively. The principal industries apart from fishing and 
trading were cabinet and hat making, farming and distilling- 
William Story built the distilling plant and sold a half inter- 
est to John Heard in 1770, who eventually acquired the whole 
business. It passed to his son, George W. Heard, who con- 
tinued it until he sold to Gustavus Farley in 1836. The 
West Indies were the nearest market for the fish and the 
return cargoes were chiefly molasses for the distillery. 

The Shatswell papers*® throw a flood of light upon the in- 
dustrial affairs of the Town for many years. On March 
17, 1764, Richard Setchell, who then signed himself, yeo- 
man, "Major Gould taler," and Benjamin Chapman, mari- 
ner, of Danvers, bought a third of the good sloop "Sally" 
about 74 tons burthen, of Lawrence Clark of Newbury, 
mariner, and Benjamin Chapman of Danvers. In June 
of the same year, Lawrence Clark wrote from Savannah, 
reporting decidedly crooked practices on the part of Capt. 
Chapman and the owners sent orders forthwith to the Cap- 
tain to proceed to Barbadoes or any other English island 
and sell vessel and cargo if possible. Apparently the sloop 
was not sold, as W" Story, Jun. the Naval oflScer of Ipswich, 
issued a certificate to Timothy Kimball, master of the 
"Sally," in May, 1788, to employ her in the fishing business. 
In 1774, Mr. Shatswell was the owner of the schooner 
"Swan," bound on a fishing trip, with Daniel Goodhue, 
JVlaster, Nathaniel Perley, mate, Thomas Emmerton and 
James Andrews "salters." In 1785, the square stem schooner 

»The family papers of Richard Shatswell and his son. Nathaniel, de- 
posited with the Society by Mr. Roger Sherman Warner. 


**Hannah" 45 tons, second of the name^ appears in these old 
files, and for a number of years, there is most interesting rec- 
ord of the varied uses to which this craft was put In the suin- 
xner, she was fitted for a fishing trip, and her five men, who 
csomposed the crew, provided their own bread and were paid 
sometimes in cash, apparently, sometimes in a share of the 
catch. In August, 1785, Richard Lakeman was Master, 
and his crew were William Lakeman, Jr., Lieut. James Lord, 
John Soward, Jr. and Ebenezer Kimball. Oapt. Daniel 
Rogers was the skipper on one of her trips in that year. 

In the summer of 1786, Richard Lakeman, was again 
Master. Mr. Shatswell entered into an agreement that year 
with William Gray, Jr. the famous "Billy Gray" of Salem, 
to take his fish and sell him salt. In the fall, under com- 
mand of Daniel Newman, she sailed for Maryland and Vir- 
ginia with a full cargo of local products. Her manifest in- 

450 gallons N". E. rum 

100 gallons W. I. rum 

90 gals, clove water 

12 desks, 6 tables, 4 dozen chairs 

20 pr. of shoes, 2 doz. felt hats 

8 quintals cod fish 

2 hogsheads molasses 

2 sides of sole leather 

1 box of chocolate 
and a quantity of American earthem-ware. 

Only a portion of the cargo was sold, and George Black- 
well, the Virginia agent, receipted for the furniture that 
was left with him. This receipt is of particular interest, 
as it gives the names of the skippers and the value of their 

1 desk with secret Draws, a glass in y® front. 
Xathaniel Lord, 1 desk £2-17- 4 

Elisha Newman, 1 desk 2-17- 4 


Abraham Knowlton, 1 desk 2-17- 4 

W'". Appleton, 3 desks 8-12- 

Daniel Lummus, 1 desk 2-17- 4 

Joseph Lord, 1 table 8 

Daniel Lummus, 1 table 6 

Moses Lord, 6 chairs a 8/ 2- 8- 

Daniel Lord, 6 white chairs a 14/ 4-4-0 

Daniel Smith, 6 chairs a 3/ 18-0 

A return cargo of 1173 bushels of corn was taken on board. 

In May, 1787, the "Hannah" fitted for a fishing trip, 
and Capt. iN'ewman's crew included Philip Hammond, mate, 
Campbell Ripley, Ebenezer Kimball and William Lakeman. 
In November, under Capt. Hammond, Master on his first 
voyage, perhaps, she loaded again for Southern ports. In 
consideration it may be of the inexperience of Captain 
Hammond, Nathaniel ShatsweU and Daniel Goodhue Jr. 
sailed in her with orders to sell the cargo and buy a return 
freight of com or flour and instructions were given to the 
Captain, "to assist Nath^ ShatsweU and Dan^ Goodhue in 
selling & Bying & go to any place that they shall order in 
Virginia or Maryland." Her cargo included the usual items, 
rum, cabinet work, boots and shoes, 1060 pounds of choco- 
late, presumably from Nathan Pierce, valued at £7-10- 0, 
12 axes, from John Choate, probably, 3-12- 0, and a barrel 
of snake-root, 32 gal. a 2/ £3-40. 

Captain Hammond made another summer trip to the fish- 
ing banks in 1788, and the fall trading voyage to Maryland. 
These Southern trips afforded an opportunity to the Hi^ 
street cabinet makers and hatters and workers at various 
crafts throughout the town to market their wares. Abr* 
Lord shipped 39 pr. of shoes a 8/, 1 pr. of boots 24/, 5 pr. 
of women's shoes at 5/. 

Many articles were left with Moses Taylor in Virginia. 
His account gives the list of disappointed shippers. 


Nath. Lord 3*, 2 large tables £2- 0- 
and a small table valued 4/^3 and a desk. 

Joseph Lord, a desk 2-10- 

William Appleton, a small desk 1- 0- 

Jeremiab Kimball, 2 large oval tables 2- 2- 

John Ringe, 2 tables 0- 8- 

Moses Lord, chairs 0-16- 

Daniel Smith, 8 chairs 0-16-0 

6 white chairs 0-12- 

Isaac Lord, 5 white hats a 4/6 1- 2- 6 

5 black hats a 4 1-0-0 

Richard Sutton, 2 pr. of leather breeches a 12/ 1-4-0 

Daniel Day, 2 fine hats 23/ 1- 3- 

In other lists, there is mention of flag chairs a 2/6, baking 
pans, quart mugs, pots and vessels of earthen ware made by 
some local potter, and one large desk, valued at five pounds. 
Many collectors of old mahogany furniture have made rich 
finds in Virginia and Maryland, and it is wholly within the 
bounds of possibility that some of the fine desks, chairs and 
tables, made in the Ipswich cabinet shops, are now included 
in these antique treasures. 

Captain Hammond made his Spring fishing trip in the 
"Hannah" in 1Y90, but Thomas Hodgkins was master in 1792 
and Lemuel Persons in 1793. The Shatswells owned 
Green's Point Landing and had a wharf there at which the 
"Hannah" discharged her cargoes. The old account books 
show that besides the fishing and trading, they were exten- 
sively engaged in selling timber and firewood, in ploughing 
and trucking for hire, letting their horses and their "gun- 
dalows," and exacting charges for every load of thatch or 
salt hay landed on their wharf or dried on their land. 

Nathaniel Kinsman is another interesting figure. He was 
owner and master of the 67 ton schooner, "Betsey," in 1784, 
which was sold to Beverly in 1793. The Custom House 
records contain the invoices of his cargoes, Jabez Farley & 


Co., owners and consignees. On Aug. 18*'', 1790, he en- 
tered, from Martinico, with 6251 gallons of molasses and 
104 gallons of rum. In March, 1791, he arrived from Cape 
Francois with 658 pounds of coffee, in addition to his mo- 
lasses and sugar. On July 30, 1792, he brought a varied 
cargo, 2344 gallons molasses, 3456 pounds of coffee, 1761 
pounds of cotton, 365 pounds of sugar, and 40 gallons of dis- 
tilled spirits. 

John Heard*^ owned the barquentine or brig "Sarah and 
Elizabeth" 100 tons burthen, built in Ipswich in 1784, and 
named for his two daughters. She arrived from Guadaloupe, 
July, 1791, with 18,127 gallons of molasses and in the fol- 
lowing August, her cargo included 13,656 gallons of mo- 
lasses, 1154 pounds of sugar, 403 pounds of cotton. The 
sloop "Fox," 73 tons, N"ath. Dennis, master, built in Ips- 
wich in 1786, was owned by Nath. Dennis, Jeremiah Stani- 
ford, Francis Cogswell and Edward Stacey. John Heard 
and Jonathan IngersoU bought the "Fox" in 1793 and In- 
gersoU was Captain on a trip to Guadaloupe. Thomas Kim- 
ball was in command the following year. Capt. Ingersoll 
bought the sloop "Nancy," 61 tons, in 1793 and John Inger- 
soll was Master on a voyage to Point Petre. In later years, 
Capt. Jonathan Ingersoll commanded the ship, "Union" of 
Salem. The Ipswich brig, "Jenny," was wrecked in a gale 
in May, 1783, on a voyage from St. Christopher's and her 
crew and passengers, fifteen in number, were taken off by the 
ship, "Grand Turk," and brought into Salem. 

After his sea faring days were over, Captain Ephraim 
Kendall engaged in trade on his own account. He owned 
the 66 ton schooner, "Susannah," built in 1783, and named 
probably for his wife, Susannah (Perkins), and the 60 ton, 
"Lucy," named for his daughter. Capt Nathaniel Tread- 
well was Master of the "Lucy," which brought an assorted 

*i Mr. Heard wa« engaered In foreign commerce as well. See "AufirustliM 
Heard and his Friends," Ips. Htstor. Soc. Publications XXI. 


cargo of sugar, salt, cotton and spirits from St. Martins in 

May 30, 1791. The "Lucy," was taken at St. Pierre in 

April, 1794 and condemned, and Capt. Treadwell became 

Master of the new schooner "Hope" of 92 tons, Ipswich 

built, in 1794, owned by Nath. Dennis, Ephraim Kendall, 

John Heard and Jonathan IngersoU, and engaged in the West 

India trade. Philip Hammond, having left the Shats- 

wells, was master of the *'Susannah," sailing regularly to 

the West Indies and bringing return cargoes of molasses, 

sugar, coffee and cotton. For many years he had escaped 

all the dangers of the sea, and the deadly fevers of the West 

Indies, but in Nov. 1797, he fell a victim, while on the coast 

of the Islands, and two of his crew, Daniel Dodge and 

Thomas Manning, died at the same time. 

Jabez Farley and his brother, Robert, were actively en- 
gaged in these trading ventures. A bit of business corre- 
spondence has been preserved. 

Ipswich, January 5*^, 1785. 
Oapt. !N^at. Kinsman. Sir 

Pleas to pay Mr. Andrew Haraden the sum of three 
pounds when you arrive at your market in West Indies and 
Charg the Same to the Schooner Robert. 

yours Most Obedient, 

Jabez Farley. 

At the same time Robert Farley sent an order to Capt. 
Kinsman for £2. 8\ He was Master of the brigantine, "Bet- 
sey," of 157 tons in 1793, which was sold to Boston mer- 
chants the following year. Jabez was the father of fourteen 
children, two of whom died in infancy, but five sons and 
seven daughters grew to mature life. There is a family 
remembrance that he named two of his vessels, "The Five 
Brothers" and "The Seven Sisters." He was of a nervous 
temperament and when one of his vessels was reported in the 
river, he sent one of his sons or a servant to find the result 


of the voyage and shut himself up at home until the report 
was brought him. In 1790, Captain Kinsman was Master 
of the schooner, "John" of 60 tons, owned by John Patch, 
])reviou9ly commanded by Thomas Hodgkins. 

Joseph Dennis was skipper of the little sloop, "Polly," 33 
tons, in 1795. The schooner "Sally," Capt. Smith of Ips- 
wich, arrived in her home port in March 1798 from Sur in a m, 
having been taken by the English frigate, Concord, and 
carried into Antigua, but "after examination of papers was 
treated politely and permitted to depart without any ex- 

John Perkins was at sea in a Xewburyport ship during 
the French Revolution and was embargoed at Bordeaux, 
while the guillotine was claiming its victims. His letters 
to his widowed mother contain items of family interest, and 
reveal the leisurely methods by which cargoes were disposed 
of and voyages completed. 

Bordeaux, Nov. 7, 1793. 
Honored Mother 

.... After we saiPd from Newburyport for the fourth 
day we had a heavy gale of wind but by good luck got clear 
of Nantucket Shoals. x\fter that we had pleasant weather 
and arrived in 28 days at St. Ans in Guadaloupe and laid 
there till the 9 day of Ju^y and then sail'd for France loaded 
with coffee and sugar, we had a long and pleasant passage 
were 68 days upon our passage and have laid here two 
months and sold nothing nor dont expect to sell here unless 
times alter we should have gone to some other port But 
all vessels have been embargoed, we shall stay till Spring 
and if the Captain can't sell to his mind will go to some 
ether port. 

Nathaniel Hodgkins arrived here a week ago, he says 
that all is well at home and that Uncle Stanwood^^ is gone 
to the west Indies and is like to make good voyage we 
have good usage on board and nothing to do but play. Bread 

•» Capt. Isaac Stanwood. who married Bunlce Hodsrkins, Feb. 26, 1778. 


is very scarce here and all other provisions, none is to be 
Lad for love or money. 

your dutiful son, 

John Perkins. 

A second letter to "widow Elizabeth Perkins" is dated, 

Bordeaux, Dec. 4, 1793. 

Honoured Mother. 

I take this Opportunity to let you know that I am well 
and hope by the blessing of god that these few lines you 
and all my acquaintances the same, we have been here this 
3 months and have not done nothing. , 

.... There has been an embargo here this three months, 
there is no trade at all only cutting off people's heads six 
or seven every day .... I hope to get home in the spring, 
if not before, but imcertain, there is no provisions in the 
place we cannot get bread the people on shore have only a 
Quarter of a pound a day. 

give my love to all enquiring friends grand father** and 
grandmother, Uncles and Aunts, Cousins and the .... 

Your dutiful son, 

John Perkins. 

* John Hodgklns, carpenter, and wife, Elizabeth. 

Trades and Employments of the 18th Centttry. 

While the fisheries and commerce were the most impor- 
tant industries of old Ipswich, a great variety of employments 
engaged the men of the community. In common with all 
other towns, it was largely a self supporting unit, and the 
varied needs required many toilers. Jonathan Wade's wind- 
mill, somewhere on Windmill Hill, disappeared before the 
close of the seventeenth century, but the abundant water 
power was utilized to the fullest advantage. Grist mills and 
saw mills were established at the location now known as 
Norwood's, at the upper and lower dams, and also on Egypt 
river. ^ 

On the farms the same primitive methods that had pre- 
vailed for centuries were in vogue. The ground was broken 
up with a wooden plough, the mould-board tipped with an 
iron point, drawn slowly by patient oxen. The harrow was 
a clumsy tool, made of plank with great iron teeth. The com- 
mon farm wagon was a '^tumbril," with two huge wheels 
and axle, all of wood, save the tires. Hand labor was the 
only method. Planting and cultivating were done by the man 
with a hoe. Grain was reaped with a sickle, as in the days 
of Ruth and Boaz, threshed with a flail in the wide bam 
floor, and winnowed with broad lipped winnowing baskets, 
shaped like a huge clam shell the wind blowing away the 
chaff as the threshed grain fell in a thin shower. Flax was 
pulled by hand. 

^ See Ipswich In the Mass. Bay Colony, Vol. I, pp. 329, 461, 462, 487, 488, 
and more detailed accounts in Publications of the Ipswich Hlstor. Society, 
XIX. See also Chapter XXVII. The Textile Industry. 



The day's work was long for the sumraer passed quickly. 

On one Candlewood farm not more than seventy years ago, 

the men did the chores soon after sunrise. After a hearty 

breakfast, the field work began while the dew was upon the 

grass. The mowers moved in regular lines about the field, 

stopping in the mid-moming for the ample lunch, with a 

dram of liquor, which was brought them, and continuing 

till noon. A hot dinner, another lunch in the afternoon and 

supper before sundown strengthened them for their toil 

TUitil dark. Many men made light work. Two or three 

great hay-wagons were filled at once and the field was soon 


In July, 1706, as labor was very scarce, the men of the 
Milton parish offered their services to the pastor, Rev. Peter 
Thacher to make and house his hay. Bright and early on 
Monday morning, there were no less than twenty-six men 
in the field, "mowers in a breast" ; on Wednesday there were 
fourteen others with their rakes ; on Thursday, sixteen more 
came. The correspondent,^ who sent the item, added that 
"no doubt, there was a competent number on Friday and 
Saturday (though not come to our knowledge) to carry it 
into the bam." The modem hay field with its mower, 
tedder, rake and loader, all drawn by horses, knows nothing 
of the enthusiasm of the parson's haying on that eventful 
week. The most skilful mower, strongest in his stroke and 
best able to keep his scythe at its keenest edge, struck in 
first with a mighty swath. A second mower started close 
behind and by the time the last man got into line, the leader 
was far down the field. Each pressed the man before him 
and kept him at top speed. Each strove to show the cleanest 
swath. Round and round the great field that line of mowers 
moved in rhythmic swing, their scythes gleaming, the worthy 
minister cheering them on with his approving smile. And 
when the other neighbors came with forks and rakes, and 

* Boston News Letter. July 22, 1706. 


the creaking ox-wagons, the field was full of life and color. 
There was much good natured fun at lunch time, and the 
longer pause for the toothsome dinner, that the good 'wives 
brought no doubt; and through it all, there was that good- 
fellowship, that cheerful helpfulness that lightened toil and 
made the day almost a holiday. 

After the English hay was safely housed, the "black- 
grass" that grows between the upland and the marsh, "was 
cut and then, when the right course of tides came, the vast 
stretches of salt marsh at the "Hundreds," and all along 
the river and its creeks, were invaded with a great army 
of hay-makers. On the nearer and more accessible marshes, 
the hay was stacked on "staddles" to raise it above the 
high tides. On the more distant Plum Island marshes, the 
green salt hay was loaded into great "gundalows," which 
were rowed slowly with hugh oars with a favoring tide to 
^ome convenient dock, where it was unloaded and loaded 
upon the farm wagons. Every old time farmer owned his' 
marsh lots and esteemed them a valuable asset. The long, 
coarse, reedy grass, borne by the thatch-banks, which are sub- 
merged by every tide, was of less value but was reckoned 
worth the getting for bedding and banking about the build- 
ings and covering. 

The soil of the Ipswich farms was famously adapted for 
the hay crop, and the teaming of it to market with the slow 
ox-teams was tedious and wearisome work. An old farmer, 
who died many years ago, used to tell that when he was 
a young man, walking beside his oxen at night on the 
home trip, he often threw his arm over the yoke and fell 
asleep walking, or climbed into the empty wagon and took 
a nap, trusting his team to keep the road. He had no holi- 
days. Thanksgiving day and the afternoon of the Fourth 
of July were all he knew. 

The winter brought no leisure. The care of the catUe 
twice a day, made a great inroad on the short day. There 


was cutting of wood in tie often distant wood lots, hauling 
it home and working it up into proper size for the great 
fire places. The minister's allowance of thirty or forty cords 
of good oak or walnut was probably only the average sup- 
ply, that had to be provided on every farm and for every 
household of the better sort. 

Many a farmer had his little shoe shop, and plied his 
trade of a cordwainer imtil spring. Many were carpen- 
ters and every one found a multitude of things to be done. 
For a few weeks in winter, the boys went to the district 
school, and by the time they were men grown, they had 
gained a scant working knowledge of arithmetic, and some 
skill in the use of the quill. 

Glimpses of the life on one of the quiet Linebrook farms 
are afforded by the ancient account book of Abraham Howe. 
He began his record in the latter years of the I7th century. 
His son Lieut Mark continued it after his father's death 
in 1717, and his son, Nathaniel, kept it until his death. 
Abraham Howe was the son of James, who died on May 
17, 1701-2, at the great age of 104 years, and brother of 
James Howe, Jr., whose latter years were burdened with 
his own blindness and the heavy grief that befell his family, 
when Elizabeth, his wife, was arrested, tried for witch- 
craft and executed in the fateful year 1692. The bitterness 
of that heart-breaking experience and the natural resent- 
ments against the neighbors who had testified against the 
unfortunate woman, were eased by the lapse of years. Of 
these things, the old book contains no trace. We find in it 
only the record of those every day events which were hap- 
pening in many other farm houses in the parish. 

Abraham Howe was a weaver, as his father had been, 
and his accounts preserve items of his trade: weaving 22% 
yards of shirting, cotton and linen, for 7 shillings 8 pence, 
36% yards for 10 shillings, and weaving of cotton, linen 
and wool a yard wide. He could turn his hand to a variety 


of employments. He did slaughtering for his neighbors 
and carpentering. With his own hands he made the coffin 
for his venerable father. He was handy with his quill, 
and in 1703, he spent a day in writing evidence before Mr. 
Samuel Appleton, Justice of the Court, and was at IpsTvich 
Court two days in May. In 1710, he joined his brother, 
Capt. John Howe in a petition to the General Court to se- 
cure damages to his nieces, Mary and Abigail, for the odium 
cast upon them and the grief and loss they had suffered by 
the death of their mother. 

His son, Lieut. Mark Howe^ was a man of great strength 
of character and of marked aptitude for many activities. 
He was a farmer first of all and after the summer work 
was done, his cider mill began its operations. There was 
hewing of timber and chopping of fuel in his great wood 
lots. His oxen and steers hauled a great keel-piece to town 
in 1751 for some ship that was building, and in 1765 he 
delivered a huge load of faggots, 200 bundles at the door 
of Deacon Nathaniel Low. His "He nut" bark was in de- 
mand. He washed and sheared sheep for his brother In- 
crease, the tavern-keeper, and his oxen and hired man did 
the spring plowing on other farms. 

He was a weaver, too, as his father and grandfather had 
been, and wove not only shirting but the more substantial 
all wool cloth. From his loom, it passed to Robert Calefs 
fulling mill, and he credited Mr. Calef 

9 May, 1718, by 15 yards of drogid that you fulde died 
and sheard & prest at eleaven pence per year(d) 13-9 

His account with clerk Nehemiah Abbott, (1754) credited 

29 May, 1755, by your wife spooling and warping a piece 

11 Aug. 1756, by stilling 3 pints of mother time & other 

herbs 0- 2- 6 

25 Sept., by making a shirt for me of fine cloth 13- 

22 Oct, by stilling spearmint 6 quarts 8- 


Domestic service was rendered generally by young girls. 
Daniel Chapman's daughter Abigail came to live with him 
ill 1742 at an agreed wage of £12 a year, but she tired of 
her bargain at the end of a single month. The widow 
Priehet came to the house in February, 1759, but went home 
lame in March. Eebecca Smith undertook the task in 
April, but went to Thomas Baker's in May. Mrs. Pegge 
Daniels came in June and stayed until November, and Re- 
becca returned for further service during the autumn. 
But young Hannah Lakeman held by loyally. She was 
bound to him apparently until her eighteenth year. After 
she had attained that age, her service was voluntary and 
in place of a money wage, she called upon her employer to 
furnish wearing apparel and finery as she required. Be- 
ginning with April, 1750, Lieut. Howe provided her, be- 
side more ordinary supplies, a gold ring, a velvet hood and 
lace to it, at a cost of £5-18-6 ; a pair of pumps and a pair 
of red stockings; in Jan., 1751, a broad cloth cloak and 
making £9-9-0; silk for a bonnet and the making of it; 
and in January, 1753, a silk crape gown £11 : 14, a veil 
£1 : 10, a black handkerchief £1 : 5, and a fan 8s. 

If the young Hannah were the daughter of Solomon and 
Hannah Lakeman, as seems probable, her expensive mourn- 
ing garb may have been purchased in anticipation of the 
death of her father, which occurred on Feb. 24, 1753 and 
her step-mother, on Feb 18***. 

Amos Jewett, the tailor, came to the farm several times 
a year and made and repaired the clothes of the family. 
His skill was such that he even did the work of milliner 
and dress maker. His account is interesting. 

April 1750, by part of 2 days making clothes for 

Thaniel 1-0-0 

9 June, 1750, by making a coat for me 2- 5- 

Dec., 1750, by making three coats for y® boys & cut- 

ingjackits ^ 3-10- 


1- 0- 



9- 0- 






11 Feb., 1750-1, by part of a day making a coat for 

7 Aug., 1751, by making a linen jacket for me 
3 Dec, 1751, by mending a pare of leather britches 
20 Dec, 1751, by part of a day making leather 

britches for Mark 
y® same day by a yard of red broad cloth for a cloak 
22 Jan., 1751-2, by making a cloak & trimming 
& by two days Tallering turning a coat 
11 Nov., 1752, by making two bonnets 

8 Dec, 1752, by making a gown for Hephzibah 
24 Nov., 1753, by making a gown for hanah, gloves 

&cap " 1-7- 

Ezekiel Potter worked two days and a night making a 
great coat for him in 17C8. The cordwainer came and 
mended and made the foot-gear for the whole family and 
the accounts with John Lord and Thomas Lord, the hatters, 
were settled in felt hats and castor hats. Job Whipple, the 
tinker, looked in as he went his rounds, mended the pewter- 
ware, the skillets and brass kettles, set glass as needed, *'ran" 
pewter spoons in his spoon-mould, and took his pay in wood, 
bark and butter. 

His neighbors had few needs that he could not satisfy. 
When Samuel Potter was sick unto death, he wrote his will 
and afterwards assisted the executors in their task. He 
"pricked" a book of tunes for David Neland. He cured 
lame horses and sick cows. He acted as village barber for 
the little group of families. He made a charge against Caleb 

13 Sept., 1730, by cuting your hair & trimming of you 0- 0- 4 
and against Thomas Potter, 

5 Nov., 1733, by taking of your beard for ye* year 

past & more, which was 68 times 0-17- 


Hemote from doctors, and confident of the efficacy of home- 
ly remedies for minor aihnents, the Linebrook neighborhood 
may have summoned the excellent Lieutenant as their medi- 
cal adviser. Certain it is that some wonderful concoctions 
had attained high standing in the Howe family and were 
recorded in the old book. 

For feaver Take bam isop EUicompan root boyle them in 
spring watter for pain in y® loins take wild sallindine for a 
diat drink Balm sage watter & rushes one handful of each 
yarrow spruse a handfull of each elder budds two handfulls 
horse radish root & burdock each nounc fenell roots parsely 
roots one nounce burdock sed nounce fenell seed & parsely 
seed of each half an nounce for to cure the quensy draw 3 
blisters one behind y® neck one under each ear lay a plaster 
of diapalmer to y® throat & give salit oyl & manna .... 
& for drink bovl little nettles and dissolve allum in it. 

or this, blister under each ear one on each rist for drink 
boil y* green of elder fill y* stomak well with it. 

Mark and Hepbzebah Howe suffered a dreadful affliction 
in the month of November, 1736, when their whole family 
of eight children was swept away by an epidemic of throat 
distemper in twenty three days. Four more were born, 
Mark, Xathaniel, Philemon and Hephzebah. At the break- 
ing out of the French and Indian war, Lieut Howe, then 
just sixty years old, unbroken by toil and sorrow, gathered 
a squad of soldiers who went with him in Captain Stephen 
Whipple's company to Crown Point. His son, Mark, lackinii; 
six months of eighteen, on the day of his enlistment, went 
with him. The boy, Philemon, was too young then to be a 
soldier, but a few years later, he joined the expedition against 
Louisbourg and died there in June, 1759, lacking a week 
of eighteen. 

The principal farm crops beside the hay were Indian com, 
rye, barley and some wheat, and the common garden vege- 
tables, cabbages, squashes, pumpkins, potatoes, etc. A seed 


list of 1748 advertised Savoy cabbages, potatoes, endives, 
mangoes, celery, etc. A list in the Boston Gazette March 
25, 1755 mentioned Early Hotspur, Early Charlton, Spanish 
Murretts, marrowfat and dwarf peas; Hotspur, Sandwich 
and Windsor large beans, bush and pole varieties ; asparagus, 
cauliflower, spinach, parsley, melons, etc The Essex Ga- 
zette of Feb. 7, 1769 published a long list of seeds, freshly 
imported from London, offered by Benjamin Coats, near the 
school house in Salem. It included Blue Marrowfat, ILarge 
Marrowfat, Golden Hotspur and crooked sugar peas; large 
Windsor, early Hotspur and early Lisbon beans; early yel- 
low, scarlet and orange carrot; early Dutch, early York- 
shire, early Battersea, early sugar loaf, red and large win- 
ter cabbage and cauliflower, green and yellow Savoy celery, 
green and white endive ; salmon, scarlet and London radish ; 
best curled pepper grass, summer and winter spinach ; curie*! 
and hambo parsley cabbage, white, goss and imperial lettuce, 
early and late cucumber, long Turkey cucumber, early and 
late turnips, summer and winter savory, red and white 
clover, red top Lucern, Burnet and herds grass, and herbs in 
variety, hyssop, thyme, sweet marjoram, lavender and rose 

But the work of the women on the farms was harder even 
than that of the men. Upon them fell a multitude of tasks 
which have almost been forgotten ; the making of candles, 
butter and cheese, the cutting and stringing of apples, the 
spinning of flax and wool, the knitting of stockings and mit- 
tens, the weaving of linen for sheets, napkins and fine im- 
derwear, and the homespun woolen cloths for the outer gar- 
ments. After the long web was finished, many a good wife 
was tailor and dress maker. Xo wonder the day was not long 
enough and the evening hours were spent in sewing the end- 
less seams, or knitting or spinning. 

But men had their work in finishing the nicer fabriCvS. 
In the middle of the century, there was a group of weavers, 


Elisha Brown, William Campanel, Nathaniel and Jacob Low, 
George Newman, Daniel Safford and Stephen Kinsman, who 
made fine cloth for men's wear, and when they had woven 
it, it went to the clothier to be dyed and finished. Caleb 
Warner, the clothier, was engaged upon a piece of brown 
-woolen, 13 yards in length, and some blue drugget cloth, when 
Caesar, alias Aniball, a mulatto laboring man, broke in and 
stole the goods. 

There were tailors in abundance, some of whom, at least, 
'went from house to house, making new garments and mak- 
ing over the old: Mager Gould, John Wise, Jr., Daniel 
Ringe, Joseph Wilcome, Stephen Smith, Joseph Fellows, 
Aaron Lord, Daniel Koss, Samuel Robins and Archelaus 
Lakeman were all plying their craft in the middle of the 
eighteenth century. John Chapman and Richard Sutton 
had the field to themselves as "leather-breeches makers." 

The "eordwainer," too. was a valued member of the com- 
munity. In the midcentury there were John and Joseph 
Rrown, Jr., Edmimd, Nathaniel and Samuel Heard, Jere- 
miah Chapman, John Hodgkins and Joseph Hodgkins, the 
Revolutionary Colonel of later days, Daniel Lord and Lieut. 
Isaac Martin, who were known and styled "cordwainers" or 
shoemakers and probably gave all their time to their trade. 
Leather for their use was provided by the tanners and cur- 
riers. The ancient tannery of Sergeant Thomas Hart, by 
the brook near Mr. Ralph W. Burnham's on Linebrook road, 
was carried on for generations, and Thomas Xorton had 
his tan vats by the brook on the South side, known earlier 
as Saltonstall's, then as Norton's brook, on the grounds of 
Mr. Henry Brown. In 1762, Benjamin Lamson from 
Xewbury set up his tannery, which passed at once into the 
hands of John Farley, who carried it on for many years 
and passed it to his sons. The old tan and bark house and 
the currying shop were used finally by the Worths and 
Stackpoles for their soap manufactory. The Giles Firmiii 


Garden now occupies the site of this old time industry. 
On Market St., Michael Farley set up his tan works in 1755. 

Joseph Kimball plied the same trade at this period on the 
Topsfield road. Thomas Smith, Richard Sutton and John 
Fitts were leather dressers. 

The guild of hatters was located chiefly on High St. 
Samuel Baker, James Fitts, Caleb, Isaac, John, Nathaniel 
and Samuel Lord, Daniel Day and James Smith were all 
felt-makers or hatters. The hatter bought his raccoon and 
other skins from the hunters and trappers, and by various 
cunning processes transformed them by beating and shaping 
on wooden forms into hats. Every well dressed man in the 
mid-century needed a wig as well as a hat. Ebenezer Stan- 
wood and Deacon Thomas Knowlton, peruke-makers, Patrick 
Farrin, periwig-maker, and William Dennis, plain barber, 
served the public on North Main Street. 

The variety and delicacy of the peruke-maker's trade is 
indicated by the advertisement* of John Crosby, a Boston 
member of that craft. He invited attention to his 

grey and light-grey feather top dress Wigs, London made, 
finished off in a workman like manner, the neatest new 
fashion large, wig and hair black bags, curling tongs and 
tupee irons, body'd grizzle hairs curled and ready to work, 
brown hairs, black, brown and pale horse hairs, white goat 
hair, bleached tye, grizzle crowns, and moy ditto, fine China 
and raw silk, narrow and broad ribbons, and some very nar- 
row for bag wigs, cauls, neat tupee combs in cases setting 
combs for to dress half cut wigs and all other combs suitable 
for a peruke-maker's shop, also hair powder, high perfumed 
hard black and white pomatum and gum pomatum, excellent 
with its use to keep hair in place when drest and to make 
hair grow thicker, English black ball etc. 

The honorable trade of the carpenter gave employment 
to many, for his task was not merely to frame and construct 

s Boston Gazette. May 24, Nov. 8. 1762. 


the house, but to make the doors, window sashes and shut- 
ters, the fine panelled wainscot, the elaborate comer cup- 
boards, mantel-pieces and cornices, and the artistic stair- 
cases, which still adorn not a few of the old Ipswich dwell- 
ings. Abraham Knowlton was a master of his craft. The 
beautiful old pulpit and sounding board, which he built 
for the new meeting house of the First Parish in 1749, 
Btill preserved in the tower-room of the present edifice, 
attests his skill. The old pulpit of the South Church, built 
in 1747 and still preserved, may have been the handiwork 
of Deacon Joseph Appleton, the South side carpenter and 
one of the first Deacons of the new church. Besides these, 
there were Thomas Bumham, William Baker, John Hodg- 
kins, Joseph Lord, Nathaniel Kimball, Francis Goodhue, 
Nathaniel Perkins, Joseph Smith, John Finder, Joseph 
Fowler, Daniel Low and William Treadwell, and a goodly 
number of apprentices as well, bound out to learn the trade. 

Elisha Newman, John and William Appleton, Daniel, 
Joseph, Nathaniel and Moses Lord, Jeremiah Kimball, 
Daniel Lummus, John Binge and Daniel Smith were cabi- 
net makers, many of them having shops on High St., where 
John Brown plied his trade as a turner. Daniel Potter on 
Windmill Hill was a cunning maker of chairs, and Moses 
Lord, Jr. followed the same calling in 1790. 

Abner Harris had his ship-building yard at the foot 
of Summer Street, then known as Ship-yard Lane. Capt 
Gideon Parker, a soldier of the French and Kevolutionary 
wars, built his vessels in the Cove ship-yard. James Bum- 
ham and Jabez Treadwell were coopers. Daniel Binge was 
a chaise maker. 

Near of kin to carpenter and ship-builder and carriage- 
maker was the blacksmith, who made all the iron work, 
hinges, latches and bolts, braces and tires, horse shoes, spikes 
and nails even, until the cut nail was produced. 

Samuel Ross had his smithy on the ledge in front of the 

262 ipswicir, in the Massachusetts bay coi-oxy. 

old Seminary building and found room there for house, shop 
and barn. The music of his anvil filled the center of the 
town and before it was lost, it was taken up by Jonathan 
Prince, whose shop and dwelling were on the site of the late 
N". Scott Kimball's dwelling. Nathaniel Foster's shop was 
by the river side, near the Abner Harris shipyard, and 
Samuel Lord's was on High St. Benjamin Brown plied 
his trade on the triangular grass plot in Candlewood, where 
the road to Hamilton curves from the Essex Road, and 
William Brown Jr. had his shop near the engine house in 
the same neighborhood. Nathaniel Perkins, Jonathan Bur- 
nam and Moses Pickard were men of the hammer and anvil 
as well. 

One goldsmith, Daniel Rogers, found room for his trade. 
Richard Farran, the gimvSmith, was drowned on Ipswich bar 
in May, 1761. Ammi R. Wise was a "white-smith." Sone 
artisans seem to have had a monopoly of their craft. John 
Choate, the axe-maker, whose account with the storekeeper, 
Dummer Jewett, gives him credit for 6 axes @ 45y/ £13- 
10-0 and 6 hoes @ 25/ £7-10-0 ; Joseph Low, baker; Samuel 
Piatt, oat-meal maker; Xathan Pierce, chocolate maker, 
Aaron Smith, clock-maker in 1776 ; Samuel Williams, saddler 
and Job Whipple, the travelling tinker. Jeremiah Dodge 
was a mason, but there must have been others, for the brick- 
laying and plastering, and brick makers as well. 

But the village shop-keeper, taking it all in all, was the 
most useful man in the community for the every day needs 

of life. Dummer Jewett's account books for the vears 1760 


to 1764 reveal the infinite varietv of his stock in trade and 
the numberless ways in which he was able to be of service 
to his townsmen. Food supplies were always in demand, 
but some were bought in microscopic quantities. Rev. 
Jedediah Jewett of Rowley was not ashamed to buy a half 
ounce of tea, for a shilling eight pence Old Tenor* and a 

* The Old Tenor currency was so much depreciated that Mr. Jewett 
notes an exchange of £2 5s for a dollar. 


quarter pound for twelve shillings six. Coffee and choco- 
late seem to have been in greater demand. Oat meal, doled 
out by the quart, was sold occasionally. In one instance, 
Capt. John Baker bought a barrel of flour for £13-11-0 O. T. 
Figs and currants served for dainties. 

His counters groaned under their weight of dress fabrics. 
The age of ready made clothing was just at hand, as is 
evident from Capt. Thomas Staniford's purchase of a ^*great 
coat readv made" for £27-19-3. He was the master of the 
schooner "Saunders" and the exigency of an unexpected 
voyage may have required a sudden purchase. Invariably 
the town tailors made men's clothing and when a winter 
coat or a fine Sunday suit was needed, the whole pattern of 
goods, with trimmings, buttons, silk and thread, was selected 
at the store. Fine and costly fabrics, in bright and splen- 
did colors, were in constant demand. Capt. John Farley, 
the tanner, had two and a half yards of broadcloth, and a 
like quantity of scarlet shalloon. Michael Farley bought 
for his wear, 3 yards dark ratteen at 52 shillings six pence 
a yard, scarlet shalloon and a nail and a half of velvet. 
Capt Moses Wells of Argilla had 5 yards of claret beaver 
coating. Rev. Jedediah Jewett ordered 13 yards of crim- 
son callimanco, at a cost of £10-8-0, 3 yards black broad 
cloth for £22-10-0, 3^4 yards of checked drugget and a 
yard and a half of quattely. Dr. Calef bought crimson 
tammy, white tammy and a pair of small green shoes. 
Capt. Charles Smith had 2 yards of padusoy, some crimson 
baize and pair of callimanco shoes which cost £2. Edward 
Kneeland, the school master is credited with 7 yards of 
drawboy and 4% yards of anteloon. 

David Andrews bought a scarlet cap and Purchase Jewett 
a green cap. Joseph Fowler allowed himself the luxury 
of a Bengal gown. Elizabeth Hovey purchased a "patch 
chintz" at the extravagant figure of £19 and Abraham Howe, 
the Linebrook farmer, ordered a suit of curtains at an ex- 


pense of £35. Calico, striped hoUand, bearskin, kersey, 
capuchin silk, alamode, sagatha, green cambleteen, ever- 
lasting, dowlas, striped camblet, tabaret, Bilboa and Bar- 
celona handkerchiefs, Irish linen, yard wide at 30/ and 
linen handkerchiefs, diaper and cambric, thickset, mohair, 
serge and buckram, all found place on his shelves. Pink, 
green and brown brolio, apron check, fine and coarse fustian, 
Damascus for waistcoats at 45/ per yard, plain and mas- 
queraded Bengal, black, brown and green Persian were in 
stock. English lace, too, foimd a market, though the lace 
pillow was found in every household and many beautiful 
patterns were wrought. 

When death came, there was need of mourning apparel. 
The widow Ann Boardman required a lawn handkerchief, 
which cost £2, bombazeen, fringe and lawn. Andrew Bur- 
ley provided 9 pair men's white gloves and 5 pair men's 
black gloves, presumably for his wife's funeral. Isaac Wood- 
bury of the Hamlet ordered two black handkerchiefs and a 
dozen long pipes. 

For sickness in the family, Mr. Jewett carried a large 
supply of drugs and medicines, Stoughton's Elixir, Turlin- 
ton Balsam of Life, Bateraan's Drops, and the familiar 
snake-root and senna, Spanish flies for blisters and blister- 
ing salve, spirits of lavender for head-ache, syrup of marsh 
mallows and camomile flowers. A note in the margin rec- 
ommends "camamile flowers good bracer after a vomit, 
choice tea for breakfast." 

China and the cheaper earthen ware, tin and pewter, tea 
kettles and great brass kettles, which hung in every fire 
place and retailed at £16, 8s, hardware of every sort, nails, 
hinges, locks, guns, powder, shot and flints, writing paper, 
slates and pencils. Bibles and other books, spectacles and 
half hour glasses, awaited purchasers. Col. Rogers bought 
a chafing dish for £35. 

Much of this extensive trade was for barter. Jeremiah 


Sniith had a case of knives to be paid for in wood, and 
Thoinas Perley of Boxford bargained for cloth, to be paid 
for in oak bark. Mager Gould made coat and breeches for 
little Dummer and took his pay in goods. The cordwainer's 
account for making and mending shoes for the family was 
paid in similar fashion. 

Col. Samuel Rogers brought in quantities of the fragrant 
bay berry tallow, 17% pounds at one time. Mr. Jewett 
"bought all the flax-seed which the farmers offered and as 
it was bought in lots of four, six and even eight bushels, 
it is evident that the raising of flax and the production of 
linen was an important industry. In the fall of 1760, he 
bought a full hundred bushels of flax seed. A large part of 
this was sold to a Mr. Gibbons, an Irishman, on jSTov. 12th, 
5 hogsheads, containing 37^/2 bushels at 35 shillings and 5 
hogsheads at 30 shillings a bushel, a total charge of £73-2-6, 
under which the thrifty tradesman entered. 

now due to me, but question whether shall ever get it, 

except he proves an honest Irish man, which is doubtfull. 


A week later he entered, 

The Fellow has gone into y® Southern Goverments a pedling 
as that is his professed business. 

Honey, beef, mutton, hides, hay, apples, potatoes, butter 
and cheese were credited to his customers. He dealt in 
lumber, shingles and laths, and provided white lead and 
oil for painting the meeting house of the First Parish in 
July, 1764. In June, 1760, he acted as the Ipswich agent 
in selling twenty-one tickets in the Newbury lottery at two 
dollars apiece. His horse was hired out to any patron 
who needed to travel to Boston or elsewhere. If a deed 
must be recorded, it was left with him. John Choate 
brought his axes to be sold, if possible, and ordered a sea- 

266 IPSWICH, ix the Massachusetts bay colon^y. 

coat to be bought in Boston, for which he deposited seven 
dollars. Another tradesman left a pair of leather breeches 
to await sale. 

But the trade in rum was perhaps the largest item in 
his business and it must have involved a large force of 
clerks to attend to the throng of customers who came daily 
for their portion. The Colony Law required an account 
of purchases and sales and Mr. Jewett's book reveals his 
purchase of 14 barrels of rum in 1761, 19 barrels in 1762 
and at least 50 barrels in 1763. A considerable portion of 
this was sold in bulk to the various inn-keepers, much of it 
was shipped to Virginia in the trading schooner, "Saunders," 
in which Mr. Jewett owned an interest, but a great quan- 
tity remained, which was sold over the counter. The minis- 
ters and doctors, his own honored mother, and nearly all 
the town's folk seem to have had credit on his books. Their 
purchases were moderate in the main, but there were many 
who needed their dailv dram. The account of one citizen 
for rum alone was £52 for eight months, the equivalent of 
35 gallons, bought in two quart portions. His account con- 
tained but one item of liquor of another sort, a small amount 
of brandy. New England rum and that alone, seems to have 
been the universal beverage of the Town. 

This busy man of affairs came from Xewbury and married 
Mary Staniford, Dec. 12, 1754. He formed a partner- 
ship with Major Samuel Epes, who died »Tune 30, 1761. 
Mr. Jewett died on Oct. 26, 1788, at the age of fifty-seven, 
and his son, Richard Dummer succeeded him in the business. 
His son, Israel Kinsmlan Jewett followed him, and Israel 
Kinsman Jewett, Junior, of the fourth successive generation, 
was associated with his father, and succeeded him in the 

But Mr. Jewett did not enjoy a monopoly of trade, and 
some of his competitors resorted to advertising in the Essex 
Gazette, the Salem weekly newspaper, which undoubtedly 


circulated in Ipswich, .to promote their business. The ear- 
liest which has come to our notice is the following, which 
appeared on April 28, 1772. 

Imported in the last ships from London and to be sold by 

Joseph Gowen 

At his Apothecary SHOP in Ipswich. 

A general Assortment of 


and the most famous patented medicines all just imported. 

Among which are 
Dr. Hills Balsam Honey for British Oyl 

Dr. Scott's Powder for the 

Dr. Story's worm-destroying 

Dr. Baker's Seaman's Bal- 

The celebrated Volatile Es- 
sence for the Head 

Marv Banister's Golden Tre- 

Swinson's Electuary for the 
Stone and Gravel. 

British Herb Snuff for the 

Curwin's Issue Plaisters (to 
stick without filleting) 

Ladv's Court Plaister 


Dr. Godfrey's Cordial 
Chase's Asthmatick Pills 
Dr. Anderson's Pills 
Hooper's Female Pills 
Frances's Female Elixir. 
Alum, Copperas, Brimstone 
Redwood, Logwood, Cin- 
namon, Mace, Cloyes, Nut- 
megs etc. 
Also Raisins. Currants, Prunes, Salt-Petre, Sugar Candy 
and Barley Sugar. 


Dr. James's Feyer Powders 

Dr. Stoughton's Bitters or the 
great Cordial Elixir for 
the stomach. 

Dr. Bateman's Drops 

Walter Lake's Health-restor- 
ing Pill 

The famous Anodyne Neck- 
lace recommended by Dr. 
Chamberlain for the easy 
breeding of Children's 
Teeth. Children on the 
very brink of the Grave 
and thought past all Re- 
covery with their Teeth 
have almost miraculously 
recovered after having 
wore the famous Anodyn 
Necklace only a few days. 
A Mother then, would 
never forgive herself, 
whose Child should die for 
Want of so easy a Remedy 
for its Teeth 


Those who please to favour him with their Custom may 
depend on the best Usage. 

Ezekiel Dodge followed the example set by the Apothecary 
and inserted his advertisement in the issue of May 19, 1772. 

Imported in the last Ships from London and to be sold by 

at his shop in Ipswich 

A good Assortment of English and India Goods, suitable 
for the Season. Also glass, stone, delf iron and tin Ware, 
Nails and 7 by 9 Window Glass etc. all which will be sold 
by Retail on so reasonable Terms as will undoubtedly give 
the most ample Satisfaction to the Purchasers. N. B. Con- 
stant Attendance will be given from 6 oVlock in the Morning 
till 9 at Night and the least Favours gratefully acknowledged. 
Said Dodge has to sell a very likely Negro Girl of about 16 
years of Age. 

Mr. Dodge varied his announcement on June 8, 1773, 
when he styled himself Vendue-Master, (auctioneer), and 
gave notice that all kinds of goods, old or new, would be 
taken in for sale, at his auction-room "a little to the north- 
ward of Eev. Mr. Nathaniel Roger's meeting house" .... 
"where he has for private sale a valuable assortment of Eng- 
lish, West India and Hardware Gt)ods, imcommon cheap 


It would seem that one apothecary shop, coupled with 
Mr. Jewett's shelf of nostrums, might have sufficed for the 
town, but another citizen thought he saw room for himself 
and advertised on Mav 4***, 1773 : 

Just opened 

an Apothecary Shop 

in Ipswich, 

near the Sign of Grapes, in the house of 

Mr. Isaac Dodge, and 

To be sold by 

Josiah Lord 

a general assortment of Drugs, Medicines 

and Groceries. 


Choice new rice, Surinam and Island molasses, cocoa, 
coffee, cotton of a superior quality, etc. were offered by John 
"Winthrop Jr. at Ipswich and Stephen Bruce at his store, 
King St., Boston, in May, 1776. 

Dr. Joseph Manning and his son, Dr. John, Dr. Wallis 
Rust, Dr. Josiah Smith and Dr. John Calef practised their 
honorable and useful profession. The cure-all for every 
aihnent was bleeding and in earlier days, the barber or *^bar- 
ber-surgeon," was the physician's competitor, and tradition 
has it that the striped barber's pole in red and white was 
suggested by the stream of blood flowing over the wLite 
limb. Blisters and poultices and home remedies, curious 
and wonderful, were applied by the mothers and grand- 
mothers, but for severe sickness, for the pulling of refrac- 
tory teeth, for the simple surgery of the time, the physi- 
cian was summoned. The "great white plague," consump- 
tion, made its dreadful inroads upon the young and the 
doctor was powerless to check its ravages. Priscilla, the 
daughter of John Appleton, died on Sept 17, 1748, "being 
the Last of Seven Daughters Dying with a Consumption 
within the Space of three years." 

There was a wordy battle between two Boston doctors in 
the Evening Post of 1767 and 1768, one accusing the other 
of being a "cloaked murderer," because he had drawn twelve 
ounces of blood from a woman far gone in consumption, 
which was followed by the patient^s death in a few days. 
But there may have been similar practices in vogue here in 
Ipswich. Fevers were treated by confining the sufferer in 
a close room, and withholding even a drop of cold water 
to relieve the parched throat. Scarlet fever and measles, 
mumps and whooping cough were allowed to spread through 
families and neighborhoods, as necessary evils that were bet- 
ter suffered in childhood, with no thought of isolation or of 
prevention. Nevertheless the physician of the olden time 
was a large figure in the community, and he held a place 


of honor and affection in the family, second only to the 
minister. His charges were moderate and his daily round 
was largely as good Samaritan and sympathetic friend. 

A communication was printed in the Boston Evening 
Post, on February 15, 1708, addressed "To the Public 
Fathers" and signed "A Friend to Learning." The writer 
was a physician in a "considerable town," which he does 
not mention, and he made just complaint of the quacks and 
mountebanks, who were allowed to pose as doctors and of 
the slight appreciation in which the educated physician "was 
held. There is a topch of the pathetic in the tale, this 
kindly man tells of his experiences. 

If I go to a patient one mile, I charge 8d. the advice, 
bleeding or vomiting, 8d. more. The time generally taken 
up in this service in the winter is about half a day, people 
being unwilling a Doctor should come away without some 
little stay; sometimes no medicine is left, so that get only 
8*^ for my forenoon's service. Common laborers at this 
time of year have 1/8** and seldom work above six hours. 
My shoemaker charges me S*". for small children's shoes, and 
S^ more for boys of six years old; two pair of which he 
easily makes in a day; the leather for such being trifling. 
My blacksmith charges me 5 s. for shoeing my horse, and 
I have paid 3** for his foreman's service in altering my iron 
by a charcoal fire. The tavern-keeper, four or three pence 
at least for [N'ew England : a gallon of which cost them 1/6** 
so that they gain upwards of £10 per barrel, inclusive of 
retailing and leakage, higher than Doctors sell spirits of 
wine camphorated : and for cash in hands without taking 
notes or booking. 

I was called in to'ther day to bleed my shoemaker's wife ; 
I desired him to mend my boot the whilst. I charged him 
8**, he charged me 1*. so that I imagine his ends and wax 
were tho't to be more valuable than the wear of my lancet. 
Hundreds of such instances might be offered to demonstrate 
the valuableness of learning is sinking into obscurity, and 


that if any one designs to live nowadays, he must metamor- 
phoze himself into a tradesman. 

In addition to the cheapness of the physician's charges, 
this worthy man laments that he is frequently obliged 1c 
wait for settlement five or six years, "or forever, as is oftpn 
the case/' 

It was a true picture no doubt of our Ipswich doctors, 
travelling the long and lonely roads, their saddle bags filled 
Avith their medicines, facing rain and snow and nipping 
cold, by day and by night, for small and long delayed fees 
and with many rasping experiences of unregenerate human 

Of the lesser and lighter things that had a part in the 
mid-century every day life, the family chit-chat, the sports 
and games and amusements that undoubtedly relieved the 
routine of work and care, we have little knowledge. There 
was the great Thanksgiving day, with its feasting and merry- 
making, and Guy Fawkes day, November 6'**, the anniver- 
sary of the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, was celebrated in 
riotous fashion. There was firing of guns and in Boston, 
there was an exhibition of "pageantry," with figures rep- 
resenting the Pope and the Devil, attesting abhorrence of 
Popery and the horrible plot. Royal birth-days and the 
advent of an infant prince or princess were celebrated in 
Boston with ringing of bells and bonfires and the saluting 
by the great guns at the Castle. The distant booming heard 
distinctly when the wind was fair, may have roused patriotic 
enthusiasm in Ipswich. 

Grossip and scandal had free play and there was a love 
of the marvellous and easy belief of the most incredible 
things, which gave spice to many quiet lives and secluded 
liomes. A half century only had elapsed since the dread- 
ful witch-craft delusion had carried awav manv of the wisest 

t/ t.' 

and strongest. Omens and portents and prodigies were much 


in evidence. The newspapers of the mid-century give u» 
glimpses now and then of the tales that were circulated and 

The following affair, which lately happened at Danvers 
in the County of Essex is related at a Fact. As three chil- 
dren were sitting at a Door of a House an Adder came from 
a Pond that was about twenty Rods distant, and seized the 
Hand of one of the Children about two Years old, and swal- 
lowed it as far as the Wrist, and immediately twisted its 
Tail round the Child's Legs; upon which the other two 
Children ran into the House aflfrighted, where were two or 
three Women, who ran to the Door and discovered the Child 
in the above Condition, when one of the Women, squeez'd 
the Throat of the Adder, by which the Child was cleared. 
I'he Woman carried the Child into the House, when the 
Adder chased her round the Room several Times, but being 
disappointed of its Food, turned about and bit itself, swelled 
to a considerable Degree and died. The Child was not 
poisoned nor did it receive any harm.^ 

This Laocoon marvel was paralleled by a story which the 
editor of the Boston Evening Post admitted to its columns 
on December 31, 1764. 

That a Man near Albany contrary to the Advice and En- 
treaties of his Friends lately went out to Work in his Field 
on the Lord's Dav with a Pair of Oxen and were all turned 
into Statues, where it is said they remain immoveably fixed 
as Examples of God's Judgment against Sabbath Breakers. 

This prodig}'^ was so near akin to the instant transforma- 
tion of IjOt's wife into a pillar of salt, that it might have 
been readily accepted by devout folk. The same editor pub- 
lished on May 25, 1767 "a phenomenon which was vouched 
for by several witnesses of undoubted Veracity." 

A woman at Walpole made two loaves of bread "consisting 

■The Boston Gazette, June 7, 1762. 


wholly of Indian meal mixed with clear water." When 
taken out of the oven, one loaf was blood red, except a white 
streak in the middle, the other was of the proper color. 
except a red streak. 

An editorial note is appended in parenthesis. 

(We have lately heard of several other very strange stories 
from the Countrv, but for want of more authentic Informa- 
tion, we shall defer publishing them for the present.) 

Such were the strange tales that passed from mouth to 
mouth and there were dreams to be discussed, and dream 
books read on the sly and ghostly appearances to be told. 
And these old wives fables were not a whit more foolish 
than the story handed down to later generations of two old 
men of the Farley family of tanners on the South side, who 
prepared to slaughter a hog, but as the water in the great 
kettle did not come to a boil before the moon reached its 
full, they were unable to kill, because the pork would shrink 
on a waning moon. 


Schools and Sohool-Mastebs of the 
Eighteenth Centuey. 

The illustrious seventeenth century teachers, Lionel Chute, 
Ezekiel Cheever, Thomas Andrews, Noadiah Russell and 
Daniel Rogers are honored with deserved remembrance,^ 
but the jSrst teacher of a "damie-school" has long been for- 
gotten, and only a chance record in the ancient Court Files* 
has preserved her name, and the long and supremely useful 
service, which she rendered to the second generation of little 

Benedict Pulcifer, son of Benedict, had been led into mis- 
chief by two associates, brighter and more cunning than him- 
self.* He was nineteen years old, but his father begged 
the favor of the Court in May, 1682, as he had always been 
a boy of simple mind. 

My son was of a very weak capacitie. (I pray Qod to 
give him more understanding) Therefore he might be eas- 
ily enticed. 

When I put him to the great Scool dame viz. Groodwife 
Collens who was accounted above many for that facaltie of 
Teaching Children to Read, to her my son went to scool the 
space of four years, in which time he could not be brought 
by her to know^ his Letters, shee complaining she never 
amongst all that ever she Taught who kept Scool (and did 
little else) for y® space of above thirty years saw any so 
Dull leame, having in a manner no memory : 

* See Ipswich In the Mass. Bay Colony, Vol. I, Chap. XIL The Orammar 
School and Harvard College. 

•Court FUes 37: 100. May, 1682. 

• Ipswich Histor. Society Pubs. XVIII: 51. 



Then from her I putt him to scooU unto Mr. Andrewes 
who I thought would leame him if he were capable to 
Learn of any bodie, and with him he was the space of two 
years, but in all that time Mr. Andrewes could not bring 
him to learn any sense though to know some of his Letters 
which soon after he forgot, and when I asked Mr. Andrewes 
what he demanded for his pay. Teaching my son, he An- 
swered that he had taken more pains than ordinary to Teach 
my son but he was not capable of learning and therefore 
was ashamed to ask anything, yet I satisfied him to his 

Goodwife CoUens well deserves a place in the honor roll 
of teachers, and we admire the inexhaustible patience and 
kindness of Thomas Andrews, who could turn from his 
bright lads, ready for College, to the simple Benedict, strug- 
gling hopelessly for two long years with the alphabet. 

The school-house, built by Mr. Robert Paine in 1653 for 
the use of the Grammar School, near the comer of County 
Koad and Linden Street, facing the School-House Green, as 
it was then called, continued in use for half a century. 
Mr. Ezekiel Cheever, the first school master, occupied the 
dwelling and taught the school until 1660, Mr. Andrews 
following him with twenty-three years of faithful service 
until 1683, Mr. Eussell teaching from 1683 to 1686, and 
Mr. Eogers until 1715. 

The Selectmen reported to the Town on Dec. 19, 1700, 
that several charges must be met, which included "about 
mending the school-house, £4, 16s," and in 1704, the need 
of a new building was apparent. From the beginning, the 
meeting-house had been the only public building. Town 
meetings and all other public gatherings had been held there. 
The increased size of the Town meetings, due to the natural 
growth of population, coupled possibly with the unwilling- 
ness to use the new meeting house for all public functions, 
rendered the building of a Town House advisable. The 
Courts of Justice had held their sittings in the tavern of 


Jolm Sparks, but there was evident demand for a more be- 
coming and convenient Court-Room. 

Accordingly the Town voted on May 11, 1704, to build 
a Town House, "with a school-house under it." The upper 
story provided a spacious Court Eoom, and the County 
shared the expense of the new structure. The ancient rec- 
ord book of the Feoffees contains the scarcely legible entry : 

At a meeting of y*' Feoffees in y* new school-house .... 
Mr. Robert Payne in behalf of y* Rest, having rece'd .... 
school house from the Committee of the Town did in y*" 
Name of the Rest deliver ye same to Mr. Daniel Rogers 
the School master, desiring him to remove thither as soon 
as he could with convenience .... 

In July, 1702, permission had been given by the Town 
to the inhabitants of the Chebacco parish "to sett a school 
house upon some convenient place in the Common for y*^ 
Encourageing of Learning among them." With this ex- 
ception, there was no other school building in the whole 
township. Little children, however, and girls of any age, 
were not eligible for the Grammar School and there were 
"dame schools," or schools of like nature, taught in private 
houses in the various neighborhoods. Mr. Rogers resigned 
his position as school-master in 1715 and became a Justice 
of the Sessions Court. In his long period of service from 
1687 to that date, he had fitted a fine group of promising 
lads for college, and had enjoyed the satisfaction year by 
year of seeing his pupils take their degrees at the Harvard 
Commencement and go forth into the broad world, to win 
for themselves positions of honor and usefuLiess. 

During Mr. Rogers's tenure, the relations between the 
Town and the Feoffees of the Grammar School began to be 
strained. Although the Feoffees held the Paine bequests 
in trust, as the income of these funds did not suffice for the 
maintenance of the school, and the Town made direct ap- 


propriations in its behalf, they did not have complete au- 
thority in the conduct of the school's affairs. As early as 
March 14, 1709-10, the Town voted 

to give to Dan^ Rogers school mast' Ten poimds in money 
in y^ next Town Kate to help him build a stone wall about 
y* school orchard & Land upon Condition he be att y® charge 
of all y* it shall cost more & cause all y® outside to be so 

Making contribution to the Grammar School funds, the 
Town naturally claimed a voice in school affairs. It as- 
serted itself very definitely in the vote passed on April 8, 

Whereas y^ Committee which y® Town chose to treat with 
y® Feoffees of y® Grammar school about setting up a free 
schoole in y® Towne have had a meeting with sd Feoffees. 
It was thought by us that y* Town for this year should 
make an addition of twenty-five pounds to the present in- 
come which belongs to y® School & that upon their soe doing 
a school-master should be chosen by a Committee appointed 
by y® Town to jo>Ti with the Feoffees of y* School in 
teaching Grammar Scholars & also English scholars y* have 
been entered y® scholars to perfect y" in y' reading & to in- 
struct y"* in writing & Cyphering. 

And that the School shall for the year be absolutely free 
to all such schollars belonging to this Town. This was 
agreed upon by y® Feoffees & y® Comittee for y® Town. 

John Appleton 
Jabez Fitch 
Philemon Dean 
Jonathan Wade 
.Daniel Hinge 
Andrew Burley 
John Kogers 
Matthew Whipple 
Samuel Appleton 
Svmon Wood 
John Whipple 
Nathaniel Lord. 


This was accepted and adopted by the Town and it i^as 
also voted, "that the AVatch house be improved this present 
summer by such a person as y® Selectmen shall judge meet 
who will undertake also the teaching of young Child" to read." 

This is apparently the germ of the public school system, 
the Town in its corporate capacity through its Committee 
providing for the education of the children in reading and 
writing. The watch-house was near the meeting-house and 
as the peril of Indian attack no longer remained, it served 
the community very well, as a centrally located, albeit crude 
school room. In the following March, the use of the watch 
house for the ensuing summer was granted "to such woman, 
as will teach children to read and as in y' prudence" the 
Selectmen shall appoint. 

In Feb. 1715-6, a Committee of the Town was appointed 
to agree with the Feoffees in providing a school-master for 
the free school. Mr. Ebenezer Gay, a Harvard graduate in 
the class of 1714, was chosen, but he kept the school only 
one year. Thomas Norton, a native of the Town and a 
resident. Deacon of the First church in his later years, fol- 
lowed Mr. Gay with a similar short term. Benjamin 
Crocker, Hansard, 1713, was chosen master in 1717 and 
kept the school two years, but acted as school master for 
short intervals in after years, alternating with service as 
chaplain in the Louisbourg expedition and ministerial supply. 

"For y® encouragement of y® Grammar School in y* Town 
of Ipswich,'' it was voted on May 8, 1718, 

That what y® Income of y® School by every child goeing 
to school who shall pay for y^ schooling att y® rate of 20 sh. 
p' schollar what that will faile of sixty pounds the Town 
will make up to y® sum for y* year ensueing. 

A contention now arose between the Town and the Feoffees, 
the Town maintaining that "as respected the School farm 
and other lands granted by the town, no power was given 


by the Town to their trustees to appoint successors in that 
trust for receiving and applying the rents, or of ordaining 
and directing the affairs of the school." On Nov. 5, 1719, 
the Town ordered "That the Selectmen with all convenient 
speed provide a School Master to make up y* remainder 
of this p'sent year," and in the following February, as the 
tenants of the school-farm withheld their rents, on the ground 
that no legal provision was m'ade for collecting them, a 
Committee of three was chosen to readjust the lease made 
with Mr. John Cogswell and the other tenants, and if no 
agreement could be made, to proceed to law. A month later, 
March 8, 1719-20, Rev. John Eogers and Rev. Jabez Fitch, 
ministers of the First Church, presented a Memorial to the 
Town, praying that the lease of the school-farm be not dis- 
turbed, but it found little favor and a minority pressed for 
a law suit with the tenants. The Town met again on June 
6, 1720^ and a Committee of three, John Wainwright Esq., 
Ensign Gteorge Hart and Mr. Thomas Boardraan, were 
chosen to make new leases of the school lands for a term 
not exceeding twenty-one years. The Town voted, also, 
"that the Selectmen take the necessary care to bargain and 
agree with a Gramar School Master for the Towne for the 
year ensneing." 

At a meeting of the Selectmen, June 20, 1720, Mr. Henry 
Wise accepted the offer the Selectmen made him for keep- 
ing the school for the year ensuing. Accordingly the Select- 
men delivered the key of the school house, and he began to 
instruct the Grammar School forthwith. Mr. Wise was the 
son of Rev. John Wise of the Chebacco parish, a graduate 
of the Grammar School and of Harvard, in the class of 1717. 

The Town thus assumed complete control of the Grammar 
School, and for twenty-seven years, there is no recorded act 
of the Feoffees. Further action was taken on Jan. 24, 
1720-1, when the Town affirmed : 


lest there should be any words wanting to express the 
Town's mind & meaning concerning the last mentioned Com- 
mittee and their authority. It is farther Concluded agreed 
& Voted by this Town of Ipswich and the Town doth hereby 
Constitute, authorize, nominate and appoint the said John 
Wainwright Esq. Ens. (Jeorge Hart & Mr. Thomas Board- 
man to be Trustees for the use of the Gramar School ac- 
cording to the authority reserved by the Town vote aforesaid 
of January 11*** 1650. hereby also impowering & appoint- 
ing the said Trustees to eject all or any persons in posses- 
sion of school lands^ etc. 

Voted that the Town will not allow a School to be kept 
in the Town house & that the Selectmen have the immedi- 
ate care of said house. 

No record remains to inform us whether the school was 
obliged to seek a new habitation and where it was. The 
watch house was no longer regarded as a fit place for a 
school. The Alms house, a large log house, built in 1719, 
about 40 feet long, 16 feet wide and 6 feet high, near the 
Pound on Loney's Lane, was larger than its inmates needed, 
but the pride of the Town forbade the removal of its famous 
Grammar School thither. But when William Stone, a poor 
fisherman, sick and unable to earn an honest living, and un- 
willing to become a burden to the Town, petitioned for a 
disused room that he might keep a reading and writing 
school, the Town readily consented and granted him the 
use of the "westerly middle room" in 1725. Mr. Felt in his 
History of Ipswich, which was printed in 1834, states that 
the Grammar School had place in the Town House until 
1794, and the remembrance of people then living would 
easily cover the intervening period of forty years. 

Thomias Norton Jr., son of Deacon Thomas Norton, Har* 
vard, 1725, was chosen teacher in June, 1729 with a salary 
of £55, and for the first time, the Town made provision for 
an ofiicial inspection of the school, voting: 

that the Selectmen be also desired to take care and have 


the more immediate Inspection of the School & see that 
it is duly & regularly kept and that the children be well 
instructed and taught. 

He was chosen again in 1730, but there seems to have 
been a suspicion that he was not wholly fit for his task, as 
Daniel Appleton, Esq., Mr. Thomas Staniford and Mr. 
Jonathan Wade were appointed a Committee of inspection : 

and if sd. Committee should be of opinion that the said 
school master does not attend and perform his duties, they 
are authorized to choose another and said Mr. Norton is 
dismissed, but if they find no default in the said school 
master's conduct for the first three months, then he is to 
continue for three mionths longer and so to continue for the 

Whatever may have been his youthful indiscretion, Mr. 
Norton retrieved himself in the course of this critical year 
and was chosen annually until 1740. 

Meanwhile the contention between the Town and the 
Feoffees and the tenants of the School Farm had been carried 
into Court, and in 1729 the Town received £100 from Gif- 
ford Cogswell "on acc't of charges at Law ab't the School 
Farm." Taking advantage apparently of this educational 
windfall, Adam Cogswell, Thomas Choate and Solomon 
Giddings of the Chebacco parish petitioned the Town in 
March, 1729-30, "that a sum of money be raised to enable 
remote parts of the Town to have school set up among them- 
selves for the more convenient education of children." The 
Town voted £100, the precise sum received from the School 
farm tenants, to be distributed to the several parishes and 
neighborhoods in proportion to their share of the Province 
Tax, to pay for the support, in whole or part, of reading and 
writing schools. Accordingly there was paid to Henry 
Spillar, for the First or Town parish £41, to the Chebacco 
Committee £20, to the Hamlet Committee £20, to Mark 


Howe of the Linebrook settlement £4-8-9, to Moses Davis 
for "his neighborhood," now known as the Village, £6-11-10, 
and to Dea. Fellows, for "his neighborhood," now known 
as Candlewood, £2-4-0. 

An appropriation of £50 for reading and writing school- 
masters was made in 1730-1, and the next year, John Smith 
and others of "Little Chebacco," as the Argilla neighbor^ 
hood was often called, petitioned for their part of the re- 
mainder of the £100 unappropriated, £5-15-5, as well as 
part of the £50 for a school in their neighborhood. Their 
petition was negatived, but their appeal seems to have been 
regarded a few years later, when an appropriation was made 
for those portions of the First Parish least benefitted by 
the Grammar School, to enable them to keep a school among 
themselves. Henry Spillar was allowed the use of a room 
at the southerly end of the almshouse in May, 1732, that he 
might teach the youths reading, writing and ciphering. 
He received the same favor the following year, with a grant 
of £15 in consideration of his age and the destitute condition 
of his family. 

In 1734, the Town voted : 

that the Reverend Elders or Ministers of the town be 
desired to make a visit once a quarter to the Grammar 
school & inquire into the proceedings of the School Master, 
and of his instructing & educating the youth, and that our 
honoured Judges, Col® Wainwright & Col. Berry be desired 
to assist in this affair. 

The School Committee was now a well established addition 
to the Town officials, and the most prominent citizens found 
place from year to year on this dignified Board. The Ham- 
let parish petitioned for a portion of the inconue of the 
Grammar School for the establishment of a school in 1738, 
and on March 4, 1739-40, the school appropriation was in- 
creased to £150, inclusive of school rents, for the Grammar 


School and the reading and writing school, and it was 
divided between the three parishes. Notwithstanding this 
zeal for her schools, the Selectmen were authorized by the 
To-wn in April, 1739, to answer to the Court of General 
Sessions to a bill of presentment found against the Town 
*^for not keeping a reading & writing school." In May, 
1742, a further division of the school funds was made '^to 
those parts of the first parish in Ipswich that have lest [least] 
benefit of the Grammar School to enable them to keep a 
school among themselves." 

Mr. Daniel Staniford, Harvard, 1738, succeeded Mr. 
Xorton as teacher, and kept the school five years. Upon 
the completion of his term, Benjamin Crocker was again 
chosen and served continuously from March 4, 1745-6 to 
March 6, 1753, when John Dennis was chosen. He was a 
Hansard graduate of 1730, and had served as chaplain at 
Fort St. George and Fort Frederick from Sept. 1737 to 
March, 1749. 

At the March meeting of 1753, the Feoffees were again 
in evidence. Although the rent of the school lands had been 
included for many years in the salary of the Grammar School 
master, it would seem that the rents had not been paid, and 
now it was voted by the Town, "that the Feoffees in con- 
junction with the Selectmen be impowered to proceed in 
recovering school rents." Col. Berry, on behalf of the 
Feoffees, addressed a Petition to the General Court. It re- 
sulted in the passage of an Act "for regulating the Gram- 
mar School in Ipswich and for the incorporating certain 
persons to manage and direct the same." 

Reciting the story of the various bequests and Town grants 
and the existing doubt as to the power of the Town or the 
Feoffees to compel the payment of rents, the Act incor- 
porated Thomas Berry, Daniel Appleton, Samuel Rogers, 
Esq. and Benjamin Crocker, the surviving Feoffees and 
Francis Choate, Esq., Capt. Nathaniel Treadwell and Mr. 


John Patch, Jr., three of the present Selectmen, joint Feof- 
fees, with full power to lease lands, recover rents, appoint 
Grammar School miasters and agree for their salaries, etc. 
This Act was limited to ten years from March 1, 1756. 
Before this term expired, a new Act, identical except in the 
persons named, was passed, limited to twenty years from 
March, 1766, and in 1787 it was made perpetual. 

Mr. Samuel Wigglesworth, Jr., son of the Rev. Mr. Wig- 
glesworth of the Hamlet parish, Harvard, 1752, had heen 
elected school-master by the Town in May, 1755, and he 
kept the school until 1759. A reading and writing school 
master was also employed by the Town, keeping his school 
in the Chobacco parish throe months and a fortnight, in 
the Hamlet the same period, in the West parish, now known 
as Linebrook, two months, and the other three months in 
the two Town parishes. 

In March, 1760, William Brown and others of the South 
Eighth district, now known as Candlewood, made their ap- 
])eal for a school, which was referred to the two Town par- 
ishes for adjustment In March, 1761, in response to the 
petition of Lieut. Daniel Giddings and others of the 
Chebacco parish, twenty feet near the Lime Kiln was granted 
as a site for a school house, 

Benjamin Crocker succeeded Mr. Wigglesworth in the 
years 1759 and 1760, and in 1761, Joseph Howe, son of 
Increase Howe, the tavern-keeper, a Harvard graduate in 
the class of 1758, became the school-master. He had mar- 
ried Elizabeth, daughter of Col. Thos. Berry, Jan. 9, 1759. 
The bride died in May of the same year in her twenty-second 
year. Mr. Howe died in March, 1702. His frail health, 
presumably prevented his teaching longer than a single year. 

Daniel ?foyes from the Byfield parish, of the Harvard 
class of 1758, came to Ipswich to teach the school in 1762 
and continued at his task imtil 1773. He married Sarah, 
daughter of Capt. John Boardman, in 1763. During his 


long public career, he served the Town in many capacities, 
as ^Postmaster, Register of Probate nearly forty years, a 
iriieinber of the Committee of Correspondence and Inspection 
in the Revolution and Representative to the Provincial Con- 
gress and General Court. He lived in the house, much 
changed from successive remodellings, on the comer of Cen- 
tral and Market Streets, now owned by Mr. Moritz B. 

Mr. Noyes was chosen by the Town as its reading and 
writing school master for several years and in 1769, the 
Town voted that the person chosen by the Feoffees as Gram- 
mar School m^aster should be the master of the reading and 
writing school. In 1783 there was a demand for longer 
terms of the reading and writing schools and provision 
was made for one school, to be kept the whole year in the 
Chebacco, Hamlet and Linebrook parishes and the other in 
the First and South parishes with accommodation for the 
children in the "Village." 

The system of "district schools," as they were called was 
now definitelv established. In each district, the lines of 
which were accurately determined, all the tax payers con- 
stituted a kind of corporation, which had a regular organi- 
zation, provided the school-house at its own expense, ap- 
pointed the teachers, and drew from the Town treasury for 
the support of the school an amount proportioned to the 
taxable property in the district. All the children of the 
district, except those whose age and attainmtents permitted 
them to attend the Grammar School, went to this "deestrict 
school," from little tots four and five years old to young 
men and women in their teens. Of these ancient schools, 
only scant records remain. 

A few fragmentary records of the "Proprietors of the 
School-house," and incidental allusions in the Shatswell 
account books, afford valuable information regarding the 
neighborhood, which centers about the Paine school-house. 


The earliest allusion is in 1750, "reckoned with wido^w 
Hannah Nason about scooling." The widow Foster was 
school-mistress in 1758, and the widow FuUiton in 1766. 
The Proprietors Record contains brief notes of the meetings 
of the Proprietors, which were organized with choice of a 
Moderator and Committee to hire the teacher and agree on 
the salary. 

On June 16, 1767, they voted to hire Mrs. FuUington for 
five months and to pay her forty pounds, old tenor. On 
January 25, 1768, it was voted, 

That we hire a mistress to keep the school nine months & 
the school to begin to be kept the first day of March next. 

That we give Mrs. Wells £60 for keeping the school nine 

Apparently the wood for the fire was provided by the 
parents, and in case of a refusal to find the wobd, "the 
Committee are ordered to dismiss the schoUar from; the 

The widow Mary Heard was employed one year, and a 
scrap of record contains the vote, the year not mentioned: 
"they that send children to Sowe to pay her Sixpence a week 
more than the Proportion of Sixty Pounds O. T." No 
record remains of the years, 1772 to 1785, but John Hart 
was teaching a portion of the time. His account with Mr. 
Richard Shatswell is an amusing revelation of the school 
methods of the time. He may have kept account with every 
other parent in the same fashion. 

Mr. Richard Setshwell to John Hart, D'. 

1776 Nov. 19 To Johns part of Charcoal/'2'* 0- 0- 2 
22* To Schooling Hannah between y* 11 Day 

of June & 22** of oct^ 4 months 8 Days 0- 7- 8 

1777 April 5 To Schooling Natha" from feV 24*V 

5 weeks 0- 5- 

1776 Dec^ 18. To Schooling John to Read and write 

month 4- 


1777 Septm"^ 10. To Schooling Hannah 3 months 8- 

1778 May 5*^ To Schooling John from Jan'. 5 four 

months @ 6/ 1-4-0 

28"* To Ditto moses 4 months 23 Days @ 6/ 1- 8- 6 

1779 Jn' 23* To Schooling your Two Boys T write 

and Kead from Nov*" 30 1 month & 23 

Davs 5- 8- 9 

9- 5- 1 

Sup. C 1776 Decem*- 11 

By 214 lb. fowls @ 3/6 old Ten' 14 lb. Hogs fatt 

Vs 10^/^ old Ten' in Lawful ntoney 0- 1- 2 

1777 July 15*^ By 1/0 lb. Butter /6* 0- 6 

1778. Jan' 26. By Cash 6/. . . . 6/ 11^4 lb. 

mutton @ 1/6 1- 1- 5 

March 12. By foot wood 12/ June 15 1 lb. 

Butter 4/ -16- 

1779 Jan. 9. By y2 foot walnut wood 12/ 0-12- 

23 By 1 weeks absence of John & Moses at 

School @ 7/6 each 15- 

April 1. By cash 4/ 4- 

3-10- 1 

9- 5- 1 
3-10- 1 


Decern. 1*^ 1772 To Schooling John from July 19. 

19 weeks @ /6 ' 9-6 


6- 4- 6 

1772. Jan. 3. By hailing Load of wood from 

Nath* Lords /8** 0- 0- 8 
Agust 6. By 1/2 lb. pork /314 (17) 

pack Barley /10% 1- 2 

Octo 20. By 3 lb. Lamb @ /2 6 

Decem' 1. By your part School house Rent 1- 7 3-11 

£6- 0- 7 


The pedagogue's shortcomings in spelling may be dealt 
with leniently, as the most learned took large liberties at 
this period, but his jumbling of dates and his error of a 
shilling in his first addition, £9-5-1, for £9-6-1 may have dis- 
credited him with the canny merchant. 

Under the year 1780, a page contains the original Pro- 
prietors of the School House. 

Daniel Lummus Benj" Kimball 

Jeremiah Lord Jr. Nath" Lord Hatter 

Richard Shatswell Jr. Joseph Fowler 

Moses Lord Daniel Rindge 

Philip Lord Jeremiah Kimball 

Nath" Lord Thomas Smith 

Naty Kimball William Baker 

Aaron Day 

John & Jeames Lord Bought Lummus right John Coles 
Jewett Bought Smith right 

Edward Kneeland, school-master, is mentioned in Dum- 
mer Jewett's accounts, 1757-1764, John Caldwell 4"* is 
called school-master, in a deed of the year 1787. They may 
have taught their own private schools or the district schools. 
A subscription paper, now in the possession of the Ipswich 
Historical Society, was circulated in May, 1784, to secure 
funds for a new school building, near the Town House, which 
then occupied the triangular lot in front of the Methodist 
meeting-house. Gen. Michael Farley's name headed the 
long list of subscribers, with a gift of £3. Nearly a hun- 
dred citizens contributed cash or labor, timber, bricks and 
stone, amounting to more than £80 in money and £8 in labor 
and materials. 

On the petition of Gen. Farley and others the Town 
granted a lot 26 feet by 86 feet for a school house, "near Mr. 
Joseph Fowler's barn," in June, 1784. An ancient school 
building, which occupied the same site as the present Deni- 


son school-house, is still remembered by our oldest citizens. 
This is undoubtedly the building erected at this time. 

In 1792, a Committee of eleven was chosen to visit the 
Town schools, a committee of seven for Chebacco and of 
nine for the Hamlet; also a smaller Committee for Line- 
brook, Lieut. Nathaniel Appleton and Barnabas Dodge for 
the Appleton district, Capt. Moses Jewett and Daniel Nourse 
for the Village, Timothy Bragg and Lieut. Nehemiah Brown 
for Candlewood, John Patch Esq. and Capt. Adam Smith 
for Argilla. The Committee of eleven was composed of 
the most conspicuous citizens: Rev. Mr. Dana of the South 
Cliurch and Mr. Frisbie of the First, Col. Nathaniel Wade, 
Capt. Ephraim Kendall, Daniel Noyes Esq., Mr. Samuel 
Sawyer, Capt. Thomas Dodge, Dea. John Crocker, Mr. John 
Heard, Dr. John Manning and Capt. Daniel Rogers. The 
Town had instructed the various Committees to meet and 
draw up articles of Regulation for the schools. This im- 
posing Committee made an elaborate and valuable deliver- 
ance in its report to the Town. 

They have contemplated a few things in which they sup- 
pose they have the concurrence of the Trustees of the Gram- 
mar School and which with all deference they submit : 

1. That a line of division between the two schools, ac- 
companied with some proper arrangements, would probably 
save time and contribute to the advancement of learning in 

2. That for the present those go with the Latin scholars 
to the Grammar school who study English grammar, those 
who are to be taught book-keeping and after them the 
foremost in reading & spelling untill the number in the 
Grammar School shall rise to a 3* part of y® whole existing 
number in both. 

3. That to read well in the Bible & spell well should be 
necessary qualifications for entering as students in English 

4. That in order to being taught book-keeping, the pupil 
must have gone thro the four first rules of Arithmetic: 


simple & compound Reduction in both parts, the Rules of 
Proportions direct, inverse, & compoimd and the rales of 

5. That the master of the English school attend upon all 
in Arithmetic, except the Latin scholars and those in book- 
keeping as aforesaid. 

6. That in both schools, the Catechism of the Assembly 
of Divines with Doct' Watts's Explanatory Notes and the 
Catechisms by the same author be constantly used as much 
as 3 or 4 times a week according to the different grades of 
the Scholars, imtil the same be committed to Memory. 

7. That from the beginning of Apr' to the first of Sept' 
the schools be kept from 8 in the morning until 12 & from 
2 P. M. to 5 & that they be kept on Thursday afternoons 

excepting Lecture Days. 

So the children had a strenuous five months, at least, for 

their wrestling with the three R's, book-keeping and English 
grammar, the Latin and Greek in the Grammar School, the 
frequent and diligently repeated exercises in the Bible and 
the Catechism, the school sessions occupying seven hours a 
day and six days a week, save the afternoon of the "Thurs- 
day lecture," to which they were obliged to go. 

Resuming the survey of the Grammar School, Mr. Daniel 
Xoyes was succeeded as school-master by Thomas Bumham, 
a Harvard graduate of 1772, in the year 1774. Mr. Bum- 
ham taught five years, then entered the Revolutionary army 
and attained the rank of Major, and resumed his school 
duties in 1786. The school was taught in 1779 by ISTathaniel 
Dodge, son of Col. Isaac Dodge, one of the most prominent 
citizens. He had been graduated at Harvard in 1777. He 
taught another year in 1784, and then turned actively to 
his large business affairs. In 1780, Mr. !N'oyes returned to 
the school for a year: Jacob Kimball of the Harvard class 
of 1780 served as teacher in 1781 ; Rev. John Tread well 
was School-master from 1783 to 1785. He was bom on 
the Island farm/ was graduated from Harvard, 1758, was 

* Publications of Histor. Society, No. XVin, p. 34. 


ordained minister of the First Congregational Church, Lynn, 
1763. Resigning his pastorate in 1782, he returned to his 
native town, but after teaching two years and serving as 
Representative two years, 1785 and 1786, he removed to 
Salem and engaged in the practise of law, and became a 
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas. 

Major Burnham resumed his old position in 1786 and 
continued to teach for five years, when young Daniel Dania, 
son of Dr. Joseph Dana of the South Church, a graduate 
of Dartmouth College in 1788, taught for a single year in 
1792. lie entered the ministrv, was President of Dart- 
mouth College for a year, when his health failed. Resum- 
ing his profession, he spent many years in the pastorate of 
the Presbyterian church in Newburyport. His brother, 
Joi^eph, his class mate in Dartmouth, followed him as teacher 
of the school 'in 1793. He became a Professor in an Ohio 

The Grammar School, as has been said was kept in the 
lower story of the Town House on Meeting House Hill from 
1704. In 1794, largely by the help of a public subscrip- 
tion, a new school-house was built in the school-orchard, on 
the comer of County Road and Argilla Road, and the school 
returned nearly to its original location. 

The brilliant Joseph McKean, Harvard, 1794, kept the 
i?chool from 1794 to 1796, the first of the long line of teach- 
ers, who have taught in the ancient hip roofed structure.* 
He was studying divinity with Dr. Dana, and settled as pas- 
tor in Milton, Mass, but became Professor of Rhetoric and 
Oratory in Harvard. Dr. Dana's third son, Samuel, Har- 
vard, 1796, taught from 1797 to 1800, while fitting himself 
for the ministerial profession. He was Pastor of the C^'on- 
grcgational church in Marblehead for many years. 

* See Augustine Heard and his Friends. Pub. of Ipswich Histor. Society, 
No. XXI, pp. 6, 6. 

* Now used as a barn by the I^throp Brothers. It was removed to its 
present location in 1835. 


During Samuel Dana's tenure of office complaint was 
made that boys not resident in Ipswich were attending the 
school, and evidently Dr. Joseph Dana, was one of the of- 
fending parties. He addressed to the Mjoderator of tno 
Town Meeting on March 27"*, 1798, a written defence, 
and a justification of the policy of admitting such students 
to the school. He remarked that a "handsome edifice" had 
been "just built by subscription," and claimed that tlie few 
non-resident scholars were a benefit to the school. 

It is an agreeable circumstance that 2 of our latin scholars 
go into classes with children of the town. A third, who 
has no class-mate in Latin, always recites at home. The 
2 others go into reading classes and write. There is then 
the trouble of 2 writing constantly; 3 more by spells — a 
little Arithmetic, and but a little, because 2 who occasion- 
ally practise in it, are for the most part overlooked out of 

school Losing the stimulus and help which som^ of 

them give would be a real loss. And on a moderate reckon- 
ing, the hours out of school, which the Master has devoted 
this year and the last to ruling books, setting copies and 
sums, for such a number of writers and cypherers belong- 
ing to the school (which he is not obliged to do), are an 
ample equivalent for the extra time spent upon these chil- 
dren : for which, nevertheless, they pay and very cheerfully, 
whatever is required of them. 

Dr. Dana's letter reveals the decadent condition of the 
ancient school. The Town's people were dissatisfied with 
it and bright boys like Daniel Treadwell, the future Har- 
vard Professor, were sent to school in other towns. The 
teachers were capable and often brilliant, but their tenure 
was brief and continuity of work was impossible. 

The Bseaoh with Gbbat Britain. 

The increased determination of the mother country to im- 
pose restrictive regulations upon the commerce of the Colo- 
nies and to enforce them bv Writs of Assistance caused 
tmiversal resentment. The culminating affront, however, 
'was the passage of the "Stamp Act" in March, 1765, which 
required that legal documents and official papers should be 
written on stamped paper and that stamps should be affixed 
to printed books and newspapers. The cost of the stamps 
was insignificant, but the principle involved was subversive 
of the liberty of the Colonists. The tax had been imposed 
by Parliament As the Colonists had no representatives 
in that body, this was taxation without representation, and 
such taxation was tyranny. Intense popular excitement fol- 
lowed. The Virginia Assembly made spirited protest. 
Riots occurred as soon as the names of the stamp distribu- 
tors were known. In Boston, the house of Lieut. Gbv. 
Hutchinson was wrecked and custom officials were mobbed. 

A Town meeting assembled in Ipswich on October 2l8t 
to consider the situation. There had been much previous 
discussion, no doubt, by the citizens, when they met on lec- 
ture days and market days, and in quiet groups in their 
homtes. Some representative citizen, Daniel !N'oyes, the 
school-master, perhaps, or Francis Choate, had prepared an 
elaborate document, which was read and adopted by the 
assembly of citizens. It took the form of Instructions to Dr. 
John Calef, the Representative in General Court. 

In formal phrase, it recited the principle : 



That as our subordination to our Mother Country has its 
foundation intirely In our Charter, you are strenuously the 
Decently to maintain that any Measure not Consistent with 
those Charters, & that Deprives of any Right in them is 
Neither Consistent with such Subordination Nor Implyed 
in it. 

When our Fathers Left their Native Country .... they 
came of their Own accord and att y' own Expense and took 
possession of a country they were obliged to Buy or Fight 
for and to which the Nation had no more Right then the 

The Charter, it affirmed, was "the only Reward the Pro^ 
ever had for Purchasing att an Infinite Expense of their 
Own Blood & Treasure their Large Part of New Accession 
of Empire Wealth & Glory to the British Nation." "The 
Distressing and Ruining Measures" lately adopted, it fur^ 
ther declared, were destructive of their right of self-gov- 
ernment, which the Charter secured and which the mother 
land had tacitly acknowledged for many years. 

When the first of November arrived, the date set for the 
operation of the Stamp Act, not a stamp could be bought, 
and the Act could not be enforced. This odious measure 
was repealed in 1766, but in 1767, the Townshend Acts, so 
called, were passed, one of which provided for a tax on wine, 
glass, tea, gloves, &tc, inported into the Province. 

Dr. Calef was a practising physician and a prominent 
citizen, but in the political ferment of the time he failed to 
satisfy his constituents. In the following year, Capt 
Michael Farley was chosen Representative. He was already 
in middle life, six years older than Dr. Calef, a tanner by 
trade, and an officer in the militia. He had never before 
attained the dignity of high political office, though he was 
a man of forceful personality and unusual ability. From 
the year 1766, however, he was constantly in public life. 
He had married Elizabeth Choate, daughter of Captain 
Robert Choate, Feb. 5: 1746, and their thirteenth child, 
Sarah, was bom July 16, 1769. 


l>urmg his first year of service in the General Court, the 
British government demanded damage for the destruction 
of property by the riot roused by the Stamp Act. The 
Town instructed him at a Town meeting on August 18, 
1766, to use his influence to prevent any money being paid 
out of the Province Treasury for this purpose, but directed 
him to "move it to the Court to ask his Excellency our 
Governor to Recommend it to his People in this Grovem- 
ment to Kelieve ye Sufferers either by Subscription or Con- 
tribution as in Cases of Calamities by Fire." 

Capt. Farley, no doubt, discharged his duty satisfactorily 
as he was chosen Representative again in May, 1768. 
During the winter of 1767-1768, the General Court issued 
a Circular Letter, which was sent to the other Assemblies, 
notifying them of the measure adopted by Massachusetts 
with regard to resistance to the Townshend Acts and sug- 
gesting concerted action., Gov. Bernard was instructed by 
the Colonial Secretary to demand the Massachusetts Assem- 
bly to rescind this Letter, and to command the Gk)vernors 
of the other colonies to dissolve their Assemblies if they 
voted to act with Massachusetts. He acted at once upon 
these instructions but on June 30'**, 1768, the Legislature 
refused to rescind its vote, seventeen voting in the affirma- 
tive, ninety-two in the negative. This decision was ap- 
plauded throughout the Colonies and the other Assemblies 
soon adopted the same course. 

A Town-meeting was called, "Pursuant to a request of a 
Great "Number of the Free holders .... to try their minds 
by a Vote, whether they Approve of the Proceedings of the 
late House of Representatives in not Rescinding etc." It 
met on August 11*"*, and it was 

Voted, that the To^\ti of Ipswich Highly Approve of the 
Conduct of those Gentlemen of the late House of Repre- 
sentatives, who were for maintaining the Rights and Libertys 
of their Constituents and were against the Rescinding the 
resolves of a former House. 


Voted, that the thanks of this Town be given to the Worthy 
& Much Esteemed Ninetv-two Gentlemen of the late Hon** 
House of Representatives for their firmness & Steadiness in 
Standing up for and adhering to the Just Kights and Lib- 
erty s of the Subject when it was Required of them at the 
Peril of their Political Existance Rescind the resolves of 
the then former House of Representatives. 

The glorious "^N^inety-Two" became a popular toast^ and 
a Song^ was inspired. 

Addressed to the Sons of Liberty on the Continent of 
America, particularly to the Hlustrious, Glorious and 
Never-to-be-forgotten Ninety Two of Boston 

Tune, "Come Jolly Bacchus" or "Glorious First of Au- 

Come jolly SONS of LIBERTY 

Come ALL with Hearts UNITED 

Our Motto is WE DARE BE FREE 

Not easilv afFriffhted. 

Oppressions Band we must subdue 

Now is the Time or Never 

Let each Man PROVE this Motto true 

And SLAVERY from him sever. 

Unfortunately for himself as after events proved, Dr. 
Calef voted with the minority. 

The seizure of the sloop, "Liberty," owned by John Han- 
cock for alleged smuggling of dutiable goods, led to a riot. 
More ships and soldiers were demanded by the Royal Gov- 
ernor. He was requested by the Town of Boston to summon 
the Legislature, and upon his refusal, proposals for a Con- 
vention of Towns were sent bv Boston to all the Towns. 
Capt. Farley was chosen the Delegate from Ipswich on Sept 

Informers, who reported smuggling to the Custom House 
officials, received summary treatment. A Custom House 

^ From the Pennsylvania Journal of Aug. 4th, printed in the Essex Ga- 
zette, August 9-16. 1768. 


waiter, guilty of this offence, was taken to Salem Common in 
Sept. 1768/ 

where his Head, Bodv and Limbs were covered with warm 
Tar and then a large quantity of Feathers were applied to 
all Parts, which by closely adhering to the Tar, Exhibited 
an odd figure, the Drollery of which can easily be imagined. 

He was set in a cart, with a placard, "Informer," on his 
breast and back, led into Main Street and escorted out of 
town by a cheering crowd, who warned him of worse treat- 
ment if he returned.^ 

Joshua Vickery, a ship carpenter of Newburyport, de- 
clared that on Saturday, Sept. lO"', he was seized and carried 
to the stocks, where he sat from 3 to 5 P. M. "most of 
the time on the sharpest stone that could be found which 
put him to extreme pain so that he once fainted." He was 
then put in a cart and carried through the town mth a 
Tope round his neck, his hands tied behind him, severely 
pelted with eggs, gravel and stones. He was taken into a 
dark warehouse, where he was kept over Sunday, hand 
cuffed and without bedding. Having made the edge of a 
tar pot serve as a pillow, his hair was torn out of his head 
when he arose. On Monday morning he was compelled to 
lead a horse cart about the town, though his persecutors, 
he affirmed, were well satisfied of his innocence, and with 
Prancis Magno, who was stripped naked, tarred and 
feathered, was committed to jail for breach of the peace.* 

To deprive the Townshend Acts of all value as a measure 
for revenue, the merchants of Boston and other large towns 
bound themselves by agreements not to purchase any of the 
articles taxed. Ipswich took spirited action. At a Town 
meeting, held on March 19***, 1770, a Committee, previously 
appointed, reported as follows : 

'ESssex Gazette, Sept. 6-13, 1768. 
• Ssaez Gasette, Sept. 20-27, 1768. 

298 irswicir, in the Massachusetts bay colony. 

Taking under consideration the Distrest State of Trade 
of this (jovernment, (and the Whole Continent by Reason 
of a Late Act of Parliament Imposing Duties on Tea, Glass, 
etc.) .... Voted, that we are Determined to Retrench all 
Extravagances and that we will to the utmost of our Power 
& Ability Encourage our own Manufactures and that we 
will not l3y ourselves or any for or under us Directly or In- 
directlv Purchase anv Goods of the Persons who have Im- 
ported or Continue to Import or any Person or Trader who 
shall Purchase any Goods of said Importer Contrary to the 
agreement of the Merchants in Boston and the other Trad- 
ing To^vns in this Government & the neighboring Colonies 
Until they make a Publick Retraction or a Gen* Importa- 
tion Takes Place. 

And Further taking under Consideration the Excessive 
Use of Tea, which has been such a bane to this Country. 

Voted that we will abstain therefrom ourselves & Reco- 
mlend the Disuse of it in our Familys Untill all the Revenue 
Acts are Repealed. 

Upward of three hundred "Mistresses of Families" in 
Boston had bound themselves by Jan. 31**, 1770, to "totally 
abstain from Tea (sickness excepted) not only in our re- 
spective families but that we will absolutely refuse it, if it 
should be offered to us upon any Occasion whatsoever." A 
hundred and twenty-six young ladies of Boston signed a 
similar agreement.* 

No doubt the women of Ipswich wore equally patriotic, 
but the tradition remains that the excellctit wife of the 
doughty Capt. Farley persisted in slipping in to neighbor 
Dame Heard's and partaking of the forbidden thing. As 
dealers who sold tea were boycotted, the family supply 
was soon exhausted. The hardship suffered by the Colonial 
women while the tea embargo prevailed is a forgotten page 
in the story of the times. Tea alone was excepted, when 
Parliament repealed the Townshend Acts, in response to the 
appeal of English merchants, whose trade had suffered severe- 
ly from the refusal of the Colonists to purchase. 

* Essex Gazette, Feb. 6-13, 1770. 


But the women of Massachusetts made far more effective 
protest against the odious taxes than their resolve to ab- 
stain from the use of tea. They set themselves vigorously 
to the making of cotton and woolen fabrics in their homes, 
that there might be no sale for English goods. One family 
in Eoxbury, carded, spun and wove 645% yards of cloth 
from Jan. 1, 1768 to Dec. 29"* following and at that time 
had yam enough at the weavers for 100 yards more.^ Spin- 
ning bees became a popular amusement. A communication® 
from Ipswich, dated June 22, 1769, gives a graphic account 
of one of these unique affairs. 

It gives us a noble Prospect to see what a spirit of In- 
dustry and Frugality prevails at this day in the American 
young Ladies, and Generosity toward their Grospel ministers. 

Yesterday morning very early the young Ladies in that 
Parish of this Town called Chebacco, to the number of 77, 
assembled at the house of the Rev. Mr. John Cleaveland with 
their spinning wheels; and though the Weather that day 
was extremely hot, and divers of the young Ladies were 
but about 13 years of Age, yet by six o' the clock in the 
Afternoon they spun of Linen Yam, 440 Knots, and carded 
and spun of Cotton, 730 Knots, and of Tow 600, in all 
1770 Knots, which make 177 ten-knot-skeins, all good 
yam, and generously gave their Work and some bro't Cotton 
and Flax with them, more than they spun themselves, as 
a Present .... 

After the Music of the Wheels was over, Mr. Cleaveland 
entertained them with a Sermon on Prov. 14: 1, "Every 
wise Woman buildeth her house but the foolish plucketh it 
down with her hands/' which he concluded by observing, 
How the Women might recover to this Country the full and 
free Enjoyment of all our Eights, Properties and Privi- 
leges (which is more than the Men have been able to do), 
and so have the Honour of building not only their own but 
the houses of many Thousands and perhaps prevent the Ruin 
of the whole British empire viz. by living upon as far as 
possible only the Produce of the Country, and to be sure 

■Essex Gazette, Jan. 10. 1769. 
* E^ssex Gazette, June 27, 1769. 


to lay aside the use of all foreign Teas. Also by wearing, 
as far as possible only Cloathing of this Country's manufac- 

Their Behaviour was decent and they manifested nothing 
but Pleasure and Satisfaction in their Countenances at their 
retiring, as well as through the whole preceding Transactions 
of the Day. 

The women of the Linebrook Parish to the number of 13, 
met at the house of Rev. George Leslie on August 15**, "in 
the Design of a spinning match." "One of these young 
ladies carded the whole of the day and of the other twelve, 
some carded and spun and others only spun." After the 
work was done, the pastor "entertained the spinners and a 
number of others of both sexes with a discourse." Perhaps 
the young men were permitted a part in the final exercises 
of the day. 

From the town of Middleton came the extraordinary re- 
port, that there were between seventy and eighty looms in 
the ninety dwellings, and that from January 1769 to Janu- 
ary 1770, there were woven on these looms, 20,522 yards 
of cloth, more than 40 yards apiece for every man, woman 
and child.'' 

The Columbian Centinel of Jime 7, 1791 contained an 
interesting communication showing that the fine art of spin- 
ning was still popular. 

The Printer is requested to record it among the numerous 
instances of female benevolence and harmony, which have 
been exhibited in these times, and so well reprove the jar- 
ring dissensions of the men that at Ipswich lately, at the 
house of the Rev. Mr. Dana, a numerous band of ladies in 
harmonious concert have again "laid their hands to the spin- 
dle and held the distaflP" and presented the fruit of their 
generous toil, 118 rim of good yam viz, 88 linen, 30 cotton, 
the materials, provisions and handsome attendance, all fur- 
nished by themselves, and those who joined with them, "Give 

* Essex Gazette. Feb. 27, 1770 


her of the fruit of her own hands and let her own works 
praise her in the gates." 

The inarch of critical events now became rapid. In 
March, 1770, the clash between the soldiers and citizens, 
known as the "Boston Massacre" caused the death of several 
Boston men. In 1772, the "Gaspee," a British armed ves- 
sel, stationed in Narragansett Bay to prevent smuggling, 
ran aground and was captured and burned by an attacking 
party from Providence. A pamphlet was published in Bos- 
ton, reciting the encroachments by the Crown upon the 
liberty of the Colonists, which was circulated among the 
towns. In the Essex Gazette, Jan 7-14, 1772, proposals 
appeared for reprinting by subscription in a handsome oc- 
tavo volume, the famous "Vindication of the Government of 
New England Churches"® by John Wise, the minister of 
the Chebacco Parish, first published in 1717. 

That bold and brilliant book had produced a profound im- 
pression by its impassioned advocacy of democracy in the 
government of the churches. "The end of all good govern- 
ment," he affirmed, "is to cultivate humanity and promote 
the happiness of all, and the good of everj'^ man in all his 
rights, his life, liberty, estate, honor and so forth, without 
injury or abuse to any." "JTo wonder," says Prof. Tyler,^ 
"that the writer of that sentence was called up from his 
grave by the men who were getting ready for the Declaration 
of Independence." 

The advertisement of the "Proposals" continued. 

The aforesaid Proposals were agreed to by most of the 
Clergy of that day, by which a new System of Church Gov- 
ernment would have taken place had not that reverend and 
bold Champion, the Author, stept forth for the Churches 
Defence. And as Human Nature is the same now as it 
was then, 'tis thought by some Judicious Persons prudent 

• T&gea 28-30. 

• History of American Literature during: the Colonial Time II: 116. 


that the Male Members of every Congregational Church in 
the World should furnish themselves with this truly valu- 
able Book. 

Three hundred subscriptions had been obtained already. 
The whole edition of five hundred copies was sold at once, 
and a new issue was proposed in February. 

At a Town meeting on Dec. 28, 1772, Ipswich made its 
response to the Boston Protest in a lengthy and elahorate 
series of Eesolves. These affirmed the right of the Colo- 
nists to enjoy and dispose of their property in common with 
all other British subjects, the unwarranted assumption of 
power by Parliament to raise a revenue contrary to the 
minds of the aggrieved and injured people, the expenditure 
of this revenue in providing salaries, which rendered the 
Governor and Judges independent of the people, the neglect 
of their petitions for redress, and closed with the resolution 
to choose a Committee to correspond with the Committees 
of other towns. 

The Committee, which reported these Kesolves, appended 
their names : 

Francis Choate Mr. Daniel Eogers 

Capt. Michael Farley Dea. Stephen Choate 

John Calef Esq. Maj' John Baker 

Will" Storey Esq. Mr. John Crocker 

Mr. John Hubbard M' William Dodge 

Mr. Daniel Noyes Mr. John Treadwell 

Joseph Appleton Esq. 

The Report was read and put to vote paragraph by para- 
graph, and unanimously adopted. Capt Farley, Mr. Daniel 
Noyes and Major John Baker were chosen the Committee 
of Correspondence, "to Receive and Communicate all salu- 
tary measures that shall be proposed or offered by any other 

On Dec. 16**^ 1773, the tea, which had been brought into 
Boston harbor was thrown into the sea. A week later, the 


Ipswich citizens met in most violent mood, and adopted a 
series of Resolutions, which are of unique interest 

Resolved. I. That the Inhabitants of this Town have 
received real pleasure and Satisfaction from the noble and 
spirited Exertions of their Brethren of the Town of Bos- 
ton and other Towns to prevent the landing of the detested 
Tea lately arrived there from the East India Company 
subject to a duty for the sole Purpose of Raising a Revenue 
to Support in Idleness and Extravagance a Set of Mis- 
creants, whose vile emissaries and Understrappers swarm in 
the Sea Port Towns and by their dissolute Lives and Evil 
Practices threaten this Land with a Curse more deplorable 
than Egyptian Darlmess. 

11. That we hold in utter Contempt and Detestation the 
Persons appointed Consignees .... who have rendered 
themselves justly Odious to every Person possessed of the 
least Spark of Ingenuity or Virtue in America. 

Ill ' 

IV. That it is the Determination of this Town that no 
Tea shall be brought into it during the Term aforesaid and 
if any Person shall have so much Effrontery and Hardiness 
as to offer any Tea to sale in this Town in Opposition to 
the general Sentiments of the Inhabitants he shall be deemed 
an Enemy to the Town and treated as his superlative Mean- 
ness and Baseness deserve. 

Gen. Gage arrived in Boston in April, 1774, succeeding 
Gov. Hutchinson, as Governor of the Province. The port 
of Boston was closed by Royal edict on May 23^. The line 
of cleavage between those who professed themselves loyal to 
the Crown, who were called Tories, and the great body of 
the people, began to be sharply defined. 

The Justices of the Court of General Sessions and Jus- 
tices of the Court of Common Pleas of Worcester drew up 
a Memorial congratulating Gov. Gage on his safe arrival 
and protesting against all "Riots, Routs Combinations and 
unwarrantable Resolves." The Committees of Correspon- 
dence of Worcester and other towns published appeals to the 




people to break off all connection with Great Britain. The 
Justices of the Plymouth County Courts sent an address to 
Gen. Gage on July 6***, and the Essex County Justices on 
July 26^^^ 

The list of Councilors appointed by the King was re- 
ceived in August. The popular indignation now burst all 
bonds. At Worcester, two or three thousand citizens went 
to the house of Hon. Timothy Paine, a member of this body, 
and obliged him to read his resignation in person with his 
hat off. Thev marched then to Rutland and waited on Hon. 
John Murray. 

The Governor issued a Proclamation forbidding a Town 
meeting in Boston and ordered the Committee of Corres- 
pondence to disperse the people. He ordered out his troops. 
Thev marched to the town line, halted and loaded and about 
eighty advanced to within one eighth of a mile of the Town 
House. But the meeting had transacted its business and 
dissolved. ^^ 

On Thursday morning, Sept. 1, 1774, 260 British regulars 
in 13 large flat boats went up Medford river, landed and 
marched to the powder house on Quarry hill, Charlestown, 
whence thoy took 250 half barrels of powder and carried 
them to the Castle. A detachment went to Cambridge and 
brought off two field pieces, lately sent there for Col. 
Brattle's regiment. It was rumored that the Committee 
of Correspondence of Salem was liable to arrest and to be 
sent to England in the "Scarborough.'' 

Middlesex County took the alarnu By evening, large 
bodies of men began to assemble with their arms and pro- 
visions. By Friday morning, some thousands had arrived 
in Cambridge, armed only with sticks, as they had left their 
fire-arms. When the Boston Committee of Correspondence 
arrived in Cambridge, they found a great assembly about 

»• Essex Gazette. June 28, 1774-July 26th. 
" Essex Gazette. Aug. 23-30. 1774. 


the Court House and Judge Danforth speaking from the 
steps assuring them he had resigned his office and present- 
ing a written certificate. Judge Joseph Lee delivered the 
same assurance. Lieut. Gov. Oliver went from Cambridge 
to Boston about 8 o'clock and informed Gov. Gage it was 
not a mad mob but a gathering of the free holders of the 
County. Returning at once he met the Committee and de- 
clared he was ready to resign as Councilor, but that he had 
scruples about laying down his office as Lieut. Governor, as 
he was constitutionally in office. 

Commissioner Hallowell chanced to come through on his 
way to Boston and a troop of 150 horsemen galloped after 
him. The greater part soon returned but one man followed 
and stopped his chaise in Roxbury. Greatly frightened, the 
Commissioner snapped his pistol at him and mounting his 
servant's horse, rode at top speed to the camp in Boston, 
declaring that he was pursued by thousands. 

A Boston gentleman, seeing movements in the camp 
indicating an attack, sent word to Cambridge. The people 
sent instantly for their anns and dispatched horsemen to 
discover the approach of soldiers. The alarm proved false, 
they resumed their deliberations, and presented to the Lieut. 
(Jovemor a document, which he signed, appending to it by 
their consent the statement, 

My house at Cambridge being surrounded by about 4000 
People in compliance with their Commands, I sign mv name. 

Thos. Oliver.^2 

Cambridge, Sept. 2. 

Exaggerated rumors of a clash with the troops spread 
abroad. In Connecticut, no less than 40,000 men were re- 
ported in motion and under arms on Saturday, Sunday and 
Monday, and many meeting houses were not opened for 
Sabbath worship, as the report had spread that the troops 

" Essex Gazette. Aug. 30- Sept. 6, 1774. 


had fired and killed several. The Xew York Gazetteer of 
Sept. 8*** stated that people were greatly alarmed by an ex- 
press from Col. Putnam of Pomfret reporting that six per- 
sons had been killed, that the artillery had been playing 
all night upon the Town, and begging them to rally their 
forces and march to the relief of Boston.^' 

These wild rumors of blood shed were hardly quieted be- 
fore the delegates from all the towns, 67 in number, arrived 
in Ipswich on Tuesday, Sept. 6, and the Ipswich Convention 
began its deliberations, which required two days. Jere- 
miah Lee Esq. of Marblehead was the Chairman. Resolu- 
tions were adopted by unanimous vote, binding themselves to 
stand together in opposition to the Crown, demanding the res- 
ignation of officials holding office by Royal appointment, and 
declaring the Provincial Congress, soon to assemble, abso- 
lutely necessary for the common safety.^* 

Demand was made at once upon Hon. William Brown of 
Salem that he resign his office as Coimcilor, which he stead- 
fastly refused to do. Dr. John Calef, the former Repre- 
sentative, was no longer in public office, but his Tory sen- 
timents had become a theme of common remark. He had 
made a voyage to London, sailing on Dec. 30, 1772, as agent 
for a number of proprietors and settlers in the eastern part 
of the Province,^^ called the "Penobscot Associated Loy- 
alists," who had built houses on the Penobscot river, think- 
ing they would be well within the limit of what would be 
determined to be British territorv. Dr. Calef remained 
more than a year in England, endeavoring to secure the 
Penobscot as the boundary. He was in close touch with 
Lord ITorth, who was warmly in favor of this scheme, and 
a lingering family tradition has it that one morning Lord 
North greeted him with the exclamlation, "Doctor, Doctor, we 
cannot have the Penobscot made the boundary, the pressure 

"Essex Gazette, Sept. 6-13th. 1774. 

^* Essex Gazette. Sept. 6-13, 1774. 

" Essex Gazette. Dec. 29 -Jan. 5. 1773. 


is too strong." During his stay in England, Dr. Calef made 
the acquaintance of Selina, Countess of Huntington, and be- 
came warmly interested in her work. 

His extreme unpopularity on his return is evident from 
a rough newspaper squib that appeared in August, 1774. 

To the Inhabitants of the County of Essex. 


A strange phenomenon appeared in the Town of Danvers 
very lately. It took its way from Agawam, many were the 
conjectures what it was, some thought it was some kind of 
the human species others by the appearance of the head 
that it was really a Calf^® but being carefully viewed by a 
venerable Sachem, he declared it to be a Tool of Power 
and gave the following account of his observations viz. 
That somie time after the ore was dug and a little refined, 
it was put into the hands of one who could to appearance 
work any bad metal into any shape and for what use he 
pleased. When he had worked this lump of bad stuff, it 
came out of his hands in the form of a Pole- Ax. Many 
of the tribe from whence he came used it till thev were tired 
and found, although to outward appearance pretty good, yet 
there being no steel put into it, it proved to be no better 
than a dull mattock, and somebody have lately sent it to 
Danvers to impose on the good people there, who, it is hoped, 
will take this hint, and never try to improve it and if it 
should be sent to any other town it is hoped they will take 
the hint. 

A word to the wise is sufficient 
Done at Headquarters in Agawom 
in the eighth moon 


Dr. Calef addressed a petition^'^ to the General Court in 
July, 1775, which stated that he had built a ship, designed 
for the West Indies, and that it might be made ready for 
sea in a few days. It lay at Danvers, with officers on board 

*• The name Calef seems to have been commonly pronounced Calf. It 
was often so spelled. 
^^Mass. Archives, 180: 81. 


and provisions for the voyage. He prayed the Court to 
grant permission to dispatch the ship to the Penobscot for 
a load of lumber for the West Indies, and offered to give 
bonds that she would bring a return cargo of commodities 
needed for this market. The petition was dismissed sum- 

The climax of the Doctor's unpopularity was reached in 
early October. A great crowd of citizens gathered about 
his residence and demanded of him a written declaration 
of his political sentiments and formal confession of his 
wrong courses. The document was as follows : 

Inasmuch as a great Xumber of Persons are about the 
House ^® of the Subscriber who say they have heard I am 
an Enemy to my Country &tc. and have sent a large com- 
mittee to examine me respecting my Principles. 

In Compliance with their Request do declare. 

First. I hope and believe I fear God, honour the King 
and love my country. 

Secondly. I believe the Constitution of civil Govemmoit, 
as held forth in the Charter of Massachusetts Bay Province, 
to be the best in the whole World, and that the Kights and 
Privileges thereof ought to be highly esteemed, greatly 
valued and seriouslv contended for, and that the late Acts 
of Parliament made against this Province are unconstitu- 
tional and unjust, and that I will use all lawful Means to 
get the same removed ; and that I never have and never will 
act by a Commission under the new Constitution of Gov- 
ernment, and if ever I have said or done anything to en- 
force said Act, I am heartily sorry for it: and as I gave 
my Vote in the General Assembly on the 30*^ of June, 
1768, contrary to the Minds of the People, I beg their For- 
giveness, and that the good People of the Province would 
restore me to their Esteem and Friendship again. 

John Calef. 
Ipswich, Oct. 3, 1774. 

" Dr. Calef owned and occupied the house on the site now occupied by 

the mansion of the late John I^oard Esq. He sold to John Heard In 1777. 

About the year 1800, Mr. Heard removed the old house to a lot on Poplar 

St. and built the new dwelling. The Caldwell sisters owned the old Calef 

house In later years. 


I am free the said Committee should make use of the 
above Declaration^^ as they think proper. 

John Calef, 

After he had read the above Declaration it was put to 
Vote and the Company voted Acceptance. 

Dr. Calef was one of the most conspicuous citizens of 
Ipswich. He was born Aug. 30, 1726, married Margaret, 
daughter of the Kev. Nathaniel Rogers, (inten. Nov. 7, 1747) 
\^'ho died March 27, 1751 at the age of twenty-one, leav- 
ing two children, Margaret bom in 1748, who married Dr. 
Daniel Scott of Boston, in October, 1767, and Mary, bap- 
tized March, 1750, married Capt. John Dutch of Ipswich. 
Dr. Calef married Dorothy, daughter of Rev. Jedediah Jewett 
of Rowley, on Jan. 18, 1753, and eleven children were bom 
to them: Capt. John, who was drowned in February, 1782; 
Jedediah, who died in 1778 in his 23* year; Robert, who 
died in N'orfolk, Va. in 1801, aged forty-one; Samuel and 
Jedediah Jewett, the youngest of the family, who was bom 
on June 22, 1778. The daughters were Elizabeth, Dorothy, 
Sarah, Susanna, Mehitable and Martha. Elizabeth and 
Martha died in Sept., 1771. Mehitable married Capt 
Henry Mowat, who commanded the British ship "Albany'' 
at the siege of Penobscot in 1779. 

Dr. Calef had served as surgeon in the campaign against 
Louisbourg, and acquitted himself with great credit in the 
French and Indian War.^^ He was a friend of Rev. Gleorge 
Whitefield and was one of the pall bearers at his funeral. 
Mr. Whitefield provided in his will for a funeral ring for 
him. He entered the British service and was surgeon of 
a regiment at the siege of Penobscot. 

In December, 1779, a Cartel arrived in Ipswich to take 
Dr. Calefs family to the Penobscot. An interesting sou- 
venir of this event is the original charge of Capt Daniel 

» Thla was published in the Ensex Gazette, Oct. 11-18, 1774. 
•• See Chapter Vm. 


Rogers for guarding the vessel while she lay in port> pre- 
served in a box of old papers in the Town House. 

The Town of Ipswich to Dan* Rogers Dr. 
Dec. 15, 1779. 

To my service together with three Men Detached from my 
Company to serve as Guard on Board the Cartel, which came 
for Doc^ Calef 's family, provisions, drink, etc. etc. £45- 0- 

Ipswich, March 27, 1780. 

Only a part of his family followed their father. His 
sons, John and Robert remained in Ipswich, and on Sept. 
13, 1780, Robert petitioned the General Court for permis- 
sion to go to Penobscot for his sister Sarah. The Court did 
not approve his request, but ^^esolved that the Prayer of 
said Petitioner be so far granted as that the said Sarah 
Calef be permitted to return into this State in the first cartel 
from Penobscot."^^ 

After the war, Dr. Calef made his home in St. John, but 
removed to St. Andrews, N. B. where he died in 1812. He 
wrote an account of the siege of Louisbourg, which has not 
been preserved, and a narrative of the si^e of Penobscot. 
Although his son, Jedediah Jewett Calef settled in Rowley, 
the family name in this vicinity has long been extinct.** 

On the day after the Ipsvrich people had waited on Dr. 
Calef, the ilamilton folk visited Nathaniel Brown Esq. in 
a body, presented formal charges of being a Tory and ex- 
torted a written confession. *• In Rowley, a number of 
freeholders, having met at the house of Solomon !N'elsony 
proceeded to the residence of Thomas Gage, accused of Tory 
speeches, and forced him to make an humble recantation. 
Benjamin Adams Sen., husbandman, was suspected of simi- 
lar sentiments and the penalty meted out to him was in- 

» Records of General Court 40: 557. 

*> An interesting: narrative of Dr. Calef in his later yesLTs may be found in 
▲cadiensis Vol. VIC, No. 8, pp. 190, 229, 260, 261-273. 
« Essex Gazette, Oct 4-11, 1774. 


geniously humiliating. "Voted, he was unworthy of pub- 
lic Notice."24 

The port of Boston remained closed to all shipping through 
the summer and autumn of 1774. As the people were re- 
duced to great extremities for food, the neighboring towns 
rallied nobly to their relief. Ipswich, already burdened by 
the great expense occasioned by an epidemic of smallpox, 
voted to raise a hundred pounds by popular subscription, and 
the Selectmen were asked to "make a proportion of the same 
among the Inhabitants .... according to the Province 
Tax, exclusive of the poor Inhabitants of this Town." The 
Southern colonies responded with fine enthusiasm. A sloop 
from Charleston, S. C. arrived in Salem in July with 205 
tierces of rice, the gift of twenty gentlemen. Two vessels 
arrived at Newport from South Carolina, laden with sup- 
plies and bringing word that 2000 barrels of rice had been 
subscribed. The County of Fairfax in Virginia subscribed 
£273 in specie, 38 barrels of flour and 150 bushels of wheat. 
Providence, Philadelphia and New Hampshire towns gave 
generously. In December, the donations from near and far 
had reached such extraordinary proportions, that the Bos- 
ton authorities published on Dec. 8, the donations "lately 
received by the port of Boston," which amounted in the ag- 
gregate to miore than £200 in money, 612 sheep, 74 oxen and 
cattle, 4010 bushels of grain, 256 barrels of flour, 105 barrels 
of ship stuifs, 35 cords of wood, etc. This common interest 
in the relief of Boston was another factor that was welding 
the people of all the colonies into a unit, in resistance to the 

The First Provincial Congress met in Salem on Friday, 
October 7, 1774, Ipswich being represented by Capt, 
Michael Farley and Mr. Daniel Noyes. It recommended 
that companies of Minute-men be organized and that "each 
of the minute men not already provided therewith, should 

» Essex Gazette. Oct. 25-Nov 1, 1774. 


be immediately equipped with an effective Fire-arm Bayonet, 
Pouch, Knapsack, Thirty roimds of Cartridges and Ball, 
and that they be disciplined three times a week and oftener 
as opportunity may offer." 

Ipswich responded with the '^Troop's Covenant." 

The Troop of Horse in the third Regiment of Militia in 
the County of Essex, Being about to choose their Officers, 
(agreeable to the Advice of the Provincial Congress) came 
into the following Agreement this fourteenth day of Novem- 
ber, Anno Domini 1774, viz .... 

We the Subscribers the Troopers hereafter If amed prom- 
ise to subject ourselves to the Officers that may be chosen 
whither it be the cap*" or other Officers under him, duely 
Chosen by a Major part of the Troop, and that we will 
attend all military Musters, and in case of Delinquency, we 
Promise to pay a fine as By-Law in that case is made and 
provided, imless a Reasonable Excuse be given to the Com- 
manding Officer for the time being, in witness whereof We 
have hereunto sett our hands the Day & year above written 

Timothy Bragg Tho* Dodge 

Robert Perkins George Dodge J*". 

Robert Bumum John Emerson 

John Kinsman Aaron Eveleth 

Amos Burnam Seth Goodhue 

Isaac Burnam eToseph Goodhue 

Paltiah Brown Mark Haskell 3* 

Elisha Brown Jr. T^ehemiah Jewett 

Ebenezer Brown Aaron Jewett 

Nehemiah Brown Samuel Kinsman 

Sam* Bragg Joseph Metcalf J' 

John Bradstreet Samuel Potter 

Allen Baker Nehemiah Patch 

Francis Brown John Pearson 

William Conant Jun. Samuel Quarles 

Nehemiah Choate Joseph Roberts 

John Cross Nath* Smith 

Joseph Cummings Juner Thomas Smith 


Joseph Brown Michael Kinsman 

John Harris Juner John Whipple 

Zebulon Smith Moses Conant 

Abner Day Jr. John Chapman 

Robert Choat 
after Signing, the Troopers 

herein named the same day March 13*** 1775, the above 

Proceeded and made Choice named John Pearson pason- 

of Moses Jewett Captain ally appeared & was sworn to 

Robert Perkins Lieut* the faith full Discharge of the 

John Kinsman Comet office of Clerk to the Troop 

Slisha Brown Qurterms. in Ipswich 

John Pearson, Clerk Before Aaron Potter, Justice 

Nehemiah Choate, Corpriel Peace^^ 
Nathaniel Smith Corpriel 

At the Town Meeting, held on November 21**: 

The Proposals and Resolves of the Continental Congress 
being Read the Vote being put whether the Town do approve 
of said Proposals and Resolves, it pass'd in the Affirma- 
tive Unanimouslv. 

Voted that Mr. N. P. Major J. B. Lt. Isaac Dodge 
Capt. M. F. Ens. John Patch, Mr. Jon. Cogswell Jr. Mr. 
Jacob Goodhue, Mr. John Patch y* 4"* Capt. John Whipple 
Jr. Lt. Abraham Howe, Mr. John Fowler Be a Committee 
to see that the said Resolves are most punctually observed. 

The Resolves of the Provincial Congress being Read, the 
Vote Being put whether the Town will comply with the 
said Resolve, it passed in the affirmiative. 

It was voted that no more delegates be sent to the Pro- 
vincial Congress. 

On Nov. 21'*, 1774, the crisis was at hand. The enlist- 
ment of soldiers according to the Proposals of the Provincial 
Congress was approved, and a plot of land at the easterly 
end of the Town House, fifty feet long and twenty-five feet 
wide was granted, "during the Town's pleasure" "to a num- 
ber of Subscribers in order to Erect a House for the En- 

* Original document In posseBsion of Mr. A. Everett Jewett of Ipswich. 


couragement of Military Discipline." A Committee on Min- 
ute Men reported a contract to be signed by those who en- 
listed, and their proposed wages, on Jan. 3, 1775. This 
report recommended the enlistment of a quarter part of the 
Training Band or Alarm List, and the payment of a shilling 
to each enlisted man for each half day he iattended muster. 
Every man was bound to "attend Duty two half days in 
each week." After the first of April, the pay was advanced 
to two shillings, to be continued imtil "taken into Province 
pay or Dismissed by said Town." 

At the same meeting, Col. Michael Farley was appointed 
Delegate to the Provincial Congress to be held at Cambridge, 
Feb. 1"*. Mr. Daniel Noyes, William Story Esq. and Dea- 
con Stephen Choate were chosen a Committee to prepare 
Instructions. These Instructions were embodied in a series 
of Resolutions which were approved by the Town and entered 
in full in the Town Records. The first of tiiese enjoined 
upon their delegate to see that one of the first acts of the 
Congress should be to set apart a day for fasting and prayer. 
The second suggested the inquiry whether any of the towns 
have neglected to comply with the Resolves of the Conti- 
nental or Provincial Congress. The third Resolution is of 
especial interest. 

It is with Regret that we find there are Enemies among 
ourselves, who insinuate & endeavor to persuade others that 
This Province is seeking after Independency & want to 
break off from their allegiance to the Crown of Great Bri- 
tain, which is a thing that has not the Least Foundation in 
Truth; neither can these wicked Persons, we believe, Pro- 
duce so much as one single Instance thereof .... Never- 
theless to avoid giving them the least handle against us, we 
desire you would Endeavor that nothing be done by the 
Congress to change or alter the Form of Government ap- 
pointed by Our Last Charter, but that with patience and 
due Fortitude we bear the Injuries brought upon us, wait- 
ing for [the] time of our deliverance. 


Evidently the popular sentiment in Ipswich, though ex- 
ceedingly hostile to the Tory attitude, was far from, demand- 
ing separation from the mother country even at the moment, 
vrteii the Colonies were arming for their defence. 

AVar was now inevitable and it was only a question of a 
f e"viir months or even weeks, before a clash with the British 
troops would be precipitated. Indeed the popular feeling 
^wras so tense, and preparations for the conflict were so far 
advanced, that any moment might witness blood shed. That 
fatal moment seemed at hand in mid December. 

A swift messenger from Boston informed the men of Ports- 
mouth that two regiments were coming to take possession 
of their fort. By beat of drum, 200 men assembled imme- 
diately and went to the Castle in 2 gundalows. They were 
joined by 150 more on the way. Capt. Cochran refused 
to surrender the fort at their demand and fired 3 guns, but 
without fatal result. They immediately scaled the walla, 
disarmed the garriflon, and took possession of 97 barrels of 
powder, which they conveyed to a safe hiding place. The 
next day the town was full of men from the country, who 
marched in in due fom and chose a Committee to wait on 
the Governor and inquire as to the truth of the reported 
march of the British troops. The next morning, it was re- 
ported that a thousand or fifteen hundred men ''of the best 
property and note in the Province," were on the march to 
Portsmouth. Happily the alarm was needless and once more 
the country side grew quiet. 

The Revolution aby War 

The drill-shed, authorized by the vote on Nov. 2V\ 1774, 
was no doubt built at once. On Dec 19^, the Town ap- 
pointed its Committee to draw up a contract for men to 
sign, which reported its scale of wages and form of con- 
tract on Jan. 3, 1775. 

Oapt Wade's company of minute men signed their con- 
tract on January 24*"*. 

We, whose Names are hereunto Subscribed, do voluntarily 
Inlist our selves, as Minute Men, to be ready for Military 
operation, upon the shortest notice. And we hereby Prom- 
ise & engage, that we will immediately, each of us, provide 
for & equip himself with an eifective fire Arm, Bayonet, 
Pouch, Knapsack, & Thirty round of Cartridges ready made. 
And that we may obtain the skill of compleat Soldiers, We 
promise to convene for exercise in the Art Military, at least 
twice every week; and oftener if our officers shall think 

And as soon as Such a Number shall be Inlisted, as the 
present Captain, Lieutenant & Ensign of ye Company of 
Militia shall think necessary, we will proceed to choose such 
Officers, as shall appear to them & to ye Company to be neces- 
sary. The Officers to be chose by a Majority of ye Votes 
of the Inlisted Company And when ye officers are duly 
chosen, We hereby proniise & engage that we will punctually 
render all that obedience to them respectively, as is required 
by the Laws of this Province or practiced by any well regu- 
lated Troops. And if any officer or Soldier, shall neglect to 
attend the time & place of exercise, he shall forfeit & pay 
the sum of two shillings LawfuU money for the use of ye 




Company, Unless he can oifer such an excuse to the officers 
of y^ Company as to them shall appear sufficient. 

IN". B. It is to be understood that when nine Company's 
of fifty men Each are Inlisted, that then the said Officers of 
the Minute Company's Proceed to Chose their Field Officers, 
agreeable to the proposal of the Provincial Congress. 

Ipswich, Jan^ 24^^ 1775. 

Joseph Hodgkins 
Aaron Perkins 
Francis Hovey 
John Graves Jr. 
IFrancis Merrifield 
Jonathan Foster 
Daniel Goodhue 
Jabez Farley 
Nathaniel Brown 
Isaac Giddings 
INath^ March 

Nathanael Tread well 

Samuel Bumham 

Stephen Dutch 

Benjamin Heard 

Jeremiah Stanford Juner 

Nathaniel Ross 

William Gtoodhue Juner 

John Stanwood in the place 
of Wm Longfellow. 

Philip Lord Juner 

Benjamin Ross 

Michael Farley Jun. 

John Fowler 

Samuel Lord 5 

Henry Spiller 

Joseph Appleton Juner 

William Dennis 

Nathaniel Jewett 

John Waite 

Nathanael Rust Juner 

Charles Lord 

Ephraim Goodhue 

Nathaniel Lord ye 3* 

Benjamin Averell 

Isaac Stanwood 

John Fitts Juner 

Daniel Stone 

John Harris 5 

Joseph Fowler 3** 

eTabez Sweet Juner 

Thomas Appleton Juner 

Kneeland Ross 

Ebenezer Lakeman for the 
Room of John Waitt 

John Peters in the Room of 
Benjamin Averell 

Thomas Hodgkins in the 
Room of Jeremiah Stan- 

Nathaniel Wade 

Asa Baker 

Nath. Souther 

James Fuller Lakeman 

Jabez Ross Jun. in room of 
Jon. Perkins 

Thomas Bordman Juner 

Edward Stacy 

Nathaniel Lakeman in the 
Room of Philip Lord.^ 

Abraham Knowlton Juner 

^ The original roll is in i>osse8slon of Mr. Jesse H. Wade. 


The first hostile act of Gen Gkge's troops was the expe- 
dition headed by Col. Leslie which marched from Marble- 
head to Salem on Sunday, February 26, to seize the mili- 
tary supplies which had been gathered there. The draiiv 
bridge over the North River was raised and the minute 
men rallied to resist further advance. The stores were 
hastily removed, and after a parley, Col. Leslie agreed, if 
the bridge should be lowered, that he would march his 
troops a little way and then return. Word was sent at once 
to the whole country-side. The Salem Gazette, issued on 
[March 7***, in its account of the event^ says that "people 
of all the neighboring Towns as well as those at 30 or 40 
miles Distance, were mustering and great numbers actually 
on their march for this place, so that it is thought 12 or 
15,000 men would have been assembled within 24 hours after 
the alarm." 

Ipswich must have heard the news. There is no record 
of any march of the soldiery, but fresh impetus was given 
to the enrollment. A few days later, "the alarm list of the 
Third Company in Ipswich convened and after choosing 
a moderator, made choice of the following Gentlemen for 
their officers, Capt. John Whipple Jr. Captain, Mr. John 
Thomson, 2°^ Lieut, and Ensign Jonathan Lamson, Ensign.'' 
This was the Hamlet Company. Thomas Burnham, teacher 
of the Ipswich Grammar School, had organized a com- 
pany, and Capt. Abraham Dodge commanded another com- 
pany. Capt. Jonathan Cogswell's company was composed 
almost whollv of Chebacco men. 

Early in the morning of April 19*"* the British regulars 
marched to Lexington and Concord. Swift riders bore the 
c^ll to arms far and wide. From all the neighboring towns 
and villages, the minute men poured in, and had a valiant 
part in the pursuit of the retreating soldiers. The day was 
well advanced before the tidings reached Ipswich. The 
alarm was sounded and the minute men dropped their tools, 


left the ploughs in the furrows, seized their arms and rallied 
at the appointed rendezvous. 

The march was soon begun and company after company 
hurried away to the shrill music of fife and drum. Capt. 
Ifathaniel Wade,- Capt. Thomas Bumham,* the school mas- 
ter, and Capt. Daniel Rogers,* marched at the head of their 
companies. Capt. Moses Jewett^ led his horse troop. Capt. 
.Vbram How® with his 43 men, marched from the Line- 
brook Parish, Capt, Jonathan CogswelF from Chebacco, and 
Capt. eTames Patch** and Dr. Elisha Whitney from the 

The day was so hot that the British regulars dropped 
in their tracks, overcome by the heat, but the hardy 
minute men of Ipswich pushed on to Medford, 24 miles 
away, before they halted for the night. 

Capt. Jonathan Bumham at the head of his Hampton 
company arrived in Ipswich the next morning, after an all 
night march. According to his own story,® he found the 
town panic-struck, "because, "two Men of Wars tenders were 
in the river full of men and would land and take twenty 
British soldiers out of a goal that was taken prisoners at 
Lexington battle and would bum the town, so we stayed 
that day and night.'' The town was nearly defenceless, 
as more than three hundred men were in the eight com- 
panies of minute-men, but about two hundred men were 
mustered and Capt. Burnham was chosen as their comman- 

Everybody was busy hiding valuables or carrying them 
away to some place of safety. One brave Ipswich woman, 

> Mass. Archives 13 : 167. 

* Mass. Archives 11: 204. 

* Mass. Archives 13 : 74. 
«Mass. Archives 12: 163. 
•Mass. Archives 12: 146. 
^Mass. Archives 11: 204. 
*Mass. Archives 13: 65. 

* The Life of Col. Jonathan Burnham. now livlngr In Salisbury, Mass. 


however, as the family tradition asserts, was wholly un- 
moved, Daniel Ringe's good wife, Elizabeth. It w^as her 
washing-day and she stood to her scrubbing. Her father, 
who had just buried his silver spoons in the cellar, ran to 
his daughter's dwelling to render her assistance. Surprised 
at her indiiference, he cried out, "Why Betty are you wash- 
ing ?" "Yes," she replied, "if the red coats come they may 
as well have my clothes wet as dry." 

The "alarm," to which Captain Bumham alludes, spread 
far afield and took on serious and even ludicrous propor- 
tions. Without stopping to find whether there was any 
truth in the alarming report, frightened messengers put 
spurs to their horse? and roused the whole country side with 
their out cry. 

Mr. Coffin, the historian of Newbury, describes the fright 

On Friday afternoon, April twenty-first, the second day 
after the Lexington fight, the people of Xewburyport held 
an informal meeting at the town house, and just as the 
Reverend Thomas Gary was about opening the meeting with 
prayer a messenger rushed up stairs, in breathless haste, 
crying out, "For God's sake, turn out! turn out! or you 
will all be killed ! The regulars are marching this way and 
will soon be here. They are now at Ipswich cutting and 
slashing all before them." 

The messenger proved to be Mr. Ebenezer Todd, who 
stated that he had been sent from Rowley to Vam the peo- 
ple of their impending destruction. The news spread like 
wild fire, and being generally credited, the consternation 
became almost universal. As a large part of the militia had 
marched to the scene of action early the next morning after 
the fight at Lexington, the terror and alarm among the wo- 
men and children was proportionately increased, especially 
as from all quarters was heard the cry, "The regulars are 


coming:. They are down to Old Town bridge cutting and 
slashing and killing all before them ! They'll soon be here !" 
It is remarkable that the same story in substance was simul- 
taneously told from Ipswich to Coos. In every place the 
report was that the regulars were but a few miles behind 

Mr. Eliphalet Hale of Exeter was at Ipswich and waited 
to ascertain the correctness of the report. Learning that 
it was without foundation, he made haste to undeceive the 
people by riding from Ipswich to Newbury in fifty minutes. 
In the mean time all sorts of ludicrous things were being 
done by men and women to escape impending destruction. 
Vehicles of every kind filled with all sorts of people to- 
gether with hundreds on foot, were to be seen moving with 
all possible speed further north to escape the terrible regu- 

Some crossed the river for safety. Some in Salisbury went 
to Hampton and spent the night in houses vacated by their 
owners who had gone on the same errand further north 
.... One man yoked up his oxen and taking his own 
family and some of his neighbor's children in his cart, drove 
off to escape the regulars .... One woman having con- 
cealed all her pewter and silver ware in the well, filled a 
bag with pies and other edibles and set off with it and her 
family for a safer place, but having travelled some dis- 
tance and deposited her bag to make some enquiry, she found 
on her return that there had been "cutting and slashing'' not 
indeed by the regulars among the people but by the irregu- 
lars among her provisions. 

Another woman, as I am informed, having run four or 
five miles, in great trepidation, stopped on the steps of 
Reverend Mr. jNToble's meeting-house to nurse her child and 
found to her great horror that she had brought off the cat 
and left the child at home. In another instance, Mr. [....] 
having placed his family on board of a boat to go to Ram Is- 
land for safety, was so annoyed with the crying of one of 
his children that he exclaimed in great fright, "Do throw 


that squalling brat overboard or we shall all be discovered/' 
Mr. J — L. — seeing Mr. C — H. — ^ a very corpulent man, 
standing at his door with his musket loaded inquired of 
him if he was not going. "Going? no." said he, "I am 
going to stop and shoot the devils." 

It has come down in history as the "Great Ipswich 
Frischt," and it furnished Mr. Whittier material for a verv 
spirited tale in his Prose Miscellanies. The innocent oc- 
casion of it all was "the discovery of some small vessels 
near the entrance of Ipswich river, — one at least, known 
to be a cutter, and it was apprehended that they were oome 
to relieve the captives there in jail."^^ We may be sure 
there was fright with good reason at the farms on Castle 
Hill and Castle T^eck, when those British vessels were seen, 
standing in over the bar. 

On the 22"* of April, 1775 the Warrant for a Town-meet- 
ing was posted. It met on the 24*** at 7 o clock in the 
morning, and Voted that: 

Dummer Jewett Esq. Lieut. John Choate, and Mr. Daniel 
Xoves be a Comimittee to ioin with the other Conmiittees 
from the several Sea-Port Towns, in this County to meet 
them at the tavern near Beverly meeting house this day and 
to Consult upon the Measures to be taken for our safety 
at this DiflScult time. 

The likelihood of attack from the sea was a constant source 
of anxiety, intensified by the order passed by the Provincial 
Congress on April 27***, requiring these Essex County sea- 
port towns to endeavor to have all the effects of the inhabi- 
tants removed as quickly as possible. "Congress considers 
it absolutelv necessary for said inhabitants to be in readi- 
ness to go into the country on the shortest notice." It was 
further ordered on April 29^, that word should be sent to 

*• From a letter of Benjamin Greenleaf of Newburyport to the Committee 
of Correspondence in Hampton, N. H. (Currier's Hist, of Newburyport, 
I: 543. 544. 545). 


the neighboring towns, requiring one half the militia to 
be sent immediately to Roxbury and Cambridge and the 
remainder to hold themselves in readiness to march at a 
minute's warning. 

Capt. Wade was again in the field with many of his men. 
He was then twenty-six years old; Joseph Hodgkins, his 
First Lieutenant, was thirty-two ; his fifer was William Gal- 
loway, a lad of seventeen and William Osbom of Boston, 
eighteen years old, beat the drum. Three sons of Philip 
and Sarah Lord came from their home on the Linebrook 
Road, now owned by Mr. Ralph W. Bumham, David, 
eighteen years old, Charles, twenty-one and Philip, twenty- 
seven. Francis Merrifield, thirty-six years old, was the 
senior member of the company, Thomas Hodgkins, 5"*, six- 
teen years old, was the youngest. 

Capt. Elisha Whitney marched again from the Hamlet 
and Capt Abraham Dodge and his Chebacco men were again 
in the field. Capt. Gideon Parker, who had served with 
distinction in the French and Indian war, marched as a 
private in Capt. Rogers's minute men on the Lexington alarm, 
but early in June, he had recruited a company. Although 
he was then fifty years old, he was again commissioned 
Captain, and led his company to the front.^^ 

As there was no arsenal or depot of supplies, on May 
9***, the Provincial Congress instructed Selectmen to make 
search in their towns and "borrow or purchase arms or 
accoutrements from those who can best spare them." Fif- 
teen muskets were borrowed from individuals to equip Capt. 
Dodge's company. Every soldier thus armed was required 
to pay 6 shillings, and if he failed to return his gun to its 
owner, the full value would be deducted from his wages. 
Every one was ordered to save his straw that the camp 
might be ])]'ovided with bedding. An order, passed May 
10***, forbade any one to remove to !Nova Scotia or else- 

"Masii. Archives 146: 207. Muster -rolls* 15: 91. 


where, without permission of the Committee of Correspon- 
dence of the Town. Col. John Baker, Dummer Jewett 
Esq. Mr. Daniel Noyes, Lieut. John Choate and Captain 
John Whipple Jr. were chosen a Committee of Intelligence 
for Ipswich. 

Delegates from the towns in Essex County met at Ips- 
wich on May 4^^, at the request of the Committee of Safety 
of Xewburyport, to consider the establishment of a regular 
post from Xewburyport to Cambridge. The Provincial 
Congress voted on May 13**, to establish Post offices in Cam- 
bridge, Salem, Ipswich, ^N'ewburyport, Haverhill, etc 
James Foster was appointed Post-master at Ipswich. Eates 
of postage wose established, 5^,4 pence for any distance not 
exceeding 60 miles and for every ounce weight, four times 
as much as a single letter. 

Another Town meeting assembled on May 15***, at S 
o'clock A. M. to consider 

whether the Town will petition the Committee of War 
that they would grant a regiment of the H^ew Raised Army 
to be stationed at Ipswich, Xewbury and Xewburyport, or 
otherwise that the Towns mentioned may be guarded in 
this difficult time. Inasmuch as the Scituation of these 
Towns are such that the Stock will immediately be put to 
Pasture, where the said Stock will be exposed and Great 
Numbers of Chattle and Sheep may be taken by arnied 
cutters, unless prevented by our Guards. . . . 

The Town voted to request protection, to continue the 
Town watch of four persons already in service, and that 
two persons should continue their constant watch on Castle 
Hill. The Selectmen were instructed to "provide a suit- 
able Quantity of Tarr in order to set it on fire on a Beacon 
Erected for that purpose that the Town mjay be Alarmed 
in the night and that the Flagg be hoisted in the Day time 
to Alarm the Town." Dummer Jewett Esq. Nath. Farley, 


Capt. Jona. Cogswell, Dea. Nath. Whipple, Lieut. Thomas 
Foster were added to the Committee of Correspondence. 

William Wade, a carpenter on the South side, presented 
his bill to the Town in May, 1775. 
To work on the Flag-Staff & watch-house at Cassell 

Hill 0-15- 4 

Oct. To carriage a field Piece 6-13- 4 

7- 8- 8 

A memorandum, dated November 24, 1775, of supplies 
and assistance to the Continental Army and "for the Com- 
pany stationed in the Town of Ipswich" show that the re- 
quest of the Town was honored and a company assigned 
for the defence of the Town. 

At the battle of Bunker Hill on June 17*^ 1775, Ips- 
wich men had a brave part. Capt Nathaniel Wade's com- 
pany and Capt. Abraham Dodge's were in the line in Col. 
Moses Little's regiment. Jesse Story Jun., son of Jesse 
Story of Chebacco, a lad of eighteen years, was killed on 
the field, the first Ipswich man to lay down his life in the 
struggle for Independence. Philip Lord, a private in Capt. 
Wade's company lost his gun in the battle. 

Joseph Hodgkins, First Lieut, in Capt. Wade's company, 
gave details of the battle, in the family letters, which are 
still preserved: 

Cambridge, June y* 18, 1775. 
Dear wife. I take this opportunity to inform you that I 
am well att Present. I would Just inform you that wee 
had a verry hot ingagement yesterday. But God Preserved 
all of us for which mercy I Desire Ever to be thankfull 
we have Bin alarmed to Day But come to no Engagement 
it is all most knight now and we are going to Entranching 
to night therefore I Cannot be Pertickler Dont be Discoiv 
edged I hope that wee shall Be Carred thrue all our Diffiltiea 
and have abundant occasion to Prase the Lord together So 


no more at Present But remain your Loving Husband till 


Joseph Hodgkins. 

Cambridge, June y* 20, 1775. 
Dear wife I take this oppertunity to inform you that 
I am well but Verry Much Worred with our Last Satterday 
Cumege & yesterday's moving Down to winter Hill where 
we now are & Live in Expectation of further Engagement 
with the Enemv. But I Desir to be content with the alot- 
ments of gods Providence and hope in his mercy for Salva- 
tion and Deli^'e^ance from all these Eavels witch we feel & 

Cambridge, June y** 23^ 1776. 
.... Have not time to write Pertickler of y* Engage- 
ment But we whare Exposed to a very hot fire of Cannon 
& small armes about two ours But we whare Presarved 
I had one Ball went under my arme and Cut a large hole 
in my Coate & a Buck shot went through my coate & Jacket 
But neither of them Did me any harme. 

Cambridge, July 3, 1776. 
Loveing wife .... 

. . . , I have nothing Remarkable to rite Except that 
geaneral Washington & Lea got in to Cambridge yesterday 
and to Day they are to take a Vew of y® Armey & that will 
be atended With a grate Deal of grander there is at this 
time one & twenty Drumers & as many fiffers a Beting and 
Playing Round the Prayde. But I must Conclude by Sub- 
scribing myself your Loveing Husband 

till Death 

Joseph Hodgkins. 

Deacon Francis Merrifield in his old age used to de- 
scribe the battle and the approach of the regulars. "When 
they got so near we could fairly see them, they looked too 
handsome to be fired at, but we had to do it.'' 

The burden of providing and maintaining an army in 
the field was felt at once. The troops had volunteered but 
they were poorly equipped and scantily clothed. On July 
6* 1776, the Provincial Congress ordered that 13,000 coats 


should be provided, one for each non-commissioned officer 
and soldier in the Massachusetts army, to be proportioned 
immediately on all the towns, according to the last Provin- 
cial tax. Ipswich was made responsible for 204 coats of 
good plain cloth, and the women of the town must have 
-worked long and hard to finish them before they were needed. 
The work gained a romantic character, from the very 
su^estive direction which accompanied the Order, that 
a certificate should be sewed in each coat specifying 
-where it was made, and we may well imagine more than 
one of the women of Ipswich stretched the order and 
appended her name, and then waited the acknowledg- 
ment from the unknown soldier, who enjoyed the fruit of 
her labors- 
Clothing of every sort was required from the towns and 
the bill which the Ipswich Selectmen presented to the Treas- 
urer of the Colony in September, 1775, leads us to believe 
that the Colonial soldiers vied with Joseph of old in the 
color of their garments, and that the smartly uniformed 
British troops may have been moved to mirth by the motley 
appearance of their rustic foes. 

Sept. 1775 

To 6 pair of Striped woolen Breeches at 7/1 






















Blue Broad Cloth 


Redish " « 
















2- 2- 6 


16- 8- 


3-10- 8 






1- 8- 8 


1- 0- 


1- 0- 


5- 8- 


6- 8- 


3- 0- 


2- 2- 


1-10- 4 



1- 8- 6 


96 pr breeches . 49- 7- 1 

3 white cotton & linen shirts at 9/6 1- 8- 6 

8 " " 9/3 3-14- 

2 striped " " " 9/9 19- 6 

41 checkt woolen '' 6/5 13- 3- 1 

57 shirts 

63 pr. stockings at 3/ 9- 9- 

50 " shoes 6/ 17-14- 

The patriot army lay encamped for weary months, while 
the siege of Boston dragged on, neither party making any 
active assault. In September, Gen. Montgomery set out to 
take Quebec. A force of 1100 men, consisting of two bat- 
talions of musketmen and 3 companies of riflemen as Light 
Infantry under the command of Col. Benedict Arnold, was 
detached for this service. The little army marched in several 
separate bodies. They reached Ipswich on September 15'\ 
and all dav lone:, the stillness of the summer air was broken 
by the shrill notes of fifes and the roll of drums, as com- 
pany after company marched along the old Bay Road, fol- 
lowed by the rumbling wagon trains with their camp equip- 

The Journal of Ebenezer Wild^^ notes that the division 
of which he was a member, marched very early in the morn- 
ing, and though the weather was very sultry, covered 25 
miles and encamped at Beverly. 

Sept. 15. This morning marched briskly along and got 
into ISTewburyport at 8 ** clock at night .... After a 
general review on the 17***, embarked on the 18*** and sailed 
on the 19***. 

The Battalion commanded by Major Return J. Meigs 
marched on the li***, through Maiden, Lynn and Salem and 
encamped in Danvers. 

"Mass. Histor. Society Proceedings 1885-1886, Vol. II., Sec. Series. 


15. In the moraing continued our march throgh the 
towns of Beverly and Wenham and encamped at Rowley. 

It reached Newburyport at 10 A. M. on the 16^\^^ The 
2™* Battalion encamped at Salem on the 14^, on the 15"" 
encamped at Ipswich, and reached Newburyport on the 16***. 

This Battalion included apparently the famous Capt. 
Daniel iforgan with his Virginia riflemen, and two com- 
panies of Pennsylvania riflemen, commanded by Captain 
William Hendricks and Captain Matthew Smith. The ex- 
citement occasioned by the marching soldiery, with music 
and flags, was only a prelude to the astonishment and won- 
der, roused by the camp. The spectacle of tents pitched, camp 
fires lighted and supper cooked, was the rarest sight Ipswich 
had ever seen. These riflemen, with their fur caps and 
deerskin frocks, fresh from the wild life of the woods, were 
strange figures in the old Puritan town. Perhaps they grati- 
fied the throng of towns folk with an exhibition of their skill 
as marksmen. A Pennsylvania newspaper described a 
camp of one of these companies on the march to Cambridge. 

One of the company held a barrel stave perpendicularly 
in his hands with one edge close to his side while one of 
his comrades .... at the distance of upwards of sixty 
yards and without any kind of a rest .... shot several 
bullets through it. The spectators appearing to be amazed 
• . . . were told that there .... was not one who could 
not y)lug nineteen bullets out of twenty, as they turned it, 
within an inch of the head of a ten penny nail. At night, 
a great fire was kindled .... where the company gave a 
perfect exhibition of a war-dance, and all the manoeuvres 
of Indians, holding council, going to war, circumventing 
their enemies by ... . ambuscades, scalping, &tc. 

But if the veil of the Future could have been drawn 
aside, the Ipswich folk would have gazed with keener in- 

» Journal of Major Return J. Meigs. Mass. Histor. Soc. Collections IL, 
2nd Series, p. 227. 


terest on the leader of the expedition, Col. Benedict Arnold, 
or on a youth in his twentieth year, marching in the ranks, 
who was destined to rise to high renown by his great talents, 
and rival his leader in a deed of endless shame. Aaron 
Burr, prostrated by a nervous fever in his tent at Cambridge, 
heard his friend Ogden, conversing with fellow soldiers about 
Arnold's Expedition. He called Ogden in and inquired 
about it. Raising himself up in bed, he declared he would 
go and at once commenced dressing himself. He formed 
a mess with four or five hearty fellows and "^vith his 
new associates in arms, on the 14*** September, 1775, 
shouldered their muskets, took their knapsacks upon their 
backs and marched to the place of embarcation."^* Arnold 
led his men from the mouth of the Kennebec through the 
Maine forests to Quebec. They underwent incredible hard- 
ships, and made an heroic attack on the impregnable fortress 
on the last day of the year, only to suffer disastrous defeat. 
Shortly after the battle of Bunker Hill, the Provincial 
Congress ordered that 10 companies of 50 men each should 
be raised in the County of Essex, to be stationed by the 
Committee of the Congress, chosen for this purpose, and 
to be under the direction of the Committee of Correspon- 
dence of the town where they were stationed. An Ipswich 
company was dispatched to Gloucester^ ^ in October to aid 
in the defence of that exposed town, and on Nov. 29***, Capt 
Moses Jewett's horse-troop^^ was sent there to guard the har- 
bor and the ship "Nancy." The privateer schooner, "Lee," 
Captain John Manly, had captured and brought in the ord- 
nance-ship, "Nancy," from London bound for Boston with 
a great quantity of small arms and ammunition, besides 
cannon and a large brass mortar of a new construction. 
Those munitions of war were greatly needed and were carted 
at once to Cambridge. 

** Memoir of Aaron Burr. Matthew L. Davis, 1836, p. 62. 
" Babson's History of Gloucester, pp. 396, 397. 
" Orierinal Roll owned by A. Everett .Tewett. 


The sailors captured at Cape Ann were brought to Ips- 
wich and confined in the jail, which stood on or near the 
site of the residence of the late Rev. David Tenney Kimball, 
near the meeting-house of the First Parish. Some British 
soldiers taken at Dorchester were also imprisoned there. 
Serg*. Thomas Livermore of the 63** Regiment addressed a 
petition to the General Court, Nov. 28*^, 1775, in behalf 
of seven soldiers and nine sailors, his fellow prisoners, "con- 
fined to the narrow limits of a Goal and deprived of every 
injoyment that the Almighty has been pleased to bestow upon 
us, except our meate which we have in plenty and in due 
season." Five of their number had been very sick, and one 
remained very ill, with nothing to cover him but his clothes. 
The soldiers each needed a shirt and bedding. The sailors 
"each want Every Necessary to hide their Nakedness.^*^ 

The General Court took action very considerately and in- 
structed the Selectmen to furnish them with clothing and 
bedding and return their account to the Court. ^® 

Zephaniah Decrow, a political prisoner, had been confined 
in the jail prior to September, but on Sept. 18*** he had 
been taken to Wenham and delivered to the Committee of 
safetv of that Town.^^ 

As Winter set in, there began to be a scarcity of food 
supplies. The farms had been cultivated very indifferently, 
as many of the farm people were in the army. Early in 
December the Town voted to procure two vessels and fit 
them for sea, with the co-operation of the citizens, to secure 
cargoes of com, rye and wheat. On Dec. 13***, Daniel Noyes, 
Capt Daniel Rogers, Capt. Isaac Dodge, John Crocker, 
Samuel Lord, Capt. Ephraim Kendall, Major Jonathan 
Cc^swell, Capt. Abraham How and Mr. John Patch y* 3*, 
were chosen a Committee of Inspection, and also to act as 
a Committee of Correspondence and Safety. 

"Mass. Archives 180: 234; also 137: 99; 8: 193. 228, 236: 9: 2; 33: 373. 
Names of the prisoners are sriven. 
"Gteneral Court Records 33: 373. 
^Town Papers. 


The Winter camp on Prospect hill brought bitter experi- 
ences both to the unseasoned soldiers and to the friends at 
home. Lieut. Hodgkins wrote on Jan. 7, 1776 : 

It is a good Deal Sickly among us we Bured Willeby 
Nason Last thursday eTohn Sweet is Very Sick in Camp & 
Josiah Persons of Cape Ann in our Company is Just moved 
to the ospittle .... John Holladay Died Last thursday 
night there whas five Bured that Day. 

P. S. we Live in our tents yet But the men are Chiefly 
gone into Barracks. 

On Peb. 3^, he Avrote, 

we Live in our tent yet only when we are Smoaked out 
and then we git Shealter Some whar Else. 

The British evacuated Boston on March 17, 1776, sail- 
ing for New York. The American army followed, and in- 
teresting glimpses of the summer campaign are afforded by 
the frequent letters of Lieut. Hodgkins. His regiment 
marched by way of Providence and JTorwich to New Lon- 
don, sailing from there on April 14*** and landing on Long 
Island on May 2"^. Writing on August 25***, he reports the 
death of his cousin Abr"* Hodgkins, "lamented Both by 
officers and men," and a sharp skirmish. They had gone 
42 miles on an expedition to destroy boats and collect cattle, 
when having received word that the enemy had landed, they 
made a forced return march of 34 miles without a stop. 
Lieut. Lord was shot through the thigh. "I had my sleave 
button shot out of my sleave and the skin a little grased." 

Capt. Nathaniel Wade wrote to his mother a graphic ac- 
count of the severe experiences of the Long Island campaign, 
under date of Sept. 5"*, 1776. 

On tuesday the 26*^ Come the Second turn for our Reg*, 
to take Post on the Platbush Road in the Wood, there ware 


Beside Ours, two other Parties, one on the Bedford road 
one on the Right the Road 'Next the River .... 

Morning coming on the Enemy Was Seen all on 

a Move, when we Expected them up the Road where we 
ware Posted. But being informed (as 1 suppose) that the 
Road was so fortified that they could not Pass the Way 
We ware Posted Without Great Difficulty we had a brest 
work of trees falen a Cross the Road upon a Steep Hill 
and two Brass Six Pounders ; we Perceived their Plan was 
to Surround us Kept our Post till the fire Got a Cross the 
Road in the Rear Betwixt us and our Lines; and Not a 
Sufficient Number to make a Stand; or fight the Way 
through the Commanding officer Gave orders to Retreat and 
ascending the hill, found there ware a Vast Body of the 
Enemy Betwixt us and the Lines; and no other Way to 
Escape but Crossing a Piece of Marsh and through a Creek 
Breast high, Near Which was a Redout Well Manned Els 
we should have Been all Cut of; there were a Continual 
fire kept up the Whole of our Retreat, wherever we thought 
to get any advantageous Post in the Bushes or Elsewhere; 
they Lay in ambush for us in Cornfield and Behind Walls 
and the like Places .... the troops Pretty Much fatigued 
By Being obliged to be at the Lines Continually Night and 
Day and Rain almost Constantly that it was hardly Possi- 
ble to keep our Guns and ammunition fit for action. 

.... The General Seeing the Situation that the Army 
had Cut of our Communication By Land and the Shipping 
only Waiting for a Wind to Surround us on the other and 
that Would Cut of all Supply from any Quarter : therefore 
Saw fitt to Remove the troops and Quit the Island intirely 
Which I hope Will God Grant it May be for the Best. 

The Retreat Was Nobly Effected Without the Loss of a 
man, though our Boats Ware so few that it Was from be- 
fore Sun Down till after Sun Rise Before they Ware all 
Brought: the intention of Leaving the Island was unknown 
to us till Nine o'Clock in the Evening when Every Man 
was ordered to turn out with Gun and Pack when the Col. 
Rec'd orders to Strike tents and Get all the Bagage to the 
ferry as soon as Possible at one o Clock We Got over With 
our Baggage 

From the Best intelligence I can Git our Loss in the 


Skirmish in the Wood was about six hundred killed taken 
and missing: and from information By Deserters and Some 
others that have Made their Escape that the Enemy had 
upward of five hundred killed and wounded .... I have 
the imhappy Xews to Send that Akelus (Archelaus) Pul- 
cepher is one of those that Missing wither kill or taken un- 
certain. Will" Allen of My Company Wounded I have 
three other Died Since my last. Abraham Hodgkin ; Will" 
Goodhue 3*^ instant; Thomas Winter of the feaver and flux 
Jfay God Comfort there friends under the Heavy tidings. 
.... May the Blessing of heaven Ever attend our 
Cause in which we are Ingaged in and Crown us With 
Victorv and Success: Dear Mother I remain your Ever 
Dutiful Son 

Nathaniel Wade. 

The Wade papers contain Capt. Nathaniel Wade's memo- 
randum : 

Jeremiah Diskel Ix)st his Gun when sick on Board Ad". 
Hopkins fleet 

Arkelus Pulsepher taken in the flat-bush fight 
Joseph Pettengill Gun spilt by a shot 

flatbush fight ) 

Left at port Green) 

Thomas Winters 

WilP Allen 

Abraham Hodgkins V ^^^ I^s* there Guns in the Retreat on 

John Caldwell / Long Island 

Ebenezer Staniford 

Will™ Mansfield 

James Brown's Gun Lost in the Battle on York Island 

Mikel McGlathlen Deserted Carried of his Gun 

Francis Cogswell taken at Mile Square 

Isaac Caldwell Gun taken with Gen^ Lee 

Elisha Gould and Gun Join'd Capt. Gerrishes Comp"^ 

As the War continued, Tory sentiments were met with 
severe measures. Jonathan Stickney Jr. of Rowley was so 
unwise that he used very uncomplimentary language regard- 


ing the patriot cause and its leaders. He was arrested 
and sent to the General Court. Its decision was quick and 
sharp, as the Mittimus which was issued makes evident 

To the Keeper of Ipswich Jail. 

You are ordered to receive into your custody Jonathan 
Stickney Jr., who has been apprehended by the Committee 
of Inspection, Correspondence and Safety of the Town of 
Rowley and sent to the General Court for having in the 
most open and daring manner endeavored according to the 
utmost of his abilities to encourage & introduce Discontent, 
Seilition, and a Spirit of Disobedience to all lawful authority 
among the people by frequently clamoring in the most im- 
pudent insulting and abusive Language against the American 
Congress, the General Court of this Colony and others who 
have been exerting themselves to save the Country from 
Misery & Ruin all which is made fully to appear. You 
are therefore him safely to keep in close confinement (in 
a Room bv himself & that he be not allowed the use of 
pens Ink nor paper, and not suffer him to converse with any 
person whatever unless in your hearing) till the further 
order of the General Court or he be otherwise discharged 
bv due course of Law. 

In the Name and l)v the order of the Council and House 
of Representatives 

John Lowell, Dep. Sec.^*^ 

Council Chambers 
April 18, 1776. 

The Committee of Safety of Rowley petitioned^^ the Court 
on June 5^, 1776, that, in view of his penitence he be re- 
moved from jail to his father's house, under such restric- 
tions as may be imposed. 

The Summer of 1776 was brightened by one luminous 
event, the Declaration of Independence, on July 4^, the 
thought of which had been indignantly disclaimed by the 
votes of Ipswich not many months before, and by Washing- 
ton himself and all the patriot leaders, but which had been 

'Mass. Archives 15*. 46. 
"^Mass. Archives 181: 81 




forced upon the Colonies by the trend of events- On June 
10*^, 1776, the men of Ipswich, in Town-meeting assembled, 
instructed thieir Representatives, 

that if the Continental Congress should for the safety of 
the said Colonies Declare them Independent of the King- 
dom of Great Britain, they .... will solemnly engage 
with their lives and Fortunes to support them in the Measure. 

Apart from this it was a dark and troubled time. Calls 
for fresh troops followed close upon each other. The Gren- 
eral Court had ordered that 5000 men be raised immediatelv 
from the training band and alann lists on June 25^. On 
July 11*** two regiments were ordered to reinforce the 
troops for Canada, and they were to be raised by a draft 
of every twenty-fifth man in the training band and alarm 
lists, to serve until Dec. 1, 1776. Provision for enforcing 
this draft was made in every community. The Continental 
Army was in such critical condition in New York, that on 
Sept. 12, 1776, a draft was ordered from the militia of 
every fifth able bodied man under fifty years of age, under 
a penalty of fine and imprisonment for a period not ex- 
ceeding two months. 

AVhile the defeated and discouraged little army was re- 
treating across JTew Jersey, constantly pressed by a supe- 
rior force, an Act was passed, requiring that one quarter 
part of all the able-bodied men from 16 years upward, not 
in actual service, should be held in readiness to march at 
a minute's warning to serve for a period not exceeding three 
months. An Ipswich company of 67 men, Ebenezer Lord, 
Captain, Moses Treadwell, 1'* Lieut., Richard Sutton, 2"* 
Lieut, was joined to Col. Timothy Pickering's Regiment and 
ordered to march to Providence and Danbury, Conn. 

The food question became acute once more, with the ap- 
proach of Winter, as the lack of laborers had greatly di- 
minished the staple crops. Francis Cogswell and others 


petitioned^^ for a permit to send the sloop, "Two Brothers'* 
to North Carolina for a cargo of provisions, which was 
granted hy the House on Jan. 1, 1777, provided he include 
in the cargo no articles mentioned in the Resolve of Dec. 
10, 1776. The Town Committee to procure grain, Ephraim 
Kendall, Isaac Dodge and John Choate, reported on March 
3^ 1777. 

for the charge of fitting out the schooner Betsey & 7/16 
of the sloop, Friendship, 50- 0- 

and the loss of the schooner Betsey the year hefore, 

333- 06- 08 

Prices naturally advanced though extreme measures were 
adopted to prevent needless rise in prices of food stuffs, in 
the pay of laboring men and in the shipping rates. The 
Selectmen and the Committee of Correspondence and Safety, 
acting under the authority of the General Court, issued a 
schedule^* of prices covering all articles of food, clothing, 
wages of labor of every kind, entertainment at hotels, ship- 
ping rates etc. 

The citizens met in Town meeting on April 14, 1777, 
and the Committee appointed to draft a Vote relative to 
the Act of General Court to prevent monopoly and oppres- 
sion, reported: 

Whereas some persons from an inimical Desposition to 
the Glorious Cause .... are doing their best to prevent 
the regulation of prices from being carried out .... 

Voted. The Inhabitants of this Town will not only 
strictly adhere to & observe the aforesaid act but also use 
our utmost endeavors to detect and bring to punishment 
those unfriendly selfish persons who at this important crisis 
shall have the effrontery to counteract the good wholesom 
laws of this State. 

*^Mblsb. Archives 181: 422. 

*■ The original broad -side Is in the possession of the Ipswich Histori- 
cal Society. 


This was carried unanimously and the Selectmen were 
instructed not to approbate any innholder or retailer who 
did not strictly adhere to the regulating Act A Committee 
of seven persons was chosen on June 9, to prosecute all per- 
sons guilty of any breach of the Act, and the Representa- 
tives were instructed to oppose the repeal of the Act. 

The regulation of prices was again in question in 1779, 
and in mid August, a Committee was chosen to meet with 
Committees of other towns to consider proposals of the late 
State Convention respecting the high prices of several arti- 
cles of consumption. A Convention met in Concord in 
October, to regulate prices, John Baker and Stephen Choate 
being the Ipswich delegates; and in November, a Town 
Committee was chosen to regulate the prices of innholders, 
mechanics' wages &c. according to the recommendations of 
this Convention. 

All expectation of a speedy termination of the war was 
now given up. Enlistments for a three year period were 
ordered by the Continental Congress, as the army was great- 
Iv weakened by the constant loss of soldiers, whose brief 
terms of enliir-tment had expired, and the coming of raw re- 
cruits. Orders for fresh levies were issued in January, 
March, April, May and August, 1777, for service in the 
defense of Boston, in Rhode Island and in the Northern 
army. The raising of the required number of soldiers was 
no easy matter, and the expense involved in the wages of 
the volunteers soon grew into huge proportions. A Com- 
mittee reported on Jan. 21, 1777, that 67 men had been 
enrolled in the coast defense in the field, and that the total 
outlay had been £1737-5-0, and £1000 was assessed "to 
defray the Charge of men's going into the War.'' As one 
of the vessels that went to Virginia in 1776, had been lost, 
the loss had to be made good by the Town. 

To encourage enlistment under the Act of General Court, 
which required one seventh of the men from sixteen years 


old and upward to the age of fifty, the Town voted in 
February, 1777, to pay for a three year enlistment, either 
a single paymlent of £18, in addition to Continental and 
State bounties, or a progressive sum increasing from £6 
the first year to £10 the third. In May, the sum of 
£16 was voted as a bounty to hold good until Jan. 10**, 
and as the currency was now much debased, the Representa- 
tives were instructed to petition Congress to redeem the 
State money ^vith Continental money. The sum of £1200 
was appropriated in ^^ovember to hire the men called for, 
and further sums for firearms and ammunition. 

The first enthusiasm for the War had long since spent 
itself, and there was less and less willingness to enlist. In 
May, 1777, a bounty of £18 over and above the Continental 
and State bounty was paid to 18 men, all inhabitants of 
Woolwich and a draft was necessary in May or early June 
to fill the Ipswich quota. The Treasurer's accounts of this 
period reveal frequent trips of the Committee to Boston, 
to New Hampshire and elsewhere to secure men. 

After the capture of Fort Ticonderoga by the British, an 
order was issued on August 9, 1777, requiring that one sixth 
part of the able-bodied men of the training band and alarm 
lists, not already engaged, be at once drafted and marched 
for the relief of the iTorthern army under Gen. Gates. 

Major Charles Smith of Ipswich commanded a regiment 
which was engaged in this service, and Captain Robert 
Perkins was in command of a company of Light Horse 
Volunteers attached to this regiment.^* Candlewood was 
well represented with Elisha Brown, Lieut., Nehemiah 
Brown, Sergeant, John Brown, Trumpeter, as well as the 
Captain. From Ipswich Village, came Comet John Pear- 
son, Mark Haskell and Nehemiah Jewett. 

Capt. David Low and his company were in the same 
regiment, and his 48 men were all from Ipswich. John 

**Ma88. Archives. Muster Rolls 22: 68. 


Potter was the drummer, Jno. Smith, the fifer, Francis Mer- 
rifield and Paul Lancaster were the Lieutenants.*** Capt* 
Robert Dodge's company in Col. Samuel Johnson's regiment 
did duty in the campaign under General Gates and the 
guard service at Prospect Hill from August to December. 
The 42 members of the Company were chiefly from the 
Hamlet and Chebacco. Moses Lufkin was the Drum 
Major. 2^ Capt. Richard Dodge had 28 men from the Ham- 
let in his company, engaged in the same service. ^^ 

Gen Burgoyne surrendered his army after two severe 
defeats at Saratoga, numbering about 6000 men and those 
captured at Bennington and elsewhere, raised the total num- 
ber of British prisoners in the hands of the Americans to 
about 10,000 or about a third of the entire British army 
in America. A large force was detached to accompany the 
prisoners to Cambridge, where a great prison camp was es- 
tablished and to guard them there. Many Ipswich soldiers 
were engaged in this service. 

The American victory at Saratoga has been pronounced 
by a competent authority,^® one of the great battles that 
have had a lasting influence on the world's history. Its 
immediate effects made it the turning point of the Revolu- 
tion, as it broke up the plans of the British and secured 
the alliance with France. But whatever of hope and cour- 
age were inspired by it, were destroyed by the terrible 
experiences of the army in its winter camp at Valley Foi^. 
Joseph Hodgkins, then a Captain in Col. Timothy Bige- 
low's Battalion, wintered there. His letters to his wife 
brought the dreadful truth home to all the people of Ipswich. 
Under date of Feb. 22, 1778, he wrote: 

I must Just inform you that what our Soldiers have Suf- 

*Mass. Archives. Rolls 20: 225. 

*• Mass. Archives. Rolls 18: 146. 

*TMass. Archives. Rolls 18: 151. 

*• The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World by Sir Edward S. Creasy. 


f ered this winter is Beyond Expression as one half has Ben 
bare foot & all most Naked all winter the other half Very 
Badly on it for Clothes of all sorts .... and to Come 
Pleat our messery Very Shorte on it for Provision not 
Ijong Since our Brigade Drue a half Days Lownce of Meet 
in Eiffht Dav. But these Defilties the men Bor with a 
D^ree of fortitude Becoming Soldiers. 

But I must say one worde to the People at home who I 
fear have Lost all Bowles of Compassion if they Ever had 
any .... for the Country Towns have Provided Clothing 
for there men and Brought them to Camp. But as there 
has Ben none from the Seeport Towns I fear they have 
lost all there Publick Spirit I would Beg of them to Rouse 
from there Stupidity and Put on Som humanity and stir 
themselves Befor it is too Late I would not have them 
thing hard of maintaining there Soldiers for what the 
Soldier has Suffered the past year Desarved a Penshon 
Dureing Life. 

These heart-rending tales were enough to damp the ardor 
of the most devoted friends of the cause, and it is not strange 
that the renewed calls for troops in the summer of 1778 
were responded to very slowly. The wonder is that any 
volunteers could he found. Still the large bounties proved 
attractive. In February, 1778, the Town Committee 
hired two men from Passamaquoddy, one from Fox Island 
and seventeen Frenchmen, ^Mately from France," lured 
probably by the prospect of the high wages paid to recruits. 
They received a bounty of £60 each. 

On April 20, 1778, 2000 more men were summoned into 
the field for duty on the Hudson River, and it was ordered 
that everj' town, which failed of sending its full quota, 
should be fined £100 for every man deficient. Each town 
was allowed £30 for every man enlisted before May 20*^. 

Twentv-one men were enlisted for nine months under this 

Rhode Island was threatened in June, and again the call 
was made for a short enlistment. Ipswich sent 50 men 

342 IPSWICH, iisr the Massachusetts bay colony. 

and the I'own Treasurer reported in August that he had 
paid them £33 each for their six weeks in the field, a total 
of £1650. Jonathan IngersoU testified that on July 1"*, 
while in command of the sloop-of-war "Packet," he had 
been chased ashore at Nova Scotia by the British. He com- 
pelled three men to bring his crew and himpelf in a boat 
to Ipswich and on his arrival, he made request that they 
should not be detained as prisoners. 

The cost of the struggle was already appalling. The 
Town Treasurer balanced his accounts and drew up 

A Schedule of the Debts arising within the Town of Ips- 
wich for the year 1778, Exclusive of the charge of the Poor 
and Soldiers Families. 

Continental men for 3 years & the War £1434- 0- 

Nine months men 3129- 2- 

Six months Providence men 508- 1- 

Cloathing for Continental Soldier 536-12- 6 

Mileage for 6 mos. Providence men 49-12- 

Mileage 6 weeks Khode Island 109- 8- 

Guards at Winter Hill, 3 mos. 315- 0- 

6131-15- 6 
Clothing now Eng. by Selectmen 620 

6751-15- 6 
The total War Debt was 12396- 4- 2 

The year 1779 brought a lull in active military opera- 
tions, but in May there was a call for 1500 men, in June 
another call for 800 men to serve until Jan. 1, 1780, which 
was followed immediately by another for 2000 men, in 
consequence of a requisition made by the Continental Con- 
gress. In October, 2000 men were called on a 3 months 
term and guards for the sea-coast defence were enlisted at 
Christmas. The one grand event of the year was the vic- 
tory of John Paul Jones in the "Bon Homme Richard" 
over the British frigate "Serapis," and the Town was proud 


of the two Ipswich sailors, Jonathan Wells and Francis 
Perkins, who belonged to the famous ship. 

The Treasury accounts of the United States contain the 

Ipswich, Sept. 1'*, 1787. 
Hon*^** Nathan Dane Esq^ 

Sir. Please to pay to John Story, Esq. or order, what 
money you have or shall receive for Prize money due to 
Jona^an Wells & Francis Perkins both of Ipswich as 
belonging to the Continental Ship Bonum Richard, John 
Paul Jones Esq^ Commander, from the time she first sailed 
from Le Orient in France till she sunk at sea — ^whose receipt 
shall be good for what shall be received. 

I am your Honors most Obd* & most humble Servant 

Will"* Story Jun^ Attorney to said 
Jon* Wells & Eliz* Perkins Mother 
to said Francis Perkins. 
Treasury Department, Auditor's Office 

Oct. 3* 1791 
I hereby certify that it appears by the records of the late 
Marine Department now deposited in this office. That on the 
6^ of Nov' 1787, John Story received from Benj" Walker 
Esq' the Commis' for Marine Account, fifty two Dollars and 
sixty ninetieths — being Jonathan Well's Share of the prizes 
Captured by the Cont* Ship Bonne Kich** — rec^ by said 
Story in consequence of a power of Attorney from said Wells 
imto Nathan Dane Esq. & transferred by said Dane unto the 
said John Story. 

Doyle Sweeny. 

Jonathan Wells enlisted first in Capt. Abraham Dodge's 
company on May 3, 1775, took part in the battle of Bun- 
ker Hill on June 17*^ and was discharged after 12 weeks 
6 days service. As he received coat-money Dec. 21, 1775, he 
was again in the army. He enlisted again January 1**, 1776. 

He was a seaman in the brigantine five months and 

fourteen days in 1777, being discharged July 31.^® He 

*Mas8. Soldiers and Sailors In the Revolution. 


was in the privateer "Fair Play" in December, 1777, in the 
"Black Prince" in July, 1778 and in the "Gen. Wadsworth' ' 
in February, 1781, 

It is a family tradition that Mr. Wells was wounded 
during his first enlistment. While at home, recovering from 
his wound, he went one day to the Meeting House Green, 
where recruits were being enrolled, and was so fired with 
enthusiasm, that he re-enlisted and marched away with his 
arm in a sling. Entering the navy, he passed from ship 
to ship, without being allowed an opportunity to return 
home and see his family. He used to say that he thought 
he had seen war before he became a seaman in the navy, 
but his land service was not to be compared with the fight 
between the "Bon Homme Richard" and the "Serapis.'' 
He stood at his gun when nine men and a boy lay dead 
around him. He always expressed great admiration for 
John Paul Jones, telling how small a man he was, and of 
his brilliant ability and dauntless courage. On his return 
home after this battle, his house was besieged for days with 
friends and neighbors, who desired to hear from his o^vn 
lips the story of the great sea-fight. His wife picked the 
powder from his face with a fine cambric needle. 

A popular song, which was inspired by this battle has 
been remembered bv a descendants^* of the brave soldier and 

An American frigate 

A frigate of fame, 

With gims mounted forty 

And Richard by name. 

Went to cruise in the Channel 

Of old Eng . . land 

A valiant Commander 

Paul Jones was the man. 

** Mrs. Lora A. Littlefleld of Brookline, who has communicated the 
interestinjT family traditions. Her ^rand -mother was srrand -daughter of 
Capt. Wells, as he wa.*'. familiarly called. 


We had not sailed long 
Before we espied 
A large forty-four 
And a twenty likewise. 
The Lion bore down, 
While the Richard did rake, 
And caused the poor heart 
Of Percy to quake. 

We fought them eight glasses, 
Eight glasses so hot, 
Seventy bold seamen 
Lay dead on the spot 
And ninety brave seamen 
Lay bleeding in gore, 
While Percy's cannon 
Most wretchedly did roar. 

A gunner in fright 
To Paul Jones then came 
We take water quite fast 
Our side is in flames. 
Brave Jones made reply 
Li the height of his pride 
"If we can't do no better, boys, 
We'll sink along side." 

"Stand firm at your quarters 
Your duty don't shun, 
The first one that quits them 
Through his body I'll run!" 
The shot flew so hot : 
They couldn't stand it long ; 
And the undaunted Union 
Of Great Britain came down. 

Thomas Knowlton and Nathaniel Farley Jr. are said to 
have had part in the expedition to the Penobscot, which 
sailed from Boston, July 19, 1779. On the British side 
Dr. John Calef, now openly an enemy of the patriot cause, 


was actively engaged as a surgeon. His "Siege of Penob- 
scot (Castine) by the Rebels'* and his Journal, have pre- 
served a valuable record of this campaign. 

The year 1780 (^ened with a depressing report of the 
Town Treasurer. The Town debt had advanced by leaps 
and bounds, the excessive figures revealing the extreme de- 
preciation of the Continental currency. The charges for 
10 Continental soldiers for 9 months were about £8000; 
for 11 men at Rhode Island for 6 months, about £5700; 
for men on guard at and about Boston, £445 ; for 33 men 
sent to the Hudson River in October, £4330. The charge 
for the poor was £6000, and the notes given by the Treas- 
urer amounted to £14,000, making a grand total deficiency 
of £38,475 for the year 1779. The General Court directed 
the Selectmen of the towns in May, 1780, to report the 
monthly average price of beef, Indian com, sheeps* wool 
and sole-leather, for several months in 1780 and in 1781, 
for the purpose of determining the value of the securities 
given by the State to Continental ofiicers and soldiers to 
make good their established pay and wages. By the end 
of the year, the old Emission nxoney had depreciated to 
such an extent that on Dec. 25, the Tow^n voted £1850 of 
the last Emission or £74,200 of the old to purchase beef. 

The Southern States were the scene of the war for the 
most part as the summer advanced, but there was a call 
for 3,© 64 men on June 5, 1780 for 6 months, with the 
severe condition that £150 should be imposed upon any 
person drafted, who neglected to hire an able-bodied man, 
the fine to be paid within twenty-four hours after being 
drafted. The Town's quota was 60 men. On Gen. Wash- 
ington's call for more troops, it was ordered on June 22"^*, 
that 4,726 men should be enlisted for three months from 
their arrival at Claverack on the Hudson. The Town sent 
52 men at an expense of £1170 each, its quota again being 
sixty. The proportion of supplies for the army allotted to 



Ipswich included 106 shirts, as many pairs of shoes and 
stockings, 33 blankets, and 31,800 pounds of beef. The 
Town paid £19,080 in Continental money in lieu of half 
the allotment of beef. 

CoL Nathaniel Wade's regiment, which included many 
Ipswich men, was stationed at West Point. Gen. Benedict 
Arnold, the commander of the post, had made overtures 
to the British oificers to surrender it to them. Upon the 
arrest of Major Andre, who acted as agent in the secret 
communications, Arnold fled precipitately to the British 
ship, "Vulture,'^ lyiiig in the Hudson. A family tradition 
has always affirmed that Stephen Pearson of the Village 
was one of the crew which rowed the traitor's boat. In- 
deed the whole boat's crew may have been detached from 
Col. Wade's command. 

Washington, Knox and La Fayette were at West Point. 
The defection of Arnold was a crushing blow. There was 
great uncertainty as to the extent of the conspiracy and 
the preparations made by the enemy for an immediate at- 
tack. Aides and orderlies Were dispatched in every direc- 
tion with orders that arrangements might be made for any 
emergency. Col. Lamb, the officer in charge of the forti- 
fications at the time, had been detached on other service. 
Col. Wade was directed to assume command.'^ The origi- 
nal order is a cherished heirloom in the Wade family. 

Head-Quarters, Robinson's House. 

25 Sept. 1780 

General Arnold is gone to the enemy. I just now re- 
ceived a line from him, inclosing one to Mrs. Arnold, dated 
on board the Vulture. From this circumstance, and Col. 
Lamb's being detached on some business, the command of 
the garrison for the present devolves on you. I request you 
will be as vigilant as possible, and, as the enemy may have 

» Narrative and Critical History. Wlnsor, VI: 460. 


it in contemplation to attempt some enterprize, even to- 
night, against these posts, I wish you to make, immediately 
after the receipt of this, the best disposition you can of 
your force, so as to have a proportion of men in each work 
on the west side of the river. You will see or hear fTom 
me further to-morrow. 

I am Sir, your mo. obt, servt. 

Geo. Washington. 

This letter was followed by another on the following day: 


Under the present situation of affairs, I think it neces- 
sary that the respective works at West Point and its de- 
pendencies be supplied with provisions and water. You will 
therefore be pleased to have a proper quantity distributed 
to each of them without any loss of time. 

I am, sir, your most ob'dt serv'nt 

Go : Washington 
Head Qr. 26 Septr. 1780. 

Colonel Wade. 

Prof. Daniel Treadwell, in his Reminiscences'^ of Col. 
Wade, narrates some interesting incidents. A few days 
before the capture of Major Andre, Col. Wade dined by 
invitation with Gen. Arnold at Robinson's house, where he 
had his headquarters, some three miles below West Point, 
on the east side of the Hudson. On taking leave of his 
host, one of the General's Aides-de-Camp walked to the bank 
of the river with Col. Wade. As thev neared the river, he 
said in a very impressive tone. "Col. Wade there is some- 
thing going on here that I do not understand and cannot 
find out. I say this to put you on your guard at the Fort. 
I fear there is something brewing about us, and all I can 
say is, look out for [it]." He then turned about suddenly, 
evidently wishing to avoid any inquiry or explanation. 
Col. Wade always believed that the suspicion of the Major 
had been aroused by the secret communications, which were 

■» Antiquarian Papers, Vol. II: No. XIX. 


carried on, and that he took this method to rouse the vigi- 
lance of a principal officer of the garrison, without involving 
timself by making charges against his superior. 

When La Fayette visited Ipswich in 1824, he greeted 
Col. Wade with great cordiality. They indulged in reminis- 
cences of the War, and when Col. Wade exclaimed "But my 
dear General, do you remember West Point V^ Lafayette re- 
plied, " 'O my dear friend, I do,' and when Gen. Washing- 
ton first heard of the defection of Arnold, he asked, ^Who 
lias the immediate command?' On being told that it was 
you, he said, 'Col. Wade is a true man, I am satisfied.' Gen. 
Green and mj^self immediately repaired to the Garrison. 
Do you not recollect seeing me riding rapidly in from the 
north-east comer when we took the Division up to King's 
Ferry ?"«» 

After pointing out the danger and folly of short-term en- 
listments, the General Court ordered a levy of 4,240 men 
for three years or the War, in December, 1780. Inhabi- 
tants of towns were now directed to form themselves into 
classes for procuring men, each class to hire or engage one 
able-bodied man for the service. This method proved more 
successful than any other means adopted. In February, 
1781, Selectmen were instructed to class the inhabitants into 
as many classes as they were deficient in the number as- 
signed. The difficulty of procuring recruits is painfully 
evident in Col. Hutchinson's letter to the Ipswich Commit- 
tee. TTiider the call of Dec. 2, 1780, 52 men were assigned 
to Ipswich. But on Oct. 30, 1781, nearly a year later. Col. 
Hutchinson notified the Committee that only 45 men had 
been procured. Two of these had failed, so that nine men 
were still lacking. 

The list of citizens included in one of these classes has 
been preserved.** 

" From the Newhuryport Union. Antiquarian Papers Vol 11: No. XIX. 
»* Family papers of Hon. John Heard. 


Class No. 25. 

John Heard 1- 8- 3- 5 Ebenezer Cogswell 1- 0- 7- 7 

Capt Abraham Dodge Stephen Brown Jr. 1 -10- 8 

1- 3-12- Capt. Joseph Cummings 

"Guardain to John Pitman" 1- 

1 -16 Capt. Thomas Cummings 

Asa Baker 2 -18- 3 1-6 

Nath Heard 1 -5-0 Lt. John Gk)odhue 1- 3-18- 

Dan^ Fuller 2 -14 Ephraim Goodhue 1 - 6- 

Will" Wise 1- 1- 3- 4 Aaron Staniford 1 - 8-10 

To Mr. John Heard 

The persons above named having been classed agreeable 
to Kesolves of the General Court of the second of December 
and twenty-sixth of February last, You are hereby re- 
quired to notify a meeting of said class at some convenient 
Place as soon as conveniently may be in Order to procure 
an able bodied and effective man to serve in the Continen- 
tal army for three years or during the War agreeable to sd. 
Resolves, hereof fail not and make Return to the Command- 
ing Officers of Companies and Assessors of the Town of 
Ipswich at or before the twenty-fifth day of this instant 

Barnabas Dodge, per Order. 

The class was duly organized, and its soldier was secured. 

Ipswich, March 14, 1781. 
We, the subscribers, do hereby obligate ourselves and suc- 
cessors to pay to Ammi Burnham Junior the sum of four 
pound hard money monthly from the date hereof in con- 
sideration of his serving as a soldier in Class No. 25 for the 
Term of 3 years .... or so long as he shall serve. 
John Heard. Abraham Dodge. 

In the mean time, upon information from Gen. Rocham- 
beau that Rhode Island was in peril once more, the Governor 
had been authorized on Feb. 28, 1781, to issue orders for 
1200 men for 40 days, and another call on June 30***, re- 
quired 2700 men for 3 months, as temporary reinforce- 


ment at West Point. Ipswich was assigned 42 men, and 
due proportion of shirts, shoes and stockings: and on Nov. 
6^, the Town was credited with 21 oxen delivered at An- 
dover, estimated at 13,334 pounds and £20 specie in lieu 
of 1820 poimds, the balance of quota due June 22. 

But the end was now near at hand. Cornwallis surren- 
dered on October 19*^ 1781. A levy of 1500 men for 3 
vears or the end of the War was made in March, 1782. On 
July 6th, small detachments of artillery were stationed at 
I*lum Island, Gloucester, and other exposed points on the 
sea-board. A treaty of peace was signed at Paris in Sep- 
tember, 1783. The Town voted on May 7, with great en- 
thusiasm no doubt, that the Town "will give the Committee 
the powder taken out of the Town Stock & used in the late 
day of rejoicing." 

Eight anxious, bitter years had passed since the Lexing- 
ton alarm. The mien of Ijiswich had acquitted themselves 
nobly in the long marches and the dreadful winter camps 
as well as on the battlefield. Again and again, they had 
responded to the endless calls for reinforcements. The wives 
and mothers, with hearts heavy with fear for their own loved 
ones, had toiled cheerfully upon the yearly supply of cloth- 
ing for the army. Col. Nathaniel Wade and Col. Joseph 
Hodgkins were in the field during the whole war, and won 
their well-deserved honors. Major Charles Smith and the 
school-master, Major Thomas Bumham, rendered valiant 
service. So did the veteran Capt. Gideon Parker, Capt. 
Robert Perkins, with his Light Horse troop, Capt Abraham 
Dodge, Captain Robert Dodge and Capt. David Low. 

Col. Michael Farley was 56 years old when the War began, 
too advanced in years to take the field. But no man ren- 
dered more efiicient aid to his country. He was a member 
of the three Provincial Congresses in 1774 and 1775, and 
was constantly employed in committee work of the most 
important character. When the General Court was re- 


established in 1775, he was chosen Representative and con- 
tinued a member nntil 1780. He was chosen High Sheriff, 
and advanced in military rank to the position of Second 
Major Gteneral of the Militia. He was Town Treasurer, 
and conspicuously active in all Town affairs. His sons, 
John and Jabez entered the army. Robert was not quite 
fifteen when his brothers, Jabez and Michael, marched with 
Captain Wade's minute men. But as soon as he had 
passed his sixteenth birthday, he enlisted. His mother 
helped him put on his equipments, and bade him "Behave 
like a man." 

A supply of powder was kept in the garret, and on one 
occasion, when a company was being hurriedly equipped, 
Mrs. Farley filled every man's powder horn with her own 
hands. ^'^ Young Robert was captured by the British, while 
engaged in privateering, in 1780 and imprisoned on the 
"Jersey," in New York Harbor. His youth and his engag- 
ing personality so commended him to his guards that he was 
allowed unusual privilege, even being permitted to ride 
horse back on Long Island, and he was plied with bribes 
to join the British army. He was released after nine months 
imprisonment, so changed that he was hardly known by his 

On the sea, as well as on the land, Ipswich men gave a 
good account of themselves. A number of privateers were 
owned and sailed from this port. The commission, dated 
1781, signed by his Excellency Samuel Huntington, Presi- 
dent of the United States Congi'ess at Philadelphia, authoriz- 
ing Richard Lakeman of the schooner, "Diana," to priva- 
teer in destroying British commerce is still preserved.'® A 
cominission was granted on Dec. 18, 1781, to Ebenezer Lake- 
man, Captain of the schooner, "Delight," 70 tons, 10 men, 

» Felt. History of Ipswich, p. 184. Col. Farley owned and occupied the 
house now owned by Mr. David A. Grady. It was raised on the day Robert 
Farley was born In April, 1760. 

** Owned by Miss S. E. I^akeman, a lineal descendant. 


4 carriage guns, for a letter of marque. '"^ Richard Dum- 
mer Jewett sailed from Salem on Sunday, June 18, 1781, 
on board the "Porus," ship of war, mounting 20 nine poimd- 
ers, commanded by John Games Esq. of Salem. Mr. 
Jewett was Clerk, and his memorandum of the four months 
cruise is of great interest. His list of the large crew con- 
tains many Ipswich names. Daniel Newman was Sailing- 
Master. Capt. John Dutch was one of the numlerous Prize 
Masters. William Wise was Gunner, Robert Farley, 
Steward, Nath* Lakeman, Prize Master Mate, Nath. Jones 
and William Galloway, Quartermasters, Samuel Lord, Ser- 
geant of Marines, Abraham Perkins, Carpenter. Among the 
"privates" were William, Stephen and Thomas Hodgkins, 
Jonathan Farley, Moses Caldwell, Aaron Goodhue, James 
Fuller, William Walker, John Cheat, John Gallaway, a boy 
of fifteen, and Nath* Perkins, two. years younger. 

The brig "Maria" was captured on July 18"*, and the brig 
"Swift" laden with wine and brandy on the 26"*. Young 
Jewetf s entry for Sunday, July 8"* is : 

We ware chased by the ship*® and Thorn and they came 
within 2 Leagues of us, when we Saw them;^ we had a hard 
Time to get clear. 

August 18*^,1781. Spoke with the Scourge In Latt. 42: 
48. north 

Broth' Jabez Farlej^*** came on board the Poms. 

The "Porus" lost a considerable number of men including 
William Wise, the gimner. 

The most comprehensive and minute source of informa- 
tion regarding the privateer vessels and their crews, that 
is available, is the old account book of Hon. John Heard. 
He was already well established in the distillery business at 
the breaking out of the Revolution. A fleet of vessels, 

"Felt History of Ipswich, p. 315. 

**On the day before, a British 50 Gun ship had captured the "Thorn." 

** Brother of Robert Farley, the Steward, cousins of Jonathan. 


some of them of considerable size, sailed from Ipswich with 
cargoes of fish and lumber principally, to West India ports 
and brought back cargoes of molasses. Mr, Heard operated 
these vessels as sole owner, or in partnership with Capt. 
Jonathan Ingersoll and Captain Ephraim KendalL A num- 
ber of these vessels were fitted as privateers by Mr. Heard. 
But he owned shares in many other privateering craft, and 
many Ipswich sailors belonged in the crews of the privateers, 
which ritted from ^cwburyport, Gloucester and Salem. 

These sailors contracted with the owners or masters of the 
privateers, that in case of a prize being captured, they were 
to receive a certain portion of the proceeds. Their next 
step was to realize in advance on the prospective prize money, 
to which in case of good fortune, they might be entitled. 
Mr. Heard played the role of a prize broker, paying the 
sailors a certain cash sum for their shares. He recorded 
these conveyances carefully, and these ancient account books 
thus preserve the names of many sailors and their ships, 
and the ventures made by the thrifty Ipswich folk in vari- 
ous privateering craft. 

The first mention is of the "Yankee Xotion," in May, 
1776, when William Wise, a member of the crew, gave a 
power of attorney to Mr. Heard. In August, James Rich- 
ardson conveyed half his share in the "Fair Lady," Capt. 
Jacob Martin. Joshua Fisher, an Ipswich surgeon, having 
shipped in that capacity on the Brigantine, "Fancy," Capt. 
John Lee, sold a share in the prizes that might be taken in 
the cruise to Mr. Heard for £60 in May, 1777. John Smith 
sold him a quarter of a share for $38, and Samuel Harris, 
a third of a share for $51. Nathaniel Heard conveyed an 
eighth of a share. In December, 1777, Mr. Heard bought 
for £650 half the share of Nathaniel Kinsman, mariner, in 
the Brigantine "Dillon," Capt. Lefabre, which had been cap- 
tured by the "Fancy,'' and condemned. David Ross sold 
a quarter share for £300. 


Jonathan Galloway, a sailor on the "Neptune," conveyed 
half his share to Mr. Heard on Aug. 4, 1777, and John 
Holmes, a quarter, on the same date. Abraham Perkins, 
shipjoiner, Nathaniel Fuller and William Wise, each con- 
veyed a half of their shares in the schooner "Warren" in 
September. In December, 1777, four seaman of the priva- 
teer "Fair Play," Capt Isaac Somes, sold their shares in 
a three or four months cruise, Jonathan Wells and Daniel 
Lakeman, each a quarter, and William Wise an eighth to 
John Heard ; William Wise, a quarter to Nathaniel Heard, 
a minor, with consent of his father, Robert Cole of the 
same vessel sold half his share to Mr. Heard in June, 1778. 
Mr. Heard received several sacks of oats, containing four 
bushels each, from some prize taken by the "Fair Play." 

He bought fractions of their shares of many sailors in 
1778 and 1779. William Wise sold three quarters of his 
share in the "General Arnold" in May; Elisha Gould, a 
quarter, in the same ship in June; Francis Rust, a half 
share in January, 1779. Jonathan Galloway sold a quar- 
ter share to Ephraim Kendall; Nathaniel Mansfield dis- 
posed of a quarter share in April, 1778; Mansfield sold a 
half share in the "Cruel Usage," Capt. John Smith, in April, 

In the "Black Prince," Capt. Elias Smith, in June and 
July, 1778, Jonathan Wells conveyed three quarters of his 
share, William Smith, John Smith Jr. and Thomas Spiller, 
each a quarter and William Smith another quarter in No- 
vember, Mr. Heard's interest in the "Black Prince" 
brought some return: ll^ ? Congo Tea, 5 bottles port-wine, 
5 bottles porter, 5 lb. candles, 2 qts. peas, 2 quires of paper, 
28 lb. shot, 5 lb. bread, 7^,'2 l'^* Biails, 4 lb. soap, 9 sacks of 
oats, 2 lb. flour. 

In the brig "Bennington," Capt. William Tuck, Abraham 
Perkins and Daniel Lakeman conveyed a half share, and Dan- 
iel Low, a quarter, in May and June, 1778. William Wise sold 

356 IPSWICH, in the Massachusetts bay coix)ny. 

a half share in the ship "Skyrocket" in June, 1778 ; Daniel 
Low, a quarter in the "Dallas" ; James Clinton a quarter in 
the Ipswich privateer, "Diana," Capt. Richard Lakeman, 
in August, 1778. 

The ship "General Stark," Capt James Pearson of Glou- 
cester was very popular with the people of Ipswich. Wil- 
liam Wise, Moses Harris, David Pulcifer, William Story 
Jr. and Daniel Lakeman all had shares. Mr. Heartl in- 
vested largely in her outfit and maintenance, £180 in 1778, 
£305 in 1779, £540 in 1780, and Kendall, Heard and Story, 
£900 in September, 1780. A prize schooner is mentioned in 
Jan., 1779. Mr. Heard furnished a tierce of pork and anoth- 
er of beef and John Harris was paid £7-13-0 for hauling it 
to Cape Ann. 

W^illiam Smith disposed of half a share in the "Hector," 
July 3'', 1779 ; W^illiam Galloway, a quarter share in the 
"General Lincoln," Capt. John Carnes, in September. Wil- 
liam Smith conveyed a half share in the "Harrison," Capt 
James Jonson, April 26, 1780, and three quarters share in 
the ship "Pilgrim," Daniel Lakeman also conveying a quar- 
ter in July, 1780. 

The brig "John," owned by Mr. Heard, was fitted for 
privateering in the fall of 1779. She was equipped with 
wooden guns, and had painted ports, as well as her real 
armament. His account books contain many items of in- 

To 24 dollars for a gun. 

To 1 gim 81^ Balls,— to haling to y* Stag. 

(i. e. Diamond Stage) 
To 50 dollars paid Mr. Choate for a gun. 

To painting 3 ports of guns . ... 0-24- 

To Bumam Bill for 3 wooden guns . . . 9-0-0 

To panting 3 gims 31/ 

To 1 gun & bayonet 55/ 

81"^ lb. Bullets 18/ 


To haling Load to Dimon Stage 20/ 

To Lakemans bill for bringing guns £36 

Cash for guns £269-11- 8 
To 24 dollars for a wooden gun. 

By Isaac Stanwood, month's pay £40 

3 mens advance wages in brig John. 

The account of the sloop, "Success", contains the item : 

1781. To blunderbuss bought at Salem for sloop 

Success, now rigging at the Neck, 2-14- 

and in the same year, the Schooner "Delight" was credited 
"with 65 poimds of powder. 

Jonathan Wells, Ebenezer Smith, William Longfellow, Jos- 
eph Perkins, Abraham Perkins and William Wise, of the 
privateer sloop, "General Wadsworth," Capt. Paul Reed, 
gave a power of attorney to Mr. Heard, from the time she 
sailed from Ncwburyport, (dated Feb. 12, 1781). John Den- 
nis, of the ship "Grand Turk," Joseph Perkins, shipwright of 
the ship "Franklin,'' Thonxas Bumham of the brigantine 
'* Active," conveyed to Mr. Heard in the summer of 1781. 
He also owned an eighth of the brig "Gloucester," bought 
shares in the schooner "Adoring," Capt. Howell, of Abraham 
Perkins, Capt. Nath. Fuller and William Wise, and shares 
in the "General Mercer" of William Jackson and James 
Kent, and received power of attorney from Jonathan Gal- 
loway Jr. 

Many of the Ipswich men gave their lives for their coun- 
try. The records are so incomplete that it is impossible to 
know all the names of this band of patriots, but some not 
already mentioned have been preserved. 

Amos Jewett Jr. died at Christmas, 1775, in his twenty- 
first year. Willeby Nason and John Holladay died in the 
camp at Prospect Hill in the winter of 1775-6. David 
Gk)odhue died of fever in 1776. Abraham Hodgkins sick- 
ened and died in August, 1777, in the Long Island cam- 


paign. Jonathan Galloway was on board a privateer which 
sunk suddenly off Plum Island in the same month. Eben- 
ezer Mansfield died in 1778. In 1782, a cartel from Hali- 
fax put into Gloucester and landed a number of sick pris- 
oners, brought for exchange in January, Ishmael Eives, an 
Ipswich soldier, among them. In the same year Joseph 
Goodhue died on a prison ship at St. Lucia. William 
Choate Jr. died in May, 1782, and Capt. Moses Harris, on 
a prison ship in March, 1783. 

Moses Sweet, John Sweet and William Stone were re- 
ported*® in the list of prisoners on board the "Prince of 
Wales," prison-ship in I^ew York, July 24, 1777. They 
were released and brought from New York in the schooner, 
"Speedwell," Aug. 3^ 1777. William Stone, then a sailor 
on the sloop-of-war, "Wasp" of Newburyport, was killed in 
the fight with the "Frolic." 

The Chebacco parish had distinguished itself by its en- 
thusiastic loyalty. Rev. John Cleaveland had served as 
Chaplain in the French and Indian War at Capt Breton 
and at Lake Gfeorge. When the Revolutionary war began, 
it was the common remark that "he preached all the young 
men among his people into the army and then went him- 
self, taking his four sons with him." He served as Chap- 
lain. Two of his sons were surgeons and after the war were 
conspicuous as physicians and citizens, interested in all pub- 
lic affairs. One of them became a useful and successful 
clergyman. Ebenezer died on March 30, 1780, aged 26 
yrs. "on board the C'Ontinental ship Eustis, Lemuel Bishop, 
Capt. dyed of the jail fever, having been captivated in his 
voyage to the west indies, first by the British and then by 
the french in a dutch ship ; and put into Jail at Guadeloop : 
he sailed from Salem on his sd. voyage with Capt Jaoobsi 
the last of October, 1779."^^ Jesse Story fell at Bunker 
Hill. In 1776, Thomas Emerson Cole, Jonathan Cogswell 

*• Independent Chronicle, Boston, July 24, 1777. 
** Town Records. 


3*", William Jones, died of disease, Joseph Marshall Jr. 
was killed by a cannon ball at Lake Champlain, and Joseph 
Lufkin was struck by a tree he was felling and died from 
his injuries. Jeremiah White died at Albany, and Joseph 
Biimham was fatally wounded at Stillwater in 1777. 
James Rust, a prisoner at Halifax, Stephen Kent and John 
Andrews at Albany, Abraham Jones, Isaac Jones, Israel 
Andrews, N^athaniel Emerson and Abijah Story, a black 
man, all died in the vear 1778. Lieut. Samuel Burnham 
died of consumption, caused by exposure, in 1782. Felt, 
the historian, says that they were all Chebacco men. 

Manassph Cutler, the minister of the Hamlet parish, then 
a young man of thirty-one years, addressed the minute men 
before they marched to Lexington, and then rode on horse- 
back with his neighbor, Mr. Willard of Beverly, afterwards 
President of Harvard College, as far as Cambridge, where 
he came in sight of the British soldiers retreating to Boston. 
He was commissioned as Chaplain in the regiment of Col. 
Ebenezer Francis in Sept. 1776, and served 6 months, and 
the same period subsequently in Col. Titcomb's Regiment 
at Long Island and elsewhere. Dr. Elisha Whitney, the 
physician of the Parish was Captain of a company of min- 
ute men and re-enlisted in the army. He was taken pris- 
oner, and in Dec, 1777, Gen. Michael Farley petitioned the 
Council, that Dr. Whitney then a prisoner at Halifax, might 
be exchanged for Dr. McCullough, a British surgeon, bil- 
leted at Ipswich. The exchange was effected. 

While these brave men Avere in the field, the Committee 
of Correspondence and Safety, Daniel Noyes, the school- 
master and post-master, Dummer Jewett, an important mem- 
ber of the Provincial Congress and a conspicuous citizen, 
John Baker, Capt. Jonathan Cogswell, John Heard, John 
Patch and many others were engaged with momentous is- 
sues at home. The raising of soldiers, the apportionments 
of beef and clothing, the care of soldiers' families, borrowing 


money from citizens, the sti'uggle with the epidemic of small 
pox, the consideration of the heat form of government for 
the State and the Nation, required anxious thought and long 
and patient self-sacriticing devotion. 

["Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors in the Revolutionary War," in 
seventeen large volumes, compiled by the State from every known source 
of information, contain such minute and exhaustive record of individual 
service that the printing of company rolls etc. in this chapter seemed 
needless. These books are deposited in all Public Libraries, and the 
Library of every incorporated Historical Society in the Commonwealth.! 


After the Revolution. 

The immediate cost of the Revolutionary War in life and 
permanent disability from wounds and in the vast expense 
of eight years of warfare was a great price for the liberty 
that was gained at last. But the true significance of the 
mighty struggle was yet to be realized. An oppressive 
volume of debt was every where in evidence. Massachusetts 
owed £250,000 to the Revolutionarv soldiers, and her share 
of the Federal war debt was £1,500,000. Every town was 
deeply involved and every man owed more or less. 

Before the war, Ipswich had enjoyed a flourishing trade 
in fish with the West Indies, but her vessels had been driven 
from the sea and now, there was no market for the products 
of the fisheries. The British government refused to allow 
the importation of American fish into the West Indies un- 
der any flag, imposed a prohibitive duty on whale oil, and 
forbade any but English ships bringing American goods to 
British ports. There was a great scarcity of specie and 
the paper currency was sadly depreciated. 

An Import and Excise law was enacted in 1783 to pro- 
vide funds for the State Treasury. It required that a 
stamp should be aflixed to newspapers and there was fre- 
quent allusions to it, as the "Stamp-Act." The editor of 
the Salem Gazette lamented a fresh imposition in his issue 
of August 2, 1785 : 

This day the act imposing a duty on advertisements takes 
place. No printer can now advertise even in his own paper 
any books or pieces of Piety or Devotion, not excepting the 



Holy Bible, without paying a heavy tax for it. How this 
accords with his Excellency's late Proclamation .... let 
the framer of the act determine. Were it not for the tax 
upon advertising good Books, the Printer hereof would in- 
form the publick that he has just published "Extracts from 
Dr. Priestly's Catechism" which he sells at five coppers 
single and two shillings the dozen. 

The -Tender Act/' so called, of 1782 provided that exe- 
cutions issued for private demands might be satisfied by 
neat cattle and other articles particularly enumerated. It 
was the first signal for hostilities between creditors and 
debtors, and led to hostile criticism of the law and at length 
to bolder attack upon the Courts themselves.* Imprison- 
ment for debt was also legal. 

The popular unrest assumed a violent phase when dele- 
gates from fifty towns in Hampshire County met in Con- 
vention at Hatfield on Auan^st 22, 1786. In a lenffthv de- 
liverance, it formulated the sources of the popular discon- 
tent: defects in the form of government, excessive salaries 
to public officials, the existence of the Courts of Common 
Pleas and General Sessions of the Peace, unjust methods 
of taxation, the lack of paper money, etc. ; and recommended 
that the towns in the County petition the Governor to call 
the General Court together immediately, that these griev- 
ances might be redressed. Middlesex County held a Con- 
vention on the following day. On the last Tuesday of Au- 
gust, some 1500 insurgents, fully armed, assembled at 
Northampton, took possession of the Court House and forci- 
bly prevented the sitting of the Courts. During the next 
week, 300 insurgents interposed a line of bayonets to the 
entrance of the Judges at Worcester and compelled an 
adjournment of the Court. Daniel Shays, who had been a 
Captain in the War, came to the front and the uprising 
that soon became general in the western Counties has since 

* The History of the Insurrections in Massachusetts, Geo. R. Mlnot, 
1788. p. 14. 



been known as "Shays Eebellion." Governor Bowdoin was 
obliged eventually to summon the militia. In January, 
1787, an army of 4400 men, rank and file, was ordered to 
rendezvous on Jan. 19*** near Boston for 30 days service. 
Essex County furnished 500 men, including 25 from Ips- 
wich. Col. Nathaniel Wade commanded one of the regi- 
ments and Robert Farley served as Aide-de-Camp to the 
Commander, General Benjamin Lincoln. A march was 
made to Worcester and Springfield in weather of great se- 
verity. After a short but severe campaign, the insurgent 
forces were scattered, at the cost of only a few lives and 
law and order again prevailed. 

Among the devices to promote prosperity that found place 
in this period of gloom, the lottery was easily foremost. 
As early as 1760, Dummer Jewett advertised tickets in the 
Newbury lottery for sale at his store, and in November, 
1782, a lottery to repair the Parker River Bridge was au- 
thorized bv General Court. Six thousand tickets were of- 
fered for sale at $2 each, and after a reservation of $1800 
for the bridge, the balance of the $12,000 was to be divided 
among the ticket holders, a single prize of $500 heading the 
list, 1685 tickets drawing $4 each, and 4135 blanks.^ Tickets 
could be bought in Ipswich of the Postmaster, Daniel 
Noyes Esq., Dea. William Story and Nathaniel Dodge. A 
second series of tickets, 3000 in number for the same object, 
was announced in the following April. 

A lottery for the distribution of public lands in Maine 
was announced in Dec, 1786,^ mth 2720 tickets at £60 
each in securities. No blanks were guaranteed, the low- 
est prize would be 160 acres, and the highest, a township 
of 21,760 acres. In 1790, the General Court devised an 
original method "to ease taxes and promote public credit," 
and ordered a State lottery, which should be drawn in the 

* Salem Gazette, Nov. 7, 1782. 

• Salem Mercury, Dec. 23, 1786. 


chamber of the House of Kepresentatives, and secured $2000 
to the State and $13,000 to the lucky holders of five thou- 
sand tickets. 

Marblehead had suifered greatly in the Eevolution, and re- 
sort was made again and again to the lottery to recoup her 
losses. In March, 1790, 8000 tickets were advertised at 50 
cents each, and in April, the lottery craze must have risen to 
fever heat, when the highest prize in the State lottery, 
$1500, fell to some Marblehead women. 

About 30 were joint possessors of that fortunate number 
and five others. The highest share in them did not ex- 
ceed one dollar, and the lowest was nine pence, expressive 
of the different abilities of the concerned, by which circum- 
stance the property of the prize is most agreeably divided: 
it has excited a smile in the cheek of poverty nor diminished 
the pleasure of those in easy circumstances. A blimt per- 
son burst out, "Well, I believe that God had a hand in that."* 

The first prize in the Marblehead lottery fell to a worthy 
and industrious mechanic, who had a large family. It was 
stated in May, that the lottery tickets sold in Salem within 
about sixteen months past had paid in prizes upward of 
$14,000. Three thousand tickets in the Marblehead lot- 
tery were sold in Boston in a single week. A monthly State 
lottery was ordered by the General Court, although Gov. 
Hancock urged its discontinuance, as it tended to with- 
draw the people's attention from industry, and was most 
in favor with the indigent and embarrassed. 

Harvard College lent its sanction, however, again and 
again, and funds for an Orrery were thus secured, and for 
Stoughton Hall in 1305. The lottery to repair the road 
from Manchester to Gloucester in 1796 with its first prize 
of $1000, and only $2 for the ticket that would draw it, 
made an adroit appeal to Ipswich people. "The necessity 

« Salem Gazette, April 13, 1790. 


of good roads from Gloucester to Salem and Ipswich is so 
well known that any observation is unnecessary."^ 

Ipswich shared in the exciting game no doubt, and the 
tempting lottery tickets were purchased with money that 
should have been used for far wiser and necessary ends. 
But the more sober minded folk were now engrossed in an 
undertaking of profounder significance to the whole nation, 
than the most far seeing could imagine. 

Congress had granted to the officers of the Revolution- 
ary War, bounty lands in the little known region, north- 
west of the Ohio River. Qen. Benjamin Tupper explored 
the country and was amazed by the fertility of the soil, the 
mild climate, and the general fitness of the whole region 
for settlement. He formed the plan at once of leading a 
band of pioneers thither to make their new homes and rch 
turned to Massachusetts filled with enthusiasm. He soon 
won Gen. Rufus Putnam to his aid. They planned a land 
company, to be known as the Ohio Company, the members 
of which must be citizens of Massachusetts, and invited all 
officers and soldiers of the War to cast in their lot with 
them, and make a new settlement. Rev. Manasseh Cutler, 
minister of the Hamlet parish, had cherished the plan of 
removing to this new country for several years, that he 
might provide more satisfactorily for the needs of his grow- 
ing family, *and in 1783, a move had been made by some 
of the officers to locate their lands in a single compact set- 

Nothinff came of this earlier scheme, but Mr. Cutler still 
looked with longing to the Ohio country, and when the new 
company invited his co-operation, he gave ready adherence. 
On the first of March, 1786, delegates from eight counties 
met in Boston and drafted a plan of action, which was 
adopted at once. It involved the raising of a fund not to 

• Salem Gazette, March 1, 1796. 

• Pelt. History of Ipswich, p. 296. 

366 IPSWICH, in the massachusktts bay colony. 

exceed one million dollars, to be divided into a thousand 
shares of a thousand dollars each, in the Continental land 
certificates, and the purchase and settlement of land in the 
Western territory. A year later the subscriptions had sur- 
passed all expectations. The agents met on March 8^, 
1787, chose Rufns Putnam, Samuel Parsons and Manasseh 
Cutler, directors, and authorized Mr. Cutler to go before 
Congress and purchase the land. 

The Memorial of the Ohio Company had already been 
before Congress for several months and there was a general 
disposition to grant its petition, and open up the country 
to settlers, but there was no quorum and no vote had been 
taken. Mr. Cutler rode into New York on the night of 
July 6***, "with a portmanteau full of letters to Congress- 
men and citizens of note." lie began at once a series of 
interviews with those friendly to the project and pushed 
the scheme with great enthusiasm and adroitness. He dis- 
covered that a stubborn minority was determined to oppose 
the measure. Pressure was brought to bear upon these, 
promises were made to influential leaders in Congress, but 
the Ordinance still hung fire. 

Mr. Cutler now assumed an air of complete discourage- 
ment, gave out that he was tired of the whole business and 
would make his purchase of some of the States or even of 
the Indian tribes, and even announced the day of his de- 
parture. The ruse succeeded. Even the enemies of the 
measure were unwilling to lose the opportunity of entering 
into a contract that promised so much for the country, and 
on the 27*^ of July an Ordinance was passed, conceding all 
he asked. It granted nearly five million acres of land at 
two thirds of a dollar an acre, one third of a dollar being 
allowed for bad land, cost of surveying, etc. But as this 
was to be paid in IJnite<l States certificates of debt, which 
were worth only twelve cents on a dollar, the actual price 
of the land was about eight or nine cents an acre. One mil- 


lion and a half acres were bought for the Ohio Company, 
the remaining three and a half million acres were for a 
private land speculation, in which some of the members of 
Congress were deeply interested.*^ 

Mr. Cutler returned at once and began active prepara- 
tions for the settlement. 

Carpenters and surveyors, boat builders and blacksmiths, 
farmers and laborers were enlisted. He had a large wagon 
built and covered with black canvass, which had on its sides, 
in white letters, — "Ohio, for Marietta on the Muskingum." 
His son, Jervis, was included in the company, which agreed 
to accompany the wagon and begin the settlement. On a 
December morning, 1787, the emigrants gathered at Dr. 
Cutler's house, armed and equipped for their dangerous en- 
terprize, and having fired a volley as a salute, they began 
their march. ^ 

The Winter was spent on the banks of the Youghiogeny, 
the Indian name of the Ohio, near Pittsburg. When the 
ice broke up, their boat proceeded down the Ohio to its 
confluence with the Muskingum, where they began building 
the town, which thev named Marietta. Mr. Cutler wrote a 
pamphlet in praise of the new territory, which was widely 
circulated in the Spring of 1788. Prospective settlers were 
offered farms at a few shillings an acre with free transpor- 
tation, and a second company was sent out. 

Mr. Cutler, himself, set out from the Hamlet in July, in his 
sulky, arrived on Aug. 19*^* and preached on the following Sun- 
day. The new toTvn prospered wonderfully. Thousands of 
young and vigorous settlers cleared the forests and built their 
homes. Emigration to the new West became the rage of the 
time, and that vast movement of population was begun, which 
was destined in a few generations, to cover the prairies, 
to reclaim the deserts, to roll over the mountains and reach 
the shores of the Pacific. One article of the Ordinance, 

» McMasfer. History of the People of the United States, I: 513, note. 
• Pelt. History of Ipswich, p. 297. 


under which the contract was made with the Ohio Company, 
the greatest that had been made up to that time, prohibited 
human slavery, although fugitive slaves from other states 
must be given up. This restrictionj coupled with economic 
reasons which were unfavorable to the growth of the prod- 
ucts, which were raised by slave labor, barred the exten- 
sion of slavery into this grand domain, and thus curbed the 
slave power, which might have dominated the whole land 
in due time, had it been allowed a foothold in the great 
Northwest. Ipswich may well be proud of the part she had 
in this splendid achievement. 

Emigration to the West, while it opened the way to pros- 
perity for many, was not a complete solvent for the troubles 
of the time. Constructive measures to establish new in- 
dustries were of more importance than the agreements to 
discourage the importation of foreign goods. The mer- 
chants of Boston met in April, 1785, and pledged them- 
selves to buy nothing more from the agents of British mer- 
chants, and the mechanics and artisans adopted similar 
resolutions. Associations were formed, the members of which 
pledged themselves to wear only home-made clothes, and 
encourage economy, frugality and industry. The women of 
Hartford bound themselves for eight months to buy no 
gauze, ribbons, laces, feathers, beaver hats, silks, muslins, 
chintzes, except for weddings or fimerals. 

But the women of Ipswich contributed their own skilful 
handiwork to take the place of foreign-made finery. Tench 
Coxe, who has been called the father of American cotton 
industries, in an address to the Pennsylvania Society for 
the Encouragement of Agriculture in 1788, told his hearers 
that Massachusetts had made such quantities of linen, that 
the price had gone down from Ifew York to Georgia, that 
in Lynn 150,000^ pair of stuff and silk shoes were made, 

» The Salem Mercury, Aug. 12. 1788, says that it is computed that 170.000 
pair of woman's shoes were made annually. 


and "how with a population of four thousand, five hundred, 
Ipswich had in a year produced 42,000 yards of silk lace 
and edgings. He then delighted the women of his audi- 
ence by showing them 36 specimens of Ipswich Trim- 

As early as 1692, a writer observed, of this Ipswich in- 
dustry, "Silk and thread lace of an elegant and lasting tex- 
ture are manufactured in large quantities by women and 
children and sold for use and exportation." It seems to 
have been a singularly skilful local industry, which was 
handed down from mothers to daughters, and it continued 
to furnish profitable home employment until the advent of 
machine made lace in the 19*** century. The lace was 
made on pillows, following a pattern pricked on a strip of 
parchment, with thread or silk wound on light bobbins. 

Political questions of the highest moment engaged the 
minds of all. At the close of the Revolution, the thirteen 
states were in danger of drifting widely apart. Each had 
its system of taxation, its currency, its restrictions on trade, 
and its petty variances with its neighbors. The Federal 
Congress, which had been vested with authority by common 
consent, because of the common peril, ceased to be recog- 
nized as necessary and useful. There was no agreement as 
to what the form of government of the new nation should be. 
At last a Convention of fifty-five delegates assembled in 
Philadelphia, in October, 1787, and after a four months 
session, adopted a Constitution which was sent to the dif- 
ferent states to be approved or rejected. Two political 
parties were formed at once. The Federalists urged the 
adoption of the Constitution, as securing a strong Federal 
government; the Anti-Federalists opposed it, on the ground 
that it gave the national government too much power, and 
threatened the liberties of the people. The State Conven- 
tions were characterized by hot debates and scenes of vio- 

>* McMaater. History of the People of the United States, I: 299. 


lence. In January, 1788, the Massachusetts Convention as- 
sembled. Hon. Michael Farley, John Choate, Esq.. Daniel 
Noyes,Esq.and Col. Jonathan Cogswell were the Ipswich dele- 
gates. The Constitution had been read in Town meeting on 
Nov. 20***, 1787, paragraph by paragraph, and the delegates 
had been chosen on Dec. 3**. After long debate, the question 
of ratification was put on the sixth of February, and it 
was carried by a vote of 187 to 167, the Ipswich del^ates 
all voting Yes. The crowd awaiting the announcement of 
the vote went wild with joy. The church bells were rung; 
cannon fired and bon fires burned all night in the streets. 
Presumably, the vote of the delegates from Ipswich reflected 
the sentiment of the commimity, and the result of the Con- 
vention was received with great satisfaction. 

Gren. George Washington was elected the first President 
of the United States by the vote of both parties, with John 
Adams of Massachusetts, Vice-President The President 
took his oath of office on April 30, 1789 and the new Con- 
stitution went into operation. In the Fall of that year, he 
made a tour through Ifew England. In his Diary, he noted: 

Friday, October 30♦^ 1789. 

From this place (Beverly) with escorts of Horse, I passed 
on to Ipswich, about ten miles ; at the entrance of which I 
was met and welcomed by the Selectmen and received by a 
Eegm't of Militia. 

At this place I \\as met by Mr. Dalton and some oHier 
Gentlemen from Newburyport; partook of a cold collation 
and proceeded on to the last mentioned place, where I was 
received with much respect and parade about four o'clock. 

Mr. Felt, writing in 1834, while many still remembered 
the particulars of his visit, remarks : 

George Washington .... is escorted into town, receives 
a short address; dines at the inn, then kept by Mrs. Ho- 


mans;^^ reviews a regiment, mustered to honor him; is 
visited by many, stays three hours and leaves for Newbury, 
through lines of a multitude comprising both sexes of all 
ages, who had assembled to give him, with deep emotions of 
gratitude, a welcome and a parting look. 

Rev. Augustine Caldwell writes :^^ 

Wo have heard again and again of Washington, standing 
upon the gieat stone step of entrance, and with Col. John 
Heard and Col. ]!^athaniel Wade at his side, he heard the 
Ipswich welcome; lifted his hat and graciously acknowl- 
edged it; and when at that moment a little Kebekah was 
brought to him and introduced as the daughter of his late 
friend and officer. Col. Dodge, he laid his hand upon the 
head of the child and kissed her in memory of his friend, 
her father — an incident never forgotten by the crowd. 

With the outbreak of the French Revolution in 1792, and 
the French War with England and the Continental nations, 
came international difficulties for the United States, that 
threatened the most serious results. This country was 
grateful to France for the great help she had rendered in 
the darkest days of the Revolutionary struggle. The new 
republic had opened her ports to the privateers of France by 
a solemn treaty, and denied this privilege to her foes. En- 
voys from France urged an alliance between the United 
States and France, but Washington was determined that the 
policy of neutrality should be enforced, and strict neutrality 
was nxaintained. 

A brisk trade with the West India Islands under the 
French flag sprang up. England refused to recognize this 
trade as neutral and began to seize and condemn American 
vessels, carrying cargoes of food products to French ports. 
American sailors were roughly treated and thrown into 
prison. American vessels were condemned by British 

^ The Homans Inn, remodelled by Dea. SSenaa Cushin^, Is now the resi- 
dence of Dr. William "S. Tucker. 
" In a paper entitled "Our Honored Seminary." 

372 ipswicn^ in the Massachusetts bay colony. 

prize courts and sold. French privateers assailed American 
shipping as well. The situation was delicate and perplex- 
ing. The country was bound to defend her honor, but war 
with Great Britain would be attended with disastrous con- 
sequences. British garrisons occupied Detroit and the St. 
Lawrence, a British fleet would find the Atlantic coast de- 
fenceless. Salem and Gloucester and the other active ports 
were in sad plight 

A Salem newspaper^' of the period tells the tale : 

General gloom and anxiety in Town. Every day brings 
fresh intelligence of insults to our flag, abuse to our seamen, 
and destruction to our commerce. Our merchants have sus- 
pended their business. Our sailors are wandering about for 
want of employment, and our laborers will soon be starved 
into idleness. 

On Saturday last a general meeting of the inhabitants 
was called and a memorial to Congress adopted, reciting 
injuries to shipping and suggesting an embargo on British 
shipping and a seizure of British property as security for 
indemnity for losses. 

So inevitable is our involvement in war that privateers 
have already been contracted for in this town and are now 
actually building. 

At Gloucester a procession of one or two hundred sailors 
paraded and declared themselves ready to act in defence of 
their countrv. 


Beside the troubles with England and France, the dep- 
redations of the Algerine pirates on American shipping 
had reached an acute stage. Ipswich had especial interest 
in this quarter, as one Ipswich sailor at least, Thomas Mann- 
ing/^ was held as a slave. 

He was one of the crew of the schooner, "Jay Calder" of 
Gloucester. He told the story of his capture in a letter to 
his parents at Ipswich, dated 

» The Salem Gazette, March 18, 1794. 

" Probably the son of John Mtfhning, Jr. and Mary (Proctor), baptised 
May 7. 1775. 


Algiers, 9 Dec, 1793. 

On the 10*** October, 5 days out from Malaga, we were 
attacked by an x\lgerine cruiser, who made a prize of us, 
and brought us into this place, where we remain in the most 
wretched state of slavery. We are forced to continual hard 
labor, Sundays not excepted; our daily allowance is two 
loaves of brea(J, weighing about % lb. as black as one's hat. 
We have scarcely clothes sufficient to cover our nakedness. 
After working all day, we are driven together into a jail, 
to lie on the cold stones, and again at break of day are 
turned to our labor. We live in hope that the U. S. will 
bc^fore long do something for our relief. 14 sail of Ameri- 
can prizes are already arrived here and there are upwards 
of 100 prisoners.^® 

Congress took action, passing a bill on March 4"*, 1794, 
providing for the fortification of harbors. Shortly after, it 
was decided that ships should be built to be sent against 
the Algerines. On the 26"* of March, Washington proclaimed 
an Embargo on all ships and vessels in ports of the United 
States, bound to any foreign port, except vessels under the 
immediate direction of the President of the United States. 
"This will cut off supplies to our enemies from this coun- 
try, and if they can subsist without them, they must be 
more abstemious than Englishmen are generally willing to 

War with Great Britain seemed inevitable and prepara- 
tions for it were pressed with great enthusiasm. A hundred 
influential Vermont men calling themselves Green Mountain 
Boys, petitioned the President to permit them to invade 
Canada. Within five days, they declared they would 
march with 20,000 men to besiege Quebec and in case of 
failure, they promised to ask no indemnification. If success- 
ful, they asked only the military stores, all other property 
would be resigned to the United States. ^''^ Salem authorized 

» The Salem Gazette, April 15, 1794. 
»• The Salem Gazette, April 1, 1794. 
" Salem Gazette, Extra, April 3. 1794. 


a quit-claim to the Government of the old fort and such 
other land as was necessary for defenca^® Portsmouth, 
Gloucester and Boston were to be fortified. A Committee 
of merchants, who had suffered depredation on their property 
by subjects of Great Britain and other belligerent powers 
from Boston, Charlestown, Salem, Marblehead, Beverly, 
Newburyport, Gloucester, Manchester, Ipswich and Danvers, 
met in Salem and drew up a Memorial to Congress, looking 
for indemnification.^* 

Congress ordered that 80,000 of the militia should be or- 
ganized and made ready to march at a moment's notice, the 
Massachusetts quota being 11,885. ^^ Marblehead and 
Gloucester ceded land to the United States for purposes of 
defence, and a contract was made for building about 300 
feet of wall in dry stones at Fort William in Salem, erect- 
ing a brick building, and sinking and stoning a magazine.^^ 
Happily, by the effort of John Jay, a treaty of Amity, Com- 
merce and Navigation between Great Britain and the United 
States was signed on Nov. 19*^, 1794, but it was not until 
early in March that a copy of the Treaty reached the Presi- 
dent, though it was dispatched at once by a sailing packet. 
Popular excitement still ran high, however, and there was 
still a strong sentiment for war. Sufferers by British 
spoliation in Salem, Danvers, Beverly and Ipswich were 
invited to meet at the Court House in Salem on Nov. 26***, 
1795, and determine upon a MemoriaP^ to be presented to 
Congress. Notice to claimants to specify the vessel, ton- 
nage, age, where built, etc., was published by the Committee 
at Philadelphia, on Juno V\ 1796.28 

Opposition to the Treaty was very violent in some por- 
tions of the country. From Salem, Beverly, Newburyport, 

"Salem Gazette, April 22, 1794. 
» The Salem Gazette, April 29, 1794. 
•• The Salem Gazette, June 3d, 1794. 
» The Salem Gazette, Sept. 2, 1794. 
« The Salem Gazette, Nov. 24. 1795. 
» The Salem Gazette, June 10, 1796. 


and Marblehead, and many other Massachusetts towns, Me- 
morials were sent to Congress, bearing hundreds of names, 
praying that the Treaty might be carried into effect** 
Meetings were called to sign the petitions. The ministers 
were urged to stop their congregations and urge them to 
sign the Memorial, 

British indignities continued. The schooner, "Sally,** 
Captain Smith of Ipswich, arrived in port, 42 days from 
Surinam, via Antigua, 25 days, and reported that she had 
been taken by the English frigate, "Concord," and carried 
into Antigua. "After examination of her papers, she was 
treated politely and permitted to depart without any ex- 
pense.*'*' On April 2, 1798, a Town meeting was held to 
see whether the Town would petition Congress not to au- 
thorize the arming; of merchantmen and to pray that the 
Stamp Act may be rejected. "After some conversation,** 
the meeting dissolved without taking any action. Evidently 
Ipswich was not in sympathy with the aggressive attitude 
of her neighbors. 

The French government was exasperated by the conclu- 
sion of the Treatv of 1794 between Great Britain and the 
United States, and became more and more hostile. To re- 
store friendly relations, John Adams, the successor of Wash- 
ington in the Presidency, had sent a Conmiission to France, 
but it was received with discourtesy and ordered to leave 
the country.^* The President was authorized to raise a 
provisional army of 10,000 and accept the service of the 
volimteer corps, and steps were taken to secure the building 
of a navy. 

The people did not wait for the National Government 
A number of the citizens of Newburyport agreed to build 
and equip a ship of 355 tons, to be armed with 20 six-pound 
cannon, and to offer her to the United States. They voted 

«• McKaster. History of the People of the United States, II: 282. 

*• The Salem Gazette. March 20, 1798. 

*• Channing. Students' History of the United States, 305. 


also to accept no other compensation than six per cent, per 
annum on the cost and eventual reimbursement at ihe con- 
venience of government.^'' They announced their action 
in a communication to Congress, on June 1, 1798. 

On the same day, the Salem Gazette announced that Capt 
Gfeorge Crowninshield and Son of Salem had offered to the 
Government the loan of the ship, "America," 700 tons. A 
subscription was opened in Boston for building an armed 
ship, and in one hour $75,000 was subscribed by 34 gen- 
tlemen, $10,000 of which was given by W". Phillips Esq.^® 
Patriotic subscriptions were begun in Salem. The cockade 
was becoming imiversal ''as a badge by which the friends 
of Government and of their country mean to distinguish 
themselves,"^^' and the hope was expressed that no man who 
would not be suspected of Jacobinism would appear without 
one.'^ On Thursday, August 9***, the commissioned offi- 
cers of the Ipswich regiment, commanded by Col. Joseph 
Hodgkins, met at the house of Major Swasey to choose a 

Col. Hodgkins, thinking that the time was now come when 
the characters of men should be known, especially in the 
military line, informed his corps of officers that he should 
wear his cockade and regimental imiform on Sabbath days 
and all other public occasions and recommending it to others 
to do the same, which proposition was immediately complied 

Qen. Washington accepted his appointment as Lieut. 
General, in a letter dated July 13, 1798. The building of 
a navy went on rapidly. The Newburyport ship, the "Mer- 
rimjack," was launched on Oct, 12"*, having been built in 
74 working days and only 14 days more were needed to 

" History of Newburyport, John J. Currier, p. 111. 
*■ The Salem Gazette, June 29, 1798. 
» The Salem Gazette, July 17. 1798. 
•• The Salem Gazette, July 20, 1798. 
•^ The Salem Gazette, August 14, 1798. 


make her ready for sea.*- Subscriptions for the Salem frig- 
ate, the "Essex/' were completed in October. She was 
built on Winter Island, launched on Sept. 30, 1799, and 
sailed on Dec. 24^**, Capt, Preble in command. Seventy- 
four French prizes were captured before a Convention of 
peace was adopted in September, 1800. 

Ipswich was not large enough or rich enough to share 
with its more prosperous neighbors in the patriotic task of 
building and equipping a ship for the new navy, and the 
quiet life of the community may have been lacking in zealous 
ardor for another war. But Col. Hodgkins and his friends 
dressed in full regimentals for the Sabbath day, cockade in 
hat, and sword by the side, bore witness that the old pas- 
sion for defending the honor of the nation was still alive, 
and many others shared his enthusiasm. The newspapers 
of the day, the Columbian Centinel and the Essex Gazette, 
known later as the Salem Gazette, came into some of the 
Ipswich families every week. There were business trips to 
the busy towns near by. There were Town meetings, at 
which there was profound discussion of neutrality toward 
the French, the new Constitution, the arming of merchant- 
men, the indemnity for vessels and cargoes taken by British 
and French ships. In the taverns and between meetings on 
the Sabbath day, the farmers and shop keepers and fisher- 
men talked politics and defended staunchly Federalism and 
anti-Federalism. The good wives took counsel together as 
to their sons away from home on their voyages, exposed to 
the awful danger of sharing Algerine slavery with Thomas 
Manning, or enrolled in the militia and ready to march when 
the war drum beat. Of course the men and women both 
refused to buy the imported cloths and food stuffs, wore 
homjB made fabrics, and ate plainer fare for the honor of 
their coimtry. 

But apart from the large affairs of the Commonwealth 
and the Nation, the life of our quiet town in these closing 

" The Salem Gazette, Oct. 16, 1798. 


years of this eventful 18*** century had much of interest. 
There were revolutions impending in the home life that were 
of infinite account to the busy and patient wives and mothers. 
The advertisement*' of Samuel Blyth of Salem, calling atten- 
tion to "a few of Willard's much improved Patent Boasting 
Jacks with Improvements together with all the apparatus/' 
makes it evident that new methods of cooking the family roast, 
which saved much time and trouble were already in the mar- 
ket. A sheet iron stove with fifteen feet of funnel was ad- 
vertised in 1788,®* an ominous forerunner of the coming of the 
east iron cook-stove, and the passing of the glory and the in- 
convenience of the primitive open fire. 

Dr. Benjamin Franklin was applying his practical phil- 
osophy to the cure of smoky chimnies. He had seen new 
houses, in which the chimnies were so smoky, unless a door 
or window were left open, that the owner was ready to sell, 
in utter discouragement.'^ He suggested many devices to 
secure a draught, but recommended giving up the huge 
chimney, with yawning throat large enough to allow room 
for the grimy chimney-sweep to climb up with his brooms 
and brushes and fire places large enough for a four foot 
stick, and substituting in the lower rooms of the dwelling, 
a fire place about 30 inches square and 18 inches deep, and 
the burning of two foot billets, and yet smaller ones in 
the upper rooms. 

Joseph Hovey of Salem announced'^ in May, 1783, that 

he has made and ready for sale, paper hangings, an ele- 
gant arched patten^ suitable for entries, staircases and large 
rooms, very neat papers (much approved of) for covering 
furniture from the dust and fiies, and for many other uses. 
Papering rooms will be in the end four times as cheap as 

" The Salem Gazette, March 1, 1785. 
■« The Salem Mercury, Oct. 21, 1788. 
» The Salem Mercury, Nov. 4, 1786. 
•• The Salem Gazette, May 29, 1783. 


In 1768, a gentleman in Boston deposited $100 with the 
Selectmen, to be nsed as premiums for raising of mulberry- 
trees in this Province. To the person who should raise 
the larfinest number of said trees in the Fall of 1771, a first 
prize of $40, a second of $30 would be paid .... in the 
hope that raw-silk might become "no inconsiderable Branch 
of Export from this Province."*'^ Loammi Baldwin of 
Wobum, the originator of the apple that bears his name, 
took the first premium. He advertised in April, 1772, 
mulberry trees, for 3^, fit to transplant into a sort of espa- 
lier hedge. He bad raised silk worms for two or three years 
and made a machine to wind the silk. He had sent some 
to the Society for Encouraging Arts, Sciences and Commerce 
in Great Britain, which had examined it and found it equal 
to the Italian silk. The trees were easily propagated, and 
some of his had grown above nine feet in the proceeding 
Summer.'® There is no evidence that at this early period, 
Ipswich became interested in silk culture, but early in the 
19*** century, many mulberry trees were planted, and an 
experiment in silk culture was undertaken. 

Caterpillars despoiled the orchards but it was found that 
a few drops of train oil dropped from a loose mop in a 
nest would kill the tenants.'^ Canker worms as well were 
very abundant and caused great damage. An item in the 
Essex Gazette of July 17, 1770, describes their inroads in 
Salem and this vicinity. 

The Canker-worms, which have ravaged the Fields and 
devoured the Grass in great Quantities in New Hampshire 
and Rhode Island as well as this Province, have appeared 
in this and the neighboring Towns in great Multitudes, so 
that some People, to prevent as far as possible being in- 
fested with them, have been obliged to dig Trenches round 
their Buildings, Cornfields, etc. These Insects travel from 

" The Essex Gazette, April 21, 1772. 
•• The Essex Gazette, April 28, 1772. 
•• The Essex Gazette. May 22, 1770. 


Field to Field, passing Koads and crawling over Fences, 
Walls, and Houses, eating and destroying the Grass as they 
came across it 

Ipswich farmers were equal to the emergency. Indeed, 
they were more enterprizing than the men of today. They 
had learned, perhaps, from the neutral French, who had 
dwelt here, their great success in diking the Acadian salt 
marshes, and securing great crops of English hay from 
thousands of acres, thus reclaimed. The Ipswich marshes 
were an inviting field for experiment. The Ar^lla farmers 
united in an interesting petition to the General Court : 

The Petition^^ of a number of the Inhabitants of the 
Town of Ipswich humbly sheweth : 

That your petitioners, being proprietors of a body or 
quantity of Salt marsh .... in Ipswich, above Boardman's 
Bridge, so called, thinking it will be beneficial to the in- 
terest of said proprietors that said body of Marsh be so 
diked as to prevent the salt water's overflowing the same, 
[proposed to improve a section of marsh,] beginning at 
the eastern most side of the Creek, running north east 
over the marsh of Thomas Caldwell, .... by land of Ste- 
phen Choate, Esq. to a former dike, thence northeast by 
said Choate to Ilovey's Island, east by Hovey's Island 
to land of Captain Adam Smith . . . . b v land of Joshua 
Giddings and over the creek to first. [They therefore,] 
pray for incorporation as Proprietors of the Argilla In- 
closure for the purpose of authorizing said Proprietors to 
begin, finish and maintain said dike upon the principles of 
tlustice and Equity. 

Thomas Bumham Majer Woodbery 

William Dodge Joshua Giddinge 

Bimslev Smith Joshua Smith 

Adam Smith Asa Smith 

Nathaniel Wells John Choate 

John Baker Nehemiah Brown 

David Andrews Ipswich, Jan. 30, 1798. 

« The Salem Gazette. Feb. 12. 1798. 


A Charter of Incorporation was granted by the Legisla- 
ture, June 15, 1709. The large dike which still remains, 
was built probably about this time. 

While the incorporation of the proprietors of the Argilla 
Inclosure spoke well for the thrift and progressiveness of 
the land owners, another enterprize of a very different char- 
acter revealed the intellectual strength and soberness of 
mind of a larger group of citizens. A Religious Library was 
proposed, and subscription papers were circulated to pro- 
vide the necessary funds. Liberal response was made, an 
association was formed, styled, "The Religious Library in 
Ipswich," and a library was gathered which evidently proved 
popular and useful. The original record book and a con- 
siderable portion of the library are in possession of the Ips- 
wich Historical Society. 

The Library seems to have maintained itself until 1830, 
and perhaps later, and the old books in their worn bind- 
ings, often lacking a cover, bear their own witness, that they 
were read eagerly and often. To modem readers, they 
would be unspeakably dull. Here are ponderous volumes of 
sermons, systems of Divinity, guides to a religious life, some 
of them bearing the name of Nathaniel Rogers or John 
Rogers on the fly leaf, and dating back to the early years 
of the 17th century, and once a part of the ancient minis- 
terial libraries. The very names suggest a wondrously 
pious temper that was not satisfied with the long services 
of public worship on Sabbath days and lecture days and dili- 
gent home reading of the Scriptures, and craved the stimulus 
of religious l)ooks. Baxter's "Saints Rest" and his "Call to 
the Unconverted," Bunyan's "Holy War" and the immor- 
tal "Pilgrim's Progress," David Brainard's melancholy 
"Journal," Dickinson "On the Five Points," Doddridge's 
"Family Expositor" and his "Rise and Progress" in 2 
volumes, Jonathan Edwards's "On Original Sin" and his 
"History of Redemption and the Religious Affections," 


Webb's "Directions for Conversion" are suggestive of keen 
appetites for theological controversy as well as earnest de- 
sires for growth in grace. Fox's "Book of Martyrs" with its 
dreadful pictured of their sufferings, and "Pilgrim's Progress" 
are the only ones that would have made any appeal to a 
child. There are a few standard works, Milton's "Paradise 
Lost" and "Paradise Kegained," and Young's "Night 

Still, this sombre Religious Library blended well with the 
spirit of the times, when College Commencements and the 
whole curi'iculum were severely religious and the Sabbath 
(}ayn, retained much of its Puritan propriety. The people of 
j^oxbury, on a July Sunday in 1785, f^actually prohibited 
the Boston folk crossing the line, without giving such an ac- 
count of their business as appeared to them satisfactory,"*^ 
and a person passing along the Topsfield road on the Lord's 
Day, for some necessary reason " in the space of eight miles 
after five in the afternoon, did not see one person abroad 
or a single persoti of either sex gazing through the win- 


For lighter minds there were lighter things, and even the 
most sedate needed to relax at times. The singing schools, 
taught by Daniel and Joseph Dana, sons of the Rev. Joseph 
Dana, the husking bees and apple parings, and the demure 
delights of the spinning bee, were much in vogue, and af- 
forded vounff men and maidens innocent diversion. 

Holidays were few and far between. Fast Day and 
Thanksgiving Day and half a day perhaps on the Fourth 
of July broke the monotony of toil, but no sports or games 
or worldly diversions were permissible on the solemn day of 
Fasting and Prayer. Thanksgiving Day was not wholly free 
from religious duties though "turkey-shoots" and other di- 
versions, distinctly worldly and mildly illegal, were winked 

« The Salem Gazette, July 19, 1785. 
<» The Salem Gazette, May 24, 1796. 


at by the authorities. But the ^'training days" were given 
over to uproarious delights. Every man of military age 
was obliged to turn out fully armfed and equipped, for 
parade and drill on die Meeting House Green and the South 
Common, while the young women, who lined the borders of 
the drill ground, gazed admiringly upon the budding heroes. 
The Fall training in October, 1788, was fully reported** 
by some local correspondent. 

On Wednesday last, Col. Wade's Regiment wes reviewed 
at Ipswich by the Hon. Major General Titcomb. After the 
review, a well planned representation of the storming of 
a fort was exhibited with much spirit and propriety. The 
fort was situated on a hill near the meeting-house and de- 
fended by a party of infantry and Capt Brown's horse. 
The assailants came up in two columns from different quar- 
ters when the fort was summoned, the commander of which 
resolutely refused to surrender. The battle then began. 
Each body of the assailants was opposed by a party of horse ; 
the former were repulsed when three cheers resounded 
from the fort ; they however, returned to the attack, displayed 
upon the hill, surrounded the fort and carried the work in an 
instant. This performance gave great pleasure to many 
military characters, who were spectators. After this was 
finished, the line was formed and the troops went through 
the firing with a regularity and precision, which could not 
have been expected. The men were well dressed, well- 
armed, and paid that strict attention to command, which 
in a great measure made up for their want of experience 
and gained them the approbation of their fellow citizens. 

As the Topsfield and W^enham militia were combined with 
the Ipswich companies to form Col. Wade's regiment, there 
were large delegations from these towns of soldiery and citi- 
zens. The streets were filled ^vith good natured crowds. 
Rows of tents provided for the needs of the hungry and 
thirsty multitude. Catch-penny fakir shows offered their 

« The Salem Mercury, October 21, 1788. 


cheap wares and enticing games. The officers banqueted, 
drank their toasts and made their patriotic speeches at the 
inns. Many of the town's folk kept open house for their 
friends. With the martial music, the dress parades, the 
waving flags, the mimic battle, the volleys of musketry, and 
the revelry and license, permissible on these great days, the 
sleepy town scarcely knew itself. 

Many Ipswich families had relatives in Salem, and an oc- 
casional visit opened thrilling delights to the Ipswich youths. 
Mr. John White advertised that he would teach minuet danc- 
ing in the genteelest manner in the Assembly room,** and 
Mr. Outein, a French dancing master, taught his art in 

Theatrical entertainments of a very modest character be- 
gan to be popular in Salem about 1793. The celebrated 
tragedy written by the Rev. Dr. Young, entitled, "The 
Moor's Revenge or Spanish Insult Repaid," was announced 
on Nov. 5***, to be followed by a humorous entertainment in 
two acts, called, "The Wrangling Lovers or Like Master, 
Like Man." The tickets were half a dollar. "Doors to be 
opened at 5.30, begin promptly at 6.30."*® 

The same company made a more stirring announcement on 
December 10"*.'*'^ 

[By particular Desire]. At Washington Hall, will be 
presented a Comedy (altered) from Shakespeare by Sir 
William Davenant called The Tempest or The Inchanted 

In Act the first, a shipwreck and a shower of fire. To 
conclude with the Prospect of a (calm) Sea and Neptune 
and Amphitrite in a Sea-Chariot, followed by a Musical 
entertainment, Padlock, by Isaac Bickerstaff Esq. On 
account of the length of the entertainment, the door will be 
opened at 5, performance will begin at 6. 

** The Salem Gazette, April 16, 1784. 
« The Salem Gazette. Jan. 9. 1798. 
*• Salem Gazette, Nov. 5, 1793. 
" Salem Gazette. Dec. 10, 1793. 


In 1790, a company of players petitioned the authorities 
in Boston for permission to open a theatre under proper 
regulation, but their request was flatly refused. The next 
year, thirty-eight gentlemen signed a petition to the Select- 
men praying them to take the sense of the Town in Town- 
meeting. A great gathering assembled in Faneuil Hall and 
debated the matter. The question, Theatre or No Theatre, 
was put to vote and carried in the affirmative by a vote of 
3 to 1.*^ 

*• McMaster. History of tho People of the United States. I: 93, 94. 95. 


The Poor and the Stkangek Within the Gates. 

In the first year of their settlement, the men of Ipswich 
passed a very significant vote : 

That theire shall noe forriner amongst us come into our 
meetinge unless he will subject himself unto the like orders 
and penalties that we the freemen of the Towne have es- 
tablished for our own peace and comfort in our meeting. 

They affirmed by this vote their exclusive right to all the 
privileges of citizenship in the new community they had 
established, and gave formal notice that no stranger coming 
among them could have place or standing except by con- 
fonning to the regulations they had made. They proceeded 
to divide the land among themselves, giving to every man a 
house lot, tillage lots, and rights in the common land and 
large farms to the more favored. But when one Humphrey 
Griffin appeared, they felt no delicacy in refusing to do 
anything for his comfort or convenience. 

The Towne doth refuse to receive Humphry Griffin as an 
Inhabitant to provide for him as Inhabitants formerly re- 
ceived the town being full. 

But Griffin was not expelled, nor was he refused the lib- 
erty of purchasing land and of dwelling among them^ and 
no one questioned his right to remain, even when in later 
years his tippling habit had brought him under the censure 
of the law. In contrast to his reception, was the welcome 
extended to another in 1647. 



Rob't Gray hath free liberty to come to towne and to 
dwell amongst us. 

This jealous guarding of their community against the 
intrusion of strangers was due not to Pharisaic self-right- 
eousness^ nor to Puritanic narrowness and intolerance, but 
had its origin in the ancient and inalienable right of a com- 
mxmity to control its membership. Francis Palgrave, in his 
"Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth,"^ re- 

The earliest notices respecting the Teutonic Townships 
are to be collected from the laws of the Salic Franks. A 
"Villa" was entirely the property of the inhabitants and no 
stranger could settle within its boundaries unless with the 
consent of the whole incorporation. Any one individual 
Townsman could forbid the entrance of the new colonist 
upon the common fields of the Sept. If, after thrice warn- 
ings had been given and thirty nights had elapsed, the in- 
truder continued contumacious, he was summoned to the 
^Mallum' or Court; and in default of appearance, the 
"Gravio" (Mayor) proceeded to the spot and by force ex- 
pelled the occupant from the purpresture which he had made. 
But it is important to remark that the freedom of the com- 
munitv might be legally acquired by an uncontradicted resi- 
dence,- for if the stranger remained in the Township, without 
challenge, during twelve months he was from thenceforth 
allowed to dwell in peace and security, like the other neigh- 
bors of the commimity. 

It is an interesting survival of this communal idea, which 
was the basis of English civic life, that the Puritan settlers 
thus "challenged" each new comer. No doubt they exer- 
cised this right in securing the moral and religious charac- 
ter of the colony, by excluding any who were alien and im- 
sympathetic in their creed, but they had an economic pur- 
pose as well. The intrusion of idle and shiftless strangers 

^Quoted by Joslah H. Benton In his **Wamlng Out In New England," 
(p. 6.) a valuable study of early colonial civic life. 


meant not only moral degeneracy but poverty, and an even- 
tual burden upon the community. 

But after the year 1637, it was not left to the towns to 
decide their own course toward strangers. On May 16"*, 
1637, the General Court of Massachusetts Bay passed the 
order : 

It is ordered that no towne or pson shall receive any 
stranger .resorting hither w*** intent to reside in this juris- 
diction, nor shall alow any lot or habitation to any, or inter^ 
taine any such above three weekes, except sudi pson shall have 
alowance under the hands of some one of the counsell, or 
of two other of the magistrates, upon paine that ev'y towne 
that shall give or sell any lot or habitation to any such, not 
so allowed, shall forfet lOOs. for every offence & ev'y pson 
receiving any such for longer time than is heare expressed 
(or than shalbe alowed in some special cases, as before or in 
case of intertainment of friends resorting from some other 
parts of this country for a convenient tim^) shall forfet 
for ev'^y offence 40s; and for ev'y month after such pson 
shall there continew 20s; provided, that if any inhabitant 
shall not consent to the intertainment of any such person, 
& shall give notice thereof to any of the magistrates w*^in 
one month after, such inhabitant shall not bee lyable to any 
part of this penalty. 

This was followed by another order in 1638 that the con- 
stables in each town should inform the Court of Assistants 
whether any new comer was admitted without license. 
While the stranger was thus looked upon with suspicion, 
the poor and needy among the inhabitants found that Ips- 
wich did not lack kindly feelings. There were clay pits and 
thatch banks, which were set apart for public use, and the 
poorest man had liberty to provide himself with the daub- 
ing for his chimney and the crevices between the logs of his 
humble dwelling, and the thatch for his roof. Allowances 
for his fuel were made in the great Common lands, and there 
was a "poor mans field" in 1641. When Alexander Knight, 


a poor man, and "his wife near her time," asked for relief 
in 1657, John Cogswell was ordered to admit them to a 
vacant house, and it was voted that a "house be built for 
them, sixteen feet long, twelve feet wide and seven or eight 
feet stud, with a thatched roof," for which an appropriation 
of £6 was made. 

The General Court passed another order respecting the 
settlement of i)oor strangers in May, 1659. 

For the avoyding of all future inconvenjenjes referring 
to the setling of poore people that may neede releife from 
the place where they dwell, itt is ordered by this Court and 
the authoritye thereof, that where any person w*** his family, 
or in case he hath no family, shall be resident in any towne 
or peculjar of this jurisdiccon for more then three moneths 
w%ut notice given to such person or persons by the con- 
stable, or one of the selectmen of the sajd place, or theire 
order, that the towne is not willing that they should remajne 
as an inhabitant amongst them and in case, after such no- 
tice given, such persoii or persons shall notw^^standing re- 
majne in the sajd place, if the selectmen of the sajd place 
shall not by way of complaint, petition the next County 
Court of that sliiere for releife in the sajd case & the same 
prosecuted to effect, every such person or persons (as the 
case may require) shall be provided for & releived, in case 
of necessity, by the inhabitants of the sajd place where he 
or she is so found. 

Acting under this law, the Selectmen made complaint 
to the Ipswich Court in March, 1661, that they had notified 
Daniel Grazier and John Morrill, Irishmen, that they were 
not willing to have them as inhabitants, and they had not 
removed. The matter was referred to the next Court. 
Their nationality was not the constraining cause. Grazier 
had just been before the Court for non-performance of con- 
tract with Richard Dummer. In 16()4, he was sued for debt 
and in 1667, he gave bond that he would remove and never 
come within ten miles of the town, and that he would ap- 


pear at Ipswich Court to be examined for all his misde- 
meanors. John Morrill seems to have been an associate and 
a man of the same color. 

Again in 1668, fear was expressed lest the number of in- 
habitants be increased to the prejudice of the Commoners 
and trespassing was forbidden. In 1673, the Town adopted 
decisive measures to free itself from the incumbrance. 

Ordered the Constable give notice unto William Nelson 
and Abner Ordway and an Irish or Guernsey man that 
married Eachell, Qr. Masr. Perkin's mayd that the Town 
will not allow them to inhabit here in this Town but that 
they depart the Town unless they give security to save the 
Town harmless from any charge the Town may be put unto 
by receiving of them. 

Nelson had been fined for drunkenness in 1661, and Ord- 
way was convicted of theft at the same Court, and sentenced 
to sit an hour in the stocks and pay costs. In 1662, Ordway 
was sued for debt. Nelson was found guilty of stealing 
six pieces of beef from Thomas Bishop in 1664. Ordway 
had been in Court in 1667 on two charges. It was only 
in justice to itself that the Town sought to rid itself of 
this pair of ne'er-do-wells. 

Edward Nealand, frequently styled "Irishman," in deeds 
of conveyance, and others of the same nationality, Edmund 
Dear, William Danford, Philip Welch, and John King, suf- 
fered nothing from this cause. Now and then, a poor In- 
dian was an object of public charity. Ned, or Ned Acocket, 
a servant of Sergeant Brewer, was too fond of the "fire- 
water" introduced by the white men, but the Town granted 
him two or three acres of land to plant during his life in 
some convenient place, provided he would fence it sufficient- 
ly with a stone wall, in the year 1670. In 1678, some 
items of expense were recorded : 


8. d. 
Three men for finding the Indian aqua 7- 6. 

for carrying old sqna to the wigwam 3- 6. 

for carrying another sqna to the wigwam 

In 1686, the Selectmen of Ipswich petitioned the Court 
for leave to 

putt out such children as are in their Towne that are like 
to suflfer for want in their families where they are or be- 
come a Town charge unto such persons as they may Judg 
Careful & honest & like to bring them up as tie Law pro- 
videth that the Towne and pHies may not be both exposed 
to sufferings. 

The Selectmen were authorized so to do and to make the 
proper Indentures. 

In one case, a poor man bound himself for life. 

This Indenture^ made May y" third in the year of ou' 
Lord, 1700, between Peter Frost of Ipswich, Laborer, on y^ 
one part and William Cogswell Jun' of Chebacco in Ips** 
Gent, on y* other part. 

Witnesseth that the said Frost with consent of y* over- 
seers of y* Poor of Ipswich under whose protection and care 
y® said Frost now is, hath with free and full consent Let 
himself considering his own weakness & inability to guide 
himself and affaires to the said Mr. William Cogswell his 
heirs exec" Admin" him y® sd Cogswell his heirs Exec" 
Administrators faithfully to serve & all his Lawfull com- 
mands to obey, during the whole term of his naturall Life 
commencing from y® date hereof. In consideration whereof 
the said Cogswell doth hereby covenant & engage the sd 
Peter Frost to keep & maintaine & at all times to provide 
all sutable for him in sickness & in health, both Meat Drink 
Clothing Washing & Lodging & all things necessary and 
convenient for such an apprentice during the whole time 
of his Life, and when Providence shall so dispose that y* s* 

* Town Records. 


Frost shall Decease the s* Cogswell shall be at the charge 
of a decent Buriall. 

For the true and faithfull performance hereof, I the sd 
Cogswell do bind myself my heirs Executors & administra- 
tors in y® Bond of one hundred pounds money to y* Overseers 
of y® Poor of Ipswich as above s* to be recovered against me, 
my heirs, Executors, Administrators etc upon my failure 

In witness Wee have hereunto interchangeably sett to 
our hands & aealls the day & date above written. 

William Cogswell, (seal) 
Signed sealed & d'd 

in presence of 
Daniell Rogers 
Jacob Perkins Jun. 
Jacob Foster Jun. 

At the beginning of the new century, the Town set itself 
resolutely to the task of guarding itself against undesir- 
able prospective citizens. The Town Order adopted March 
7, 1699-1700, seems almost inquisitional. 

Whereas sundry persons for their p'ticular advantage are 
ready to entertaine into their houses or to Lett out Lands 
or tenements to such p'sons as are no ways desirable and 
may prove burdensome in severall respects to this Town, 
for the preventing whereof it is ordered that not any per- 
son inhabiting in this Town or the bounds thereof shall 
suffer any stranger comeing from other Towns to continue 
or live more than one week in his own Dwelling house or 
any tenement of his or whereof he hath y® disposal under y* 
penalty of Twenty shillings for every week he shall suffer 
any such person to continue or abide in any of his posses- 
sions to be distrained by the Constable by order of y® Select- 
men of such delinquent unless such person do give satis- 
faction and security of their honesty and ability to the Se- 
lectmen or the Major part of them at a full meeting obtaine 
their License to be Entered in y® Town book for y® enter- 
taining of such p'sons. 

Provided always this order shall not restraine any of y* 


Inhabitants from entertaining any of their friends or Rela- 
tions y* come to visitt them at their own Dwelling Houses 
or household servants that are single persons. 

This order was soon put in force. John Wainwright, 
one of the most prominent citizens and merchants of the 
Town, leased his farm, now included in the Town Farm, to 
Samuel Cars of Hampton, and on May 27, 1700, he gave 
his bond of £200, silver money, to the Town that if 

either he y® sd Cars or his wife or any of his children 
fall soe into decay that y® sd Town of Ipswich shall be ne- 
cessitated to relieve them, then the above sd obligation to 
abide .... 

A Scotch woman, Mrs. Dent, became a public charge, 
and in May, 1700, the Town voted : 

That the Towoi will be at the charge of fifteen or twenty 
Pounds to transport Glood'^'' Dent to Scotland, her native 
place and that the Representative have the manageing thereof. 

This thrifty scheme of avoiding the expense of continued 
maintenance failed to work out, and on Oct. 23, 1701, the 
Selectmen were instructed 

to take care y* some convenient building be erected on y* 
Town Common for y® entertainment of the widow Dent or 
any of the Poor of the Town. 

The poor woman seems to have needed "entertainment" 
for many years as the Town Records note the death of the 
widow Margaret Dent on April 29, 1728. 

The relatives of indigent persons who had received help 
from the Town began to be looked after. Thomas Lufkin 
filed a bond of £200 with the Town in March, 1714-15, 
"to maintain my honored father, John Downing & his wife." 
John Brown, a notorious tippler and disturber of the peace. 


called "the glazier" or "the drummer," to distinguish him 
from the highly respectable "farmer John Brown" of Can- 
dlewood, after many years of dissolute living, became a 
Town charge. The Overseers of the Poor held his relatives 
responsible, and finally complained to the Quarter Sessions' 
Court, which ordered in March, 1717, 

Whereas ye Belations of Glacyer Brown of Ipswich do 
n^lect to discharge y* Disbursements on him in his sick- 
ness & when he wanted support .... said relations are 
summoned to appear at Newbury Court 

In one case in 1721, the Court ordered a grandson to help 
support his grandmother. Abraham Jewett of Rowley had 
opened his house to his mother, and Dea. Nathaniel Knowl- 
ton of Ipswich, who had married his sister, Deborah, had 
made his offer to help in her support. As the grandson 
acknowledged no obligation, Abraham petitioned the Court, 

in behalf of his aged mother, Ann Jewet, an ancient 
woman, who wants subsistence & is resident at his house, 
& whereas Deacon Knowlton of Ipswich, who married one 
of her daughters offered to pay £3 per annum towards her 

Ordered y* Francis Palmer Jun. Grandson to y* sd Anne 
Jewet shall be assest & pay to y® sd Jewet, his grandmother, 
£3 per annum, i. e. to say 15s. per mo. in bills of credit till 
further order. 

In the year 1726, active measures were taken to relieve 
the Town of responsibility for undesirable residents. On 
Jan. 1, 1729, the Court approved the action of the Select- 
men in "warning out" a half dozen families. On April 
10, 1738, the Court allowed sixteen of the twenty cases pre- 
sented by the Selectmen, and on March 31, 1767, the Court 
approved the warning out of 38 from Ipswich, including 
families with three and four children, some of them evi- 


dently of foreign birth, but many bearing names of great 
respectability and honor. Some of these poor folk were cast 
upon a neighboring Town only to be hurled back, and this 
game of shuttlecock was played until appeal was made to 
the Court to fix the legal residence. It is certain that this 
was not equivalent to expulsion from the Town. Timothy 
Souther was warned out in 1763, and may have left the 
Town as he was warned out again in 1792, but he bought 
the old house known as the Souther house, recently torn 
down, in 1794. A little study of the circumstances at- 
tending this "warning out^" as revealed by the Court and 
Town Records, reveals the reasonableness of the act in many 
cases, though instances remain which cannot be explained. 

In some cases, the parties concerned had been married 
in Ipswich many years before but one or both of the couple 
were not legal residents. Zebulon Lane, his wife Hannah, 
and children, Zebulon, Hannah, Anne and Benjamin were 
warned out in March, 1767. Lane then of Gloucester, mar- 
ried Hannah Cogswell of Ipswich in 1749. There is no 
record of the birth of the children, and it is likely that they 
were bom elsewhere, and that the family may have returned 
to Ipswich. The same was probably true in the case of 
Samuel Pickard, his wife Mary and four children, who 
were warned out at the same time. He was a Rowley man 
by birth and residence ; his wife was the daughter of Daniel 
Dresser of the Village; they were married at Rowley in 
1752, and their children mav have been bom there. 

John Rogers of Reading married Abigail Lamson in 1762, 
and he, his wife and three children were warned out in 
March, 1767. Rice Knowlton of Wenham, but resident in 
Ipswich, married Elizabeth Smith of Marblehead in 1750. 
They were warned out in 1764. Peter Smith, then a resi- 
dent of Ipswich, married Sarah Appleton, March 29, 1753. 
Sarah, wife of Peter Smith with her children, Anna, John, 
Daniel and William, were among those warned out in March, 

396 IPSWICH^ in the m^vssachusetts bay colony. 

1764. There is no record of the birth of the children in 
Ipswich. As he was not included in the vote of exclusion, 
he may not have been living, and the widow and her family 
may have returned to her old home. The case of John Ely, 
wife and child, warned out in 1767 is peculiar in that there 
is no record of his residence elsewhere, his wife, Sarah Day, 
was an Ipswich woman, and their daughter, Sarah, was bap- 
tized in 1750. 

Retire Bacon, then a resident of Boxford, was warned out 
on Aug. 15, 1764, with his seven children. He was not of 
Ipswich birth apparently, and the Town may have had just 
fear of possible expense, but Margaret Bumham had courage 
and philanthropic devotion enough to marry him on August 
27***, 1764. This auspicious change in his domestic affairs 
may have made it possible for him to delay his going, as 
he sold his land in 1767. 

Provision for general relief of the poor under special ex- 
igencies was made from time to time. It was voted on Dec 
20, 1716 

That six pounds in money be drawn out of y® hundred 
pounds by y® Overseers of y® Poor for y® procuring of Indian 
com for sd Poor. 

The Selectmen were impowered and directed by the vote 
of March 18, 1741-2, 

to purchase 100 bushels of corn at the cheapest Rate for 
the use of the Town to be distributed to such persons in 
such Way and manner as they shall think prudent and most 
for the advantage of the Town. 

In the following year, they wore instructed to lay in a 
stock of com and wood. 

The To^vn voted on Feb. 3, 1717, that 

an Alms House or convenient House for ve Poor be built 


To be a logg house of about 40 feet long, about 16 foot wide, 
about 6 foot high w*** a Slatt roof as may be sutable. 

It was voted in 1719 that it should be set "in y® lane 
towards Pindars," i. e. Loney's Lane, and it was built there, 
adjoining the Town Pound. Apparently it was not an at- 
tractive place of residence for the poor, or there were few 
to be housed, and the spacious log house was available for 
other uses. So William Stone, who by reason of sickness 
was no longer able to support himself by fishing, asked leave 
to use a room there to teach reading and writing to the youth, 
and this was granted in the year 1722. Again in 1731, 
Henry Spillar, needing relief, received liberty to use a room 
at the southerly end for "his teaching and instructing youth 
in reading, Avriting and cyphering." The Town granted 
him a further favor of £12 for his school-keeping in 1733. 
He may have been obliged to remove from the alms-house, 
as William Eobbins made his plea for help in March, 1731-2, 
having lost his finger and being unable to pay the Doctor 
and support his family. The Town instructed the Over- 
seers of the Poor to assist him, and a week later gave fur- 
ther instructions that the alms-house be cleared as soon as 
possible for the reception of those who are supported at the 
Town's charge. 

Evidently some poor families were maintained in their 
own homes, and when the Overseer of the Poor, Capt Thomas 
Wade, reported his expenditures at the March meeting in 
1734, opposition to a continuance of this policy was made. 
A Committee was appointed to consider the question of the 
best method of procedure, which reported on March 20*^, 
recommending that the poor be provided for in a suitable 
and convenient home, that the Overseer be directed "to em- 
ploy such as are capable of labor in such business as they 
are able to perform,'' and that inquiry be made into the 
circumstances of "such persons within the Town, who may 


be thought and judged to irdsimprove their time and estate," 
and that the Overseer '^take such care of them as the Law 

The old aknshouse was reported to be rotten and unfit for 
occupancy in 1770, but no definite action seems to have been 
taken until 1784, when the Town voted to sell it. The 
Committee appointed to investigate the building or provid- 
ing a new "work-house," reported that the lower pest house 
would answer for present needs provided it were moved 
and placed near the County House. They were instructed 
to remove it if practicable. 

Whatever course was adopted proved to be but a tempo- 
rary make-shift. The purchase of the John Harris house, 
still standing on the comer of High and Manning Streets, 
was soon proposed but the plan met with considerable op- 
position. The expense involved in the relief of the poor 
was felt to be a heavy burden. The final petition of the 
Hamlet Parish to be set off as a separate Town in 1792, was 
vigorously opposed because the decline of the fishing indus- 
try had deprived many families of their means of support, 
and had compelled an increasing number of the inhabitants 
to ask relief from the Town. The separation was accom- 
plished and the Hamlet was incorporated as the Town of 
Hamilton on June 21, 1793. As the people of the Hamlet 
were all farmers and well-to-do, and the great bulk of the 
needy and helpless families were found in the old Town and 
at Chebacco, the burden of taxation for the support of the 
poor was greatly increased, though Hamilton paid $950 into 
the Ipswich treasury, when it became a separate Town. 

The exigency was so great that an appeal for relief was 
made to the General Court in May, 1794. 

The Petition recited: 

This placo has for many years past been on the decline, 
arising partly from other Towns in the Vicinity being more 


Commodious for Trade since the County has become settled 
and partly from the great Increase of paupers, which has 
becom a Heavy burden to your Petitioner as the Town of 
Ipswich is an ancient Corporation. The present Inhabitants 
are obliged to support many Poor persons who have passed 
many of their Useful Days and expended all their Property 
in other Towns, but having gained no legal settlement else- 
where, return to us for Maintenance & support — ^which in- 
crease of expense has caused a Valuable part lately to Sepa- 
rate from us and thrown on us an additional burthen. 

« * « « * 

And as the Instruction of the rising Generation in a free 
Government is of Great importance burdens which we labour 
under are so great it is become almost beyond the ability 
of your Petitioners to support their Poor and give that aid 
and encouragement to the promotion of Learning which is 

We Therefore Humbly pray your Hon" to take our Case 
into your Consideration and to grant us a Township or such 
other Quantity of unlocated Lands in said Commonwealth 
as shall enable us to aiford a Necessary & decent support to 
our Schools & which will be applied solely to that purpose. 

This petition failed apparently to commend itself to the 
General Court. 

Dr. John Manning now came forward in April 1795, with 
a proposition to undertake the maintenance of the poor un- 
der certain conditions for a fixed rate. If the Town would 
grant him the use of the pest house, Mr. John Harris's 
house and land, or any other equivalent, and pay him £400 
per annum, he would provide the proper subjects of the 
Town's support, their food, clothing, "and every kind of at- 
tendance in sickness & in health," He believed that a sav- 
ing of £100 a year might thus be accomplished. 

After these proposals had been read, Mr, John Heard, 
Maj' Joseph Swasey, Col. Jon' Cogswell, Capt. Dan* Rog- 
ers and Asa Andrews Esq. were chosen a Committee to treat 
with Dr. Manning. This Committee reported that Mr. 


Harris would sell his house and land, and that Mr. Paltiah 
Kinsman would bind himself to purchase the property at 
the end of three years if the Town wished to dispose of it. 

The Town voted to purchase the Harris house and an 
agreement was made with Dr. Manning to provide food, 
clothing, fuel, washing, medical attendance and nursing, 
and decent burial, and settle all claims against other Towns, 
for three years at the rate of £400. Upon the expiration 
of this contract, there seems to have been no renewal of this 
method, and in 1799, the Selectmen were instructed to pro- 
vide for the poor in the ensuing year. 

Coincidently with the increase of pauperism and the en- 
larged burden imposed upon the tax-payers, vigorous resort 
was made to the "warning out" process of forestalling any 
prospective or possible expense for the relief of the families 
of recent arrivals. 

A legal summons was served by the Constable upon desig- 
nated persons, 

who have lately come into this Town for the purpose of 
abiding therein not having obtained the Town's consent 
therefor that they depart the limits thereof with their Chil- 
dren and those under there care within fifteen days. 

Though it was well understood that this was only a legal 
form to save the Town from expense in the case of future 
poverty, there must have been much grotesqueness, if not 
positive embarrassment, attaching to the visit by the Con- 
stable to Dr. Parker Clark, who had come to Ipswich from 
Newburyport to practise his profession, and Asa Andrews 
Esq., lawyer and leading citizen, and one of the committee 
to confer with Dr. Manning, both of whom were warned 
out in October, 1789, and Doctor Samuel Adams, in 1792, 
in company with Black Nell, the widow of Fortune EUery 
of Gloucester, and Eunice Wood, Jonas Kenney, the tinker 
from Norwich, and a multitude of humble but thoroughly 


respectable laborers, widows, house maids, families from 
Nova Scotia and Scotland, as well as from Rowley and 
Topsfield and all the neighboring Towns. Between Oct. 26, 
1789 and Feb. 13, 1794, no less than 120 heads of fami- 
lies and unmarried men and women were thus warned. 

By a legislative act of JFeb. 11, 1793, all laws as to set- 
tlements were repealed, and new provision for securing set- 
tlement made, and with this went all provision for warning 
out of Towns.^ It lingered in Ipswich a year longer. 

On Christmas day, 1817, a Committee reported, recom- 
mending the purchase of the farm of John Lummus, the 
erecting of necessary buildings for the accommodation of the 
Town wards, and an appropriation of not less than $7500. 
On New Year's day, 1818, $10,500 was appropriated for 
this purpose, and in April, the Committee was authorized to 
sell the "work-house" on High Street and use the proceeds 
to make additions to the buildings then on the farm. This 
was the last driop of bitterness in the cup of the people of 
Chebacco. Fifteen vears before that Parish had recited its 
grievances and prayed for a separation from the Town with- 
out success. Now they were in grim earnest, and on April 
6, 1818, two hundred and six men of Chebacco petitioned 
the Legislature for incorporation as a Toi;\ti, declaring that 
they refused to be held for any part of the new and expensive 
establishment for the relief of the poor. This prayer was 
granted, and the Town was duly incorporated on Feb. 5, 
1819, making a cheerful final payment to the mother Town 
of $3000 on various accounts and $2270 for their share in 
public property, remaining in its hands. 

A new house was reported necessary in the fall of 1837, 
and the editor of the Ipswich Register opened its columns 
to the free discussion of the Town Farm, which was alreadv 
a vexing problem. "H" began the battle with his commu- 
nication on Dec 8th, assailing the extravagance of the man- 

* Warniner Out In New England. Benton, p. 52. 


agement and advocating the sale of the farm and the pur- 
chase of a farm of 30 to 60 acres near the Town. "Agricola'* 
replied in the next issue, upholding the present policy and 
stating the interesting fact that during the six years when 
a capable woman was on the farm, 300 yards of cloth were 
woven from the flax and wool raised on the place. "Aga- 
wam" supported "Agricola" and in January "Shylock" cried 
out against the expediency of maintaining at a loss a farm 
of 340 acres to support 35 to 40 poor. "Luke, the Laborer," 
"Jonathan" and "A Friend to the Poor," took up their cud- 
gels. The value of the diked march was extolled, the econ- 
omy of the peat fuel, long columns of figures were juggled 
with ingeniously to prove the wisdom or the foolishness of 
every measure. For three months the Poor Farm was in 
the lime light, then in March, 1838, the Town voted to build 
the brick house, which is still in use. 

The New Century. W.uis and Rumors of Waks. 

The nineteenth century opened with clouds and gloom. 
Gen. George Washington died on Dec. 14*^ 1799. The 
whole country was deeply grieved. Funeral solemnities 
were observed at Ipswich on January 7, 1800. The Salem 
Gazette of Jan. 21"* described the service in the style which 
characterized the newspapers of the day. 

The Rev. Mr. Frisbie at the request of the inhabitants 
pronounced a very elegant and pathetic eulogy on the char- 
acter and virtues of the beloved Patriot and Statesman: in 
which he very judiciously and feelingly led the audience 
to a pleasing remembrance of the glorious military achieve- 
ments and political wisdom of the illustrious deceased. 

The several grades of citizens, being preceded by the mili- 
tary officers and followed by the Orator and Clergy, moved 
from the Court House at half past one o'clock, and proceeded 
to the meeting house of the First Parish, where the Rev. 
Mr. Dana in a very solemn manner, addressed the Throne 
of Grace and the Eulogy was pronounced. A plaintive and 
suitable Anthem was performed by the choir of singers. 
The desk and pillars of the house being dressed in mourning 
and the audience together with the honest tears of sorrow 
fully demonstrated the feelings of an affectionate and grate- 
ful people. 

The officers and soldiers of the militia under General 
Orders wore their military uniforms every Sunday for six 
months, with a black crape band on the left forearm, just 
above the cuff, and the hilts of the officers' swords were cov- 
ered with black. 



The newspapers containeu disquieting and threatening tid- 
ings of foreign complications. French privateers were prey- 
ing on American commerce. The pirates of Algiers and 
Tripoli continued their depredations on the ships of all 
uationsj and the United States and the European Powers 
were making the most humiliating concessions to secure ex- 
emption from attack. In December, 1800, the report was 
published that the U. S. Frigate, "George Washington," 
Capt. Bainbridge in command, had been compelled by the 
Dey of Algiers to take on board a cargo of black slaves, 
lions, tigers, leopards, ostriches, etc. and with the Algerine 
standard at the mast head instead of the American pennant, 
to sail for Constantinople, bearing this gift to the Grand 
Seignor. Furthermore, this service was considered by the 
Algerines, a distinguished honor to our Country.^ 

War between Great Britain and France was renewed in 
1803. Each of these nations forbade the United States to 
trade with the other. British men-of-war were constantly 
impressing sailors from American vessels, claiming them as 
deserters from the British navy. The feeble navy of the 
United States brought the Mediterranean pirates to terms 
in 1806. The people of Ipswich were probably gratified 
with the travelling panorama, 60 feet long and 10 feet high, 
which was exhibited in Salem. 

"The Bombardment of the City of Tripoli, by the Ameri- 
can squadron under Commodore Preble, and a sublime de- 
scription of the Burning of the Philadelphia frigate in the 
harbor of Tripoli by that gallant ofRcer, Capt. S. Decatour."^ 

While national affairs were of pressing interest, Ipswich 
was engaged at this period in an important public enteiv 
prize. The Ipswich Turnpike was incorporated March 1, 
1803. The corporate members were John Heard, Stephen 
Choate, Asa Andrews, Joseph Swasey, all of Ipswich; W" 

^The Salem Gazette, Dec. 12, 1800. 
■ The Salem Register, Jan. 19, 1800. 


Gray, Jr., Jacob Ashton, Israel Thomdike, Nathan Dane, 
William Bartlett and James Prince. The road began at the 
blacksmith's shop of Nathaniel Batchelder in Beverly, ran 
hv Nathan Brown's in Hamilton, over the old road to the 
Stone Bridge in Ipswich, through Rowley, over Parker River 
Bridge to Newburyport, four rods wide, with toll gates. ^* 
The Newburyport Turnpike was incorporated a week later. 
War with England seemed unavoidable. The Jeffersonian 
party, known as Anti-Federalists, Democratic Republi- 
cans or simply Republicans, favored active measures of re- 
sistance or retaliation. Though Ipswich was strongly Fed- 
eralist, the Jeffersonian minority was active and vigorous, 
and on the 4"* of July, 1805, they celebrated the national 
anniversary in very amusing fashion. 

A goodly number of miequivocal Democratic Republicans, 
consisting of Farmers, Mechanics, Sea Faring brethren, 
Fishermen etc. met at Mr. Nathaniel Treadwell's, formed 
a procession, proceeded to the Jeffersonian Academy, where 
they met with quite a number of others of both sexes, ac- 
companied with citizen Pottle, who, by special request (after 
the Declaration of Independence was read) addressed the 
Supreme Being .... and then made a very ingenious, 
pertinent and solemn discourse from the words, "Happy 
art thou, O Israel, who is like unto thee, O People saved by 
the Lord." 

After the sermon, they adjourned to the hotel for dinner 
and toasts. The usual patriotic sentiments were interspersed 
with some of local significance. The 13^^ toast was, "The 
Venerable Town of Ipswich. May it be purged of all old 
Toryism and mock Federalism"; the 1G"\ "May more Piety 
and less Politics adorn the American Clergy"; the 18*^ was 
"Citizen Pottle. May his Labours of Love abide on our 
minds." Notwithstanding the prolonged series of toasts, 

*• History of Essex County, Article Ipswich, by M. V. B. Parley. Vol. I: 
p. 674. 


"Usual good order and decency being observed the day was 
closed agreeably."' 

"Elder Pottle" was the newly arrived preacher of the lit- 
tle Baptist flock, which was worshipping in the second story 
of Dr. Manning's woolen factory, then unused. Evidently 
he was an ardent advocate of Jeffersonian simplicity, and 
aped the French democracy with his title of "citizen." As 
the other ministers in town were strong Federalists, the sharp 
rap on their knuckles in tho 16"* toast, and the loyal lauda- 
tion of "Citizen Pottle" in the 18***, aroused the suspicion 
that the whole celebration was largely in the nature of a 
spirited demonstration of Baptist enthusiasm, availing itself 
of the great midsummer holiday. 

In July, 1807, preparations for war actually began. The 
Salem Cadets and two Light Infantry companies volunteered 
their services.* In December, President elefferson pro- 
claimed an Embargo, which had been voted by Congress, for- 
bidding all American vessels to leave United States ports 
for foreign countries and prohibiting foreign vessels from 

sailing, except with the cargo actually on board.'' The great 
export trade of the neighboring towns, Newburyport and 
Salem. Avas instantly paralyzed. In the Newbury port dis- 
trict alone, there were registered in Sept, 1805, 41 ships, 
62 brigs, 2 scows, 2 barks and 67 schooners®. When the 
Embargo was declared, there were lying in Salem harbor, 
37 ships, 2 barks, 19 brigs, 59 sloops and schooners and a 
great fleet was abroad in every ocean. 

Ipswich suffered largely in proportion to her means. The 
good ship "Eliza," Capt Charles Smith, sailed for Leghorn 
in 1805, and in 1808, commanded by Capt. Treadwell, was 
reported at Lisbon, Cadiz, Isle of May and London. The 
brig "Mary," Capt. Glazier, carried her cargoes of fish and 

» The Salem Hesister, July 11, 1805. 

* The Salem Register, July 27, 1807. 

■ Channing. Students' History of the United States, p. 348. 

* The Salem Register, Sept. 9, 1805. 


commodities to Guadaloupe, St. Croix and wherever she 
could find a market The brig "Parrot," Capt Lord, was 
at Port Royal, Martinique, in 1805 ; Capt. Farley in the brig 

"Susannah" was at Leghorn and Galiopoli in 1806. The 
Ipswich schooners "Adventure," Capt. Treadwell ; "Dolphin," 
Capt Farley; "Friendship," Capt Treadwell; "Hannah," 
Captain Groodhue and "William Henry," Capt. Daniel Lord, 
sailed from the wharves where they loaded to Trinidad, St 
Lucie, Point Petre and other West India ports. All these 
vessels either lay idly in the home port, or were awaited 
anxiously from their foreign voyages by their owners. "No 
foreign entrances or clearances" said the Salem Gazette on 
Feb. 26, 1808. "Commerce is now (contrary to Mr. Jef- 
ferson's maxim) embarrassed with so much regulation that 
it cannot move." 

At this jimcture, the Republican Convention of Essex 
County met at Ipswich on February 24***, 1808, and adopted 
the platform: 

We consider the Embargo at the present crisis as a meas- 
ure best calculated to preserve our property from plunder, 
our seamen from impressment and our nation from the hor- 
rors of War.'' 

The Federalists of Ipswich met on Friday evening, March 
25*^, and adopted a lengthy Report of their Committee. 
Their forecaste was gloomy indeed. 

National ruin not far distant, when our beloved country 
seems destined to be whirled into the all-devouring vortex 
of unbounded and lawless ambition and like every other 
republic to be blotted out from the already reduced and al- 
most annihilated catalogue of free and independent nations. 

They nominated Hon. John Heard for Senator. A Com- 
mittee of eleven was then chosen to "prepare 100 lists each 

* Thd Salem Gazette* March 1. 1808. 


of votes for their candidates and a Committee of 150 persons 
in the several districts (without including Chebacco) to 
distribute votes and engage the attention of the people to the 
great object of the meeting."® 

This vigorous campaign was followed by a Federalist 
Fourth of July celebration. Upwards of a himdred citizens, 
including the Reverend Clergy of the Town and Hon. Judge 
Holten, met at Major Swasey's tavern, marched to the meet- 
ing house of the First Parish, where Dr. Dana read Wash- 
ington's Farewell Address, and returned to banquet at Major 
Swasey's, Hon. Stephen Choate presiding, John Heard and 
Jonathan Cogswell Jun., acting as Vice-Presidents. 

On hearing that the leader of the Democratic party in 
the Town, in order to make a mockery of federal principles 
and the arrangements of the Federalists of this occasion, 
had read (or attempted to read) the Farewell Address of 
Washington to the pupils of the "new school," the following 
toast was given by one of the Company. 

"May the tomb of Washington never again be profaned 
by a hypocritical tear, nor his legacy by a jacobin reader." 
Harmony and good order prevailed through the day and the 
closing toast of Captain Lakeman, president pro-tem, added 
to the pleasantry of the occasion. "Happy to meet, sorry 
to part, Happy to meet again."® 

The Clergy judiciously retired after twenty toasts had 
been drunk. 

In consequence of a request from a number of the inhabi- 
tants of the Town and a communication from the Town of 
Boston, a Town meeting was called on the aftemoion of 
Thursday, August 18*^, 1808, 

to see if the Town will prefer a petition to the President 
of the United States praying that he would suspend the 
Acts and Laws laying an embargo upon the ships and ves- 

* The Salem Gazette, April 1st, 1808. 

* The Salem Gazette, July 22, 1808. 


sels of the United States, in as much as hostilities between 
Great Britain and Spain have ceased, and as there are no 
[imperial] decrees or British Orders of Council interdict- 
ing a free exercise of commerce between the United States 
of America & Spain and Portugal and their respective Colo- 

The Town voted to present a respectful petition of this 
nature, and Major Joseph Swasey, Hony® Stephen Choate, 
Capt. Joseph Farley, CoP. Jonathan Cogswell, Major Tho- 
mas Bumham, MT. Nath\ Lord, 3**, and John Heard Esquire, 
the Moderator of the meeting, were chosen a Committee to 
draft the Petition. This Committee reported the foUomng: 

To the President of the United States. 

The Petition of the Inhabitants of the Town of Ipswich 
.... legally assembled in Town Meeting this eighteenth 
day of August, Anno Domini, 1808. 

Humblv Sheweth 

That the Inhabitants of this Town have at all times 
from its earliest settlement manifested a respectful regard 
to the laws of this countrv' and practised and inculcated 
obedience to the constituted authorities. 

That under the greatest pressure of calamities, whidi the 
publick good has been thought to require, they have re- 
mained peaceful and submissive, and that no regulation of 
Government however burdensome, has ever on this account 
been violated or evaded by any inhabitant of the Town. 

That the laws of the United States laying an embargo 
on all ships and vessels in the Country have operated in a 
very grievous manner on all classes of our citizens; that 
farmers, merchants, fishermen & Manufacturers have in 
their turns experienced and still experience their ill effects ; 
and we cannot contemplate their further continuance with- 
out most disquieting apprehensions, nor will we believe that 
the regular expression of the wishes of a free people can be 
offensive to enlightened and patriotic rulers. 

Therefore your petitioners beg leave to suggest whether 
the great events which have lately taken place in Europe 
will not afford your Excellency an opportunity for relea&- 


ing the people of this once prosperous country from their 
present embarissed and distressed condition. 

And your petitioners believe that a renewal of Commer- 
cial intercourse between the United States and the Kingdom 
of Spain and Portugal and their Colonies would be pro- 
ductive of great advantage, by affording to us an opportu- 
nity of disposing of great quantities of our surplus produce 
and more particularly the Article of fish, now perishing on 
our hands. 

Wherefore your Petitioners, agreeably to the right which 
they enjoy by the Constitution, which they, at all times and 
on all occasions are ready and determined religiously to sup- 
port, would respectfully pray that the evils, which they en- 
dure in consequence of the Embargo, may be removed by a 
suspention in whole or in part of the operation of the law 
laying the same, by virtue of the power of law vested in 
the supreme Executive ; or that the power of convening Con- 
gress, given by the Constitution to your Excellency may be 
immediately exercised for the purpose of obtaining an ob- 
ject so important to the dearest interests of the people. 

And as in Duty bound will ever pray. 

In behalf of the Town of Ipswich. 

The petition was twice read, and the Selectmen were in- 
structed to sign it in behalf of the Town and transmit it 

The reply of the President was read at a Town meeting 
convened on November 7"*. 

To the inhabitants of the To^vn of Ipswich legally as- 
sembled in Town Meeting. 

Your representation and request were received on the 1** 
instant and have been considered with the attention due to 
every expression of the sentiments and feelings of so re- 
spectable a body of citizens. No person has seen with more 
concern than myself the inconveniences brought on our coun- 
try in general by the circumstances of the times in which 
we happen to live, times to which the history of nations pre- 
sent no parallel. For years we have been looking as specta- 
tors on our brethren of Europe, affected by all those evils 


which necessarily follow an abandonment of the moral duty 
which bind men & nations together; connected with them 
in friendship and commerce we have happily so far kept 
aloof from their calamitous conflicts by a steady observance 
of justice toward all, by much forbearance, and multiplied 
sacrifices. At length, however, all regard to the rights of 
others having been thrown aside, the belligerent Powers 
have beset the highway of Commercial intercourse with 
edicts, which taken together expose our commerce and mari- 
ners under almost every destination a prey to their fleets 
and armies. Each party, indeed, would admit our Com- 
merce with themselves with the view of associating us in 
their wars against the other, but we have wished war with 
neither. Under these circumstances were passed tlie laws 
of which you complain, by those delegated to exercise the 
powers of legislation for you, with every sympathy of a 
common interest in exercising them faithfully. In review- 
ing these measures, therefore, we should advert to the dif- 
ficulties out of which a choice was of necessity to be made. 
To have submitted our rightful commerce to prohibitions 
and tributary exactions from others, would have been to 
surrender our independence. To resist by arms was War 
without consulting the state of things or the choice of the 
nation. The alternative proposed by the Legislature of sus- 
pending a commerce placed under such unexampled diffi- 
culties, besides saving to our citizens their property 
and our mariners to their country, has the peculiar advan- 
tage of giving time to the belligerent nations to revise a con- 
duct as contrary to their interests as it is to our rights. 

In the event of such peace or suspension of hostilities 
between the belligerent powers of Europe, or such change 
in their measures affecting neutral commerce, as may ren- 
der that of the United States sufficiently safe in the judg- 
ment of the President, he is authorized to suspend the Em- 
bargo, but no peace or hostilities, no change of measures 
affecting neutral commerce is known to have taken place. 
The Orders of England and the Decrees of France and 
Spain, existing at the date of these laws, are still unrepealed 
as far as we know. In Spain, indeed, a contest for the 
Government appears to have arisen; but of its course or 
prospects we have no information on which Prudence would 


undertake a hasty change in our policy, even were the au- 
thority of the Executive competent to such a decision. 

You desire that in this defect of power Congress may be 
specially convened. It is impossible to examine the evi- 
dence or the character of the facts which are supposed to 
dictate such a call, because you will be sensible on atten- 
tion to dates, that the legal period of their meeting is as 
early as, in this extensive country, they could be fully con- 
vened by a special call. 

I should with great willingness have executed the wishes 
of the inhabitants of the Town of Ipswich, had peace or a 
repeal of the obnoxious edicts or other changes produced 
the case in which alone the laws have given me that author- 
ity, and so many motives of justice and interest lead to such 
changes that we ought continually to expect them. But 
while these edicts remain, the Legislature alone can pre- 
scribe the course to be pursued. 

Th, Jefferson. 

Sept. 2, 1808. 

The Vote being put whether the Answer of the President 
of the United States to the petition of the inhabitants of 
this Town in August last be satisfactory to the Town, it 
passed in the ?f egative. 

The President ordered the Commander-in-chief of the 
Massachusetts militia to detach 10,920 men, to be organized, 
armed, equipped and held in readiness for a march at a mo- 
ment's notice. In December, 1808, a company of the stand- 
ing army of the United States marched into Salem and took 
possession of Fort Pickering. ^^ The Salem Gazette of Dee. 
23^ remarked, "Just one year ago yesterday, since President 
signed the Embargo." "At the close of the day, minute 
guns were discharged for half an hour at the North Bridge 
(that memorable spot where the march of a British regi- 
ment was once stopped by citizens) in sad memorial of the 
decease of ComTuerce." The Salem Register pertly declared 
that the salute was in honor of the Embargo, and that six 
hearty cheers were also given. 

" The Salem Gazette, Dec. 9, 1808. 


Great destitution prevailed among the poor in Salem. A 
subscription paper was circulated in January, 1809, and a 
soup house was established. It was announced in February 
that 1200 persons, about one ninth of the whole population, 
were depending for their daily subsistence on this benefi- 
cent charity, and "if we add those who live upon other chari- 
ties, not short of one fifth of the inhabitants of the indus- 
trious, enterprizing and prudent town of Salem are sup- 
ported by alms.^^ The pinch of poverty must have been 
no less acute in Ipswich, and all the other commercial towns. 
Party feeling ran high. 

Another ToAvn meeting was called, 

for the purpose of taking into consideration the present 
calamitous state of the publick affairs of our country, and 
to adopt such measures and pass such Votes or Resolutions for 
obtaining redress of our Grievances as the Town may think 

The meeting convened on January 30***, 1809, and Major 
Thomas Burnham was chosen Moderator. Strong opposi- 
tion to any action by the Town was evident in the motion 
that the meeting be dissolved. It failed to pass, but an ad- 
journment was made to the 6"* of February, without further 

Reassembling, the Town was in very excited mood. A 
series of Resolves, very long and intensely partisan, and a 
Memorial were read by Major Swasey. Dr. John Manning's 
motion that a large committee be appointed to consider the 
Resolves and Memorial failed to carry. 

The vote being put whether the Town would accept the 
Resolves and Memorial, it passed in the affirmative. 

The Vote being put whether the Town should adjourn 
this meeting that those that were of a different opinion 
might have an opportunity to enter their protest against the 
proceedings, it passed in the iN'egative. 

" The Salem Gazette, Feb. 7, 1809. 


The first Resolution was as follows : 

Resolved, as the sense of this Town, That we consider the 
Embargo system generally, and the Act empowering the Em- 
bargo in particular, as an outrage on the Constitution of 
our Country, and the habits, freedom and understandings 
of the citizens ; and that it is the duty of all the good people 
of these United States to enter their solemn protest against 
measures so destructive to their liberty and happiness, so 
repugnant to the genius and spirit of their government, and 
so ruinous in their natural consequences. 

At great length, it was charged that the motive under- 
lying the Embargo was to co-operate with the tyrant of 
Europe in destroying American commerce, that even bay and 
river craft were subject to the arbitrary will of the Presi- 
dent and Revenue officers .... "in fact it is hard to decide 
whether this Act was intended to be obeyed, or by provok- 
ing the citizens to a revolt to furnish a pretext for the erec- 
tion of an absolute despotism in this once happy country." 

A Memorial to the General Court of Massachusetts was 
appended, praying for "direction as to the line of conduct 
to be adopted by the citizens in this calamitous state of 

And we, at the same time, pledge ourselves, our lives, our 
fortunes and our sacred honour to support to the utmost 
such constitutional measures for the common safety as your 
Honors in your wisdom shall adopt and recommend. 

• The Federalists of Ipswich were notified in very vigorous 
fashion on Friday, March 31'*, 1809. 

Your meeting stands adjourned to this evening at 7 o'clock 
at the Grammar School house .... to make arrangements 
to secure the whole federal strength of the Town in effect- 
ing the election of genuine Whigs, disciples of Washington, 
enemies of embargo, non-intercourse, foreign war and civil 
dissension, into the Councils of the Commonwealth. Your 


enemies and the enemies of your country's freedom, inde- 
pendence and happiness, are alive and alert. Your diligence 
must be increased, your exertions doubled, your labors un- 
wearied, .... for your cause is good. It is the cause for 
which Washington fought, your heroes bled, your country 
suffered: it is the cause of freedom, of independence, of 
honor and happiness . . . .^^ 

Success crowned the efforts of the Federalists. They 
elected their candidate for Governor, Christopher Gore, and 
John Heard was chosen Senator. In November, James 
Madison was elected President of the United States. The 
innumerable appeals for the repeal of the Embargo moved 
him to favorable action and Congress repealed the law which 
was so obnoxious to New England. In its place was sub- 
stituted a Non-Intercourse law, which still prohibited com- 
merce with France and Great Britain, though it permitted 
it with other neutral nations. This went into operation on 
March 4, 1809, the day of Madison's inauguration.^^ Trade 
instantly revived. From every port, the great merchant 
fleets sailed forth. Along the Ipswich waterfront, on 
wharves, in ware houses, aboard the long idle vessels, mer- 
chants, laborers, sailors were eagerly active in hurrying 
away their craft to reap their share of the advantages of 
trade with the long closed ports. 

The brig "Fleetwood," Capt. Smith, must have made an 
early departure. She was reported in May, sailing from 
St. Michael's for Cadiz, and arrived at New York in August. 
In the following July, tmder command of Capt. Young, she 
was in the Mediterranean but her voyage resulted disas- 
trously. Sailing from Cagliari, she was captured by a 
French ship and run ashore about five miles from Malaga, 
where she was boarded on the 30^^ of July by the British 
frigate "Resistance." Capt. Adams, finding the ship de- 

^ The Salem Gazette, March 31, 1809. 

^ Channiner. Student's History of the United States, p. 360. 


serted, attempted to get her off, but the tide had fallen so 
that this was impossible and he burnt her where she lay.^* 
The ship "Eliza" of Ipswich, was at Torringen, Jan. 12^, 
1810. The schooners were quickly at the West Indies. 

The new prosperity was of short duration. Mr. Ers- 
kine, the British minister, had exceeded his instructions in 
assuring Mr. Madison that the British ports were open to 
American shipping, and the British government refused to 
sustain him. American seamen on the high seas were at 
the mercv of the British men-of-war, and thousands of them 
were taken from their ships and forced into the English 
navy. War was demanded by a strong public sentiment 
outside of Jfew England, and on the 17*** of June, 1812, 
War was declared, and the President was authorized to issue 
commissions or letters of marque to private armed vessels. 

Ship-owners and sailors availed themselves eagerly of the 
privateering privilege. Joseph Challis, an Ipswich sailor, 
one of the crew of the private armed schooner "Regulator," 
Captain James Mansfield, sold to William M. Rogers on 
July 6***, 1812, for $30 a quarter share of whatever prizes, 
assigned to him in the course of the cruise "on which she 
is noAV bound." On July 10***, the Gazette announced that 
six small armed vessels had already sailed from Salem, that 
two more were ready for sea that day, and that on the eve- 
ning of the 9^, the schooner "Fame" of two guns and thirty 
men had returned, having taken an English ship of nearly 
300 tons loaded with square timber, and a brig of 200 tons 
loaded with tar. A few days later, the British Government 
transport "No. 50" was brought into Gloucester, a prize to 
the one gun privateer, "Madison" of that port, with a valu- 
able cargo of gimpowder, 830 suits of uniform, superfine 
cloth for oiRcers' uniforms, drums, triimpets, camp equipage, 
oificers' baggage, destined for the 104^** Regiment of British 
Infantry, valued at $50,000.*^ 

"The Saletti Gazette, Aug. 21, 1810. 
» The Salem Gazette, July 14, 1812. 


Notwithstanding the alluring prospect of golden harvests 
easily gained from the seizure of English merchantmen, New 
England was bitterly opposed to the War. Town meetings 
were called at once in Danvers, Beverly and Ipswich. The 
Ipswich people met on June 25"*, and adopted a lengthy 
communication to the To^vn of Boston, reaffirming its un- 
alterable opposition to the Embargo and to the War. 

"Agreeably to the recommendations of the House of Rep- 
resentatives, in their address to the people of the State," a 
County Convention met at Ipswich on July 21st, 1812. 
Sixty-two delegates attended, including the Ipswich delega- 
tion, Jonathan Cogswell Esq, Capt. Joseph Farley, Hon. 
John Heard, and Capt. Ammi R. Smith. The Hon. Timo- 
thy Pickering of Salem was chosen President, and a long and 
spirited Address reported by a Committee, was adopted. 
The 15*** nnicle was as follows: 

That the unequalled profligacy of the French government, 
its defiance and contempt of all the obligations of justice 
and truth, joined to the prevalent infidelity and general 
prostration of morals in the French nation, present France 
as an object of horror to the civilized and Christian world. 
In this view, therefore, we also express our detestation of 
the war declared by our rulers against Great Britain, as 
thereby we become associated with France, and because the 
war in its progress will naturally produce an alliance with 
her that will prove fatal to our religion, liberties and in- 
dependence. This voluntary, this chosen connection with a 
government and people so perfidious, profligate and corrupt 
is of itself sufficient to draw down upon our Country the 
judgments of Heaven . . . .^* 

The Governor appointed July 23, 1812, as a Public Fast 
day, in consequence of the Declaration of War. The minis- 
ters spoke that day with no uncertain sound. Dr. Parish 
thundered his "Protest against the War" from his pulpit in 

» The Salem Gazette, July 23, 1S12. 


the Byfield parish, in a sermon which soon was published in 
a second edition. 

Never was a crisis more serious in human affairs ; never 
was a day so momentous to the happiness of individuals or 
the nation. The proclamation is published; the country, 
the world are in motion. Families are dividing and mar- 
shalling themselves on opposite sides. 

* ♦ * * * 

If you commence the war, you understandingly abandon 
your independence and your freedom. If you commence 
the war, this tyranical, cruel, miserable state of things be- 
comes fixed and permanent, as the miseries of Holland and 
Prussia and Germany. Then no more petitions, no more 
assemblages of the people to manifest their patriotism. Al- 
ready is it high time that petitions and remonstrances 
should be laid aside. You have thrown away enough by 
sending them to the Potomac to form carpets for her pal- 
aces. Go and petition the grave to close her gates, and to 
admit no more of your dear friends. Go and implore grim 
Death to cast away his quiver and his fatal arrows ; if you 
succeed in moving the cold ear of Death, then, and not till 
then, renew your petitions to your Rulers, ply them with 

new prayers and supplications. 

* * * * ^ 

Long have you expected relief from their fatal measures, 
long have you submitted with the patience of Issachar, who 
like a stupid ass, bowed down between two burdens. And 
still do you hope, and hope, and hope for a change of meas- 
ures, in the French citizens, the Gallatins, the Jeffersons, 
the Burrs, and Madisons of the country ? You may as well 
expect that the freezing blasts of winter will cover your 
fields with corn, your gardens with blossoms. They will as 
soon give liberty to their African slaves, as unembarrassed 

commercn to their New England subjects. 


This nefarious declaration of war is nothing more nor 
less than a licence given by a Virginian vassal of the French 
Emperor to the English nation authorizing them in legal 
form to destroy the prosperity of Xew England.. 

You will soon see, not a band of Britons, but a meager. 


famished, hungry horde of savage Erenchmen, with the pro- 
fession of friends, but the action of demons: with the voice 
of lambs, but the spirits of tygers. So they entered Hol- 
land and IS'aples and Switzerland and Germany and Prus- 
sia and Rome and Venice and Spain. They went to give 
them liberty; they stayed to make them slaves; they went 
in the garb of friends, they stayed to rob their fields, to 
plunder their houses, their banks, their churches, to ravish 
their women, to murder their men, to ruin their country. 
So will it be here, if you allow the wretches to tread on your 
ground or to breathe your air. They will then drive you 
from your houses; they will drag your sons in chains to 
their armies; universal plunder will desolate the country. 
Famine and death will close the scene. 

Mr. Uriah Spofford of Appleton, Wisconsin, whose child- 
hood and young manhood were spent in Ipswich, published 
some very interesting Reminiscences^®* of this period. He 
recalls that there were three companies of militia. The 
first company, commanded by Nathaniel Lord, Robert Kim- 
ball, Ensign, included all the men on the south side of High 
Street, and "around the comer, all on the right hand run- 
ning south [i. e. Iforth Main Street], all on Topsfield Road 
from the Stone Bridge, and the men at Turkey Hill, New 
Boston and Pine Swamp." 

In the second company, of which Joseph Whittier was 
Captain, were enrolled all the men living on the hill side 
of High St. "and on the left hand running south from the 
comer [i. e. North Main St.], down opposite the Jail Lane 
[Green St.], and all east of that including Plum Island." 
The third company, Capt. Humphrey Lakeman, John 
Brown, Lieut, included all the men who lived south of the 
Stone Bridge, including Windmill Hill, Candlewood, and 
Argilla. John T. Spofford was fifer, Charles Kimball, drum- 
mer of one of the High Street companies. Soon after the 
Declaration of War, a company of Conditional Exempts was 

»^ Published In the Ipswich Chronicle, 1882. 


formed, which numbered about 75 men. Major Joseph 
Swasev was the Commander, Col. Jos. Hodgkins, 1'* Lieut. 
Jabez Farley, 2*'* Lieut, Col. Thomas Wade, Orderly Ser- 
geant. They drilled at the Court House. There was an- 
other company of 30 men in Linebrook, t^\'0 at Essex, one 
each in Hamilton, Topsfield and Rowley. 

The winter of 1812 was uneventful but the spring of 1813 
brought the war home to Ipswich. Young Richard Dummer 
Jewett, son of Richard Dummer Jewett, then in his twenty- 
first year, had shipped on a privateer brig which sailed from 
Boston. His letters to his parents brought the sad tidings 
of his capture and his detention in the prison at Bridgetown, 
Island of Barbadoes. 

Barbadoes Prison, March 6, 1813. 

. . . We sailed from Boston 27"* wind free steering East 
until we made the island of Maderia wFhjere we Cruised 
a few days and captured a brig and schooner loaded with 
fish &tc. of which we send to France .... then sailed for 
the Coast of Africa we made the land of Senegall then 
stering for the Cape de Verd island we arrived at the 
island of St. Yago and watered then sailed for the West 
India Islands two days out January 9*** Captured the 
British ship J^eptune from London bound to Rio jenero with 
brandy wine, bale goods, silver plate etc. Capt. Lord went 
on board and sailed for America 

Saturday evening, seven days, between seven and eight we 
saw a sail upon our lee bow we then kept away for her 
till perceived her to be a large ship then hauling our wind 
and making all sail she then giving chase after us, and come 
up with us fast, gave us a gun in one hour and a half she 
came along side of us (by this time we had taken in sail 
and saw all clear for action but to no use) then gave us 
a broadside and two volleys of musketry. Mr. John Foot 
of T^ewburyport had his leg shot off Mr Smith of Mar- 
blehead was wounded and died the day following .... she 
proved to be his majesty's frigate surprize of 47 gims forty 
five days of her stocks one of the fastest sailors in the 


navy, she then took our men on board and proceeded with 
the brig to barbadoes, January 26^ committing us to 
Prison w[hjere I now remain, March 6. the privateer 
Yankee of Xewburyport is here ship John's crew of Salem 
is here about five hundred prisoners on board of the prison 
ship and here nt the goal. Mr. Pulcifer^*^ is well and all 
onr crew, no exchange here yet some prisoners have been 
here six months. Mr. Ebenezer Clinton is here and well 
was taken 15*^ of August please to remind Mr. Dodge if 
any prizes arrive shew him the same if you please. Give 
iny love to all Enquiring friends. 

I remain 

Richard D. Jewett 
We have heard of a Carteel arriving at some of the lee- 
ward islands not known if it be true or not. if not we 
think the states must be damned slack in the stays it is 
j)oor encouragement for privateer's men. 

Mr. Jewett wrote again from Bridgetown Prison on Jime 
15***, 1813. He had then been in prison a hundred and 
forty days and had lost hopes of being exchanged. The 
crews of the privateers '^Providence" of Providence; "Block- 
nde" of New Haven ; ^* Yankee" and "Decatur" of Newbury 
and "John" of Salem were all in the prison. A petition 
for relief had been sent to the President of the United States, 
but no reply had been received. It was signed, 

So I remain and am like to remain. God knows when I 
shall return. I am 


Richard Dummer Jewett. 

Relief was nearer than he anticipated. He was in Bos- 
ton on November 25*^, wrote on Dec. 7"* that he was about 
sailing for New Orleans and arrived in that port; but sail- 
ing again, no further tidings ever reached his home. 

Major Robert Farley was appointed Colonel in the United 

" Probably Ebenezer Pulcifer, son of David. 


States twelve months army in March,*^ 1813, and a levy 
of troops was probably made in the local militia. On Thurs- 
day, May 13"*, 1813, two British frigates chased a wood 
coaster into Sandy Bay, now called Rockport, and fired fif- 
teen or twenty shots without effect. On the following Sun- 
day morning, the French privateer corvette, "Invincible Xa- 
poleon," 270 tons, which had been captured by a British ship 
and taken from her by a Salem privateer, was chased by the 
English frigates "Shannon" and "Tenedos." She was run 
ashore on Iforman's Woe and abandoned by her prize crew. 
The boats from the frigates hauled her off, but the Glouces- 
ter militia rallied and fired upon them. The heavy cannon- 
ade of the frigates must have caused general alarm.*® On 
Wednesday, May 26*\ a letter of marque schooner was 
chased ashore a little south of Squam light by an English 
brig of war. 

The schooner "Sally" of Barnstable arrived at Ipswich 
on Thursday, July 8***, 1813, having been boarded about 
20 leagues from Cape Ann by H. M. Ship "La Hogue," 
which put on board several masters of vessels which had been 
captured. The Captain then released the "Sally" after hav- 
ing endorsed her register, to the effect that "in consequence 
of depredations by American privateers on fishing and coast- 
ing vessels of Nova Scotia, British cruisers will destroy 
every description of American vessels, flags of truce only 
excepted."^® An Act to authorize a Corps of Sea Fencibles 
was passed on July 26***, which provided that the President 
might raise not exceeding ten companies of 90 men to be 
used on land or sea. 

An English brig was on the coast again in late October 
and chased a dozen coasting vessels into Squam one Saturday 
afternoon, and captured and burned a sloop on Sunday morn- 
ing.2^ Young men were offered generous wages to enlist in 

"The Essex Register, March 24, 1813. 
» The Essex Rejrlster, Maj' 19, 1813. 
"•The Essex Register, July 14, 1818. 
" The Essex Register, Nov. 8, 1812. 


the 40*^ Kegiment Regular Infantry, $16 bounty, $24 ad- 
vance pay, $8 a month regular wages, warm clothing, good 
rations, and at the end of the war, 160 acres of land.^^ 
The year ended with a Proclamation of an Embargo on Dec. 
17*"*, which forbade all vessels to sail except privateers. 

One event of the closing months of the year 1813, in 
which Ipswich had only an incidental part, brought the 
name of the town into a very conspicuous place in the hot 
newspaper controversies which enlivened the winter months. 
In the Essex Register of Saturday, October 9, a significant 
item appeared, headed ^T?etaliation." 

On Thursday last, ten English prisoners were selected 
from the Prison ship in the Town, and sent to Ipswich 
Stone Jail, to be kept in close confinement as hostages in 
part for the 16 unfortunate Americans confined in a dun- 
geon at Halifax. We also learn that about 100 English 
soldiers and seamen are to be detained in retaliation for 
those so unaccountably selected from the American prisoners 
at Halifax and sent to England. 

The Salem Gazette never lost an opportunity to besmirch 
the editor of its rival, the Essex Register, and it gladly made 
room in its columns on January 14***, 1814, for a spicy com- 
munication from its correspondent who signed himself 

In the Essex Register of the 1"* inst. was the following 


Ten of the petty officers of the Chesapeake frigate having 
been released from close confinement at Halifax, the ten 
British officers, who have been closely confined in Ipswich 
jail in retaliation have been likewise released. 

This agreeable intelligence has been republished in most 
of our papers under the name of "Christian Retaliation," 
and no doubt was entertained of its truth. It is time that 

** Advertisement, Bssex Register, Nov. 10, 1812. 


the public should be correctly iuformed on the subject of 
the unfortunate prisoners at Ipswich. Seventeen of our 
fellow beings have been immured in dungeons in our own 
neighborhood three months, and the public attention has 
not been called to their suiTerings. The following we be- 
lieve to be a correct statement of this affair. 

On the 7*^ of October, 1S13, Jame? Prince Esq. Marshal 
of this District, issued his mandate, directed 

"To the under keeper of the gaol of the U. S. at Ipswich, 
within the District aforesaid." Greeting. 

He was ordered "to receive into his custody and safely 
keep in DUNGEOXS, in the gaol aforesaid, the bodies of 
Thomas Cooper, John Clark, Adam Kirby, Samuel Thorp, 
Thomas Hewes, John Kenbow, James Onion, Richard How, 
Daniel Dowland and John Humphries, in retaliation for 
cruelties" said to he "exercised" on certain persons at Hali- 
fax, "and also as hostages to respond for any act of violence 
which may be inflicted on them." 

By similar orders dated Oct. 11, 12, 13 and Nov. 2, he 
also directed the under keeper to confine in dungeons, the 
bodies of William N^ickerson, Elkanah Clements, Robert 
Kirkland Black. William Owen, Benjamin Johnson and 
James Ross .... By another order, dated Oct. 12***, the 
Marshal directs the gaoler "to receive and detain in his 
custody the body of Peter Diedade, a maritime prisoner of 
war, without alledging any other cause, and he has been 
confined' in a dungeon with the rest 

These men have ever since been kept in dungeons as 
dreary as Mr. Madison could desire. The goal is a gloomy 
stone building. The dungeons are 7 ft. by 10 on the 
ground floor, of rough stone at top, bottom and on all sides. 
There are loop holes or narrow openings of two or three 
inches wide, through the upper part of the stone walls, to 
admit the little light and air which these unfortunate vic- 
tims are allowed to enjoy. In damp weather the water runs 
down the walls and drips from the stone ceiling over the 
floors. These dungeons were never intended for any other 
purpose than to punish the worst of convicts by a few days 
solitary imprisonment, and it is believed have never been 
used even for that purpose. 

Yet in these places have 17 innocent men been languish- 


ing for 3 months, 16 of them 4 in a dungeon, and the other, 
(Captain Ross) in a dungeon by himself. A few days 
since 10 of them were removed to the cells in the second 
story appropriated to criminals. These cells are larger than 
the dungeons but extremely cold and uncomfortable. So far 
have these unfortunate prisoners been "released" and no 
further. Seven, viz. Oapts. Ross and Clements, Lieuts. 
Owen, Black & Nickerson and two seamen, it is understood, 
are still confined in two dungeons ; and on some of the late 
cold nights, several were chilled almost past recovery, not- 
withstanding they had received a supply of warm clothing 
from some charitable individuals, and medical aid was nec- 
essarily called in to restore the perishing, and it is only by 
the charitable relief and the attention of the gaoler's family 
not warranted by the orders of Government that these poor 
Prisoners are not dead. 

* * "Jf -X- * 

The public are already informed from authentic sources, 
that the 16 Americans who were in prison in Halifax, were 
not shut up in dungeons. They were confined in apart- 
ments, with which they were so well satisfied, that they pre- 
ferred remaining there to being removed to Melville Island. 
It appears moreover that some of those confined at Halifax 

have been twice found in arms before exchanged. 

* * * * * 

The Marshal recites that he has selected these victims by 
order of the President and commands "the under-keeper not 
to suffer them to go from without the dungeons without leave 
of the President or the Marshal of this district." 

The Gazette of January 21**, 1814, contained a lively 
conmiunication from "Howard" entitled "The Dungeons of 
the Inquisition" with a series of thrilling foot-notes. He 
had examined the records of the Inquisition in Portugal and 
elsewhere and found that the wretched prisoners were con- 
fined in dungeons 10 or 11 feet long, 8 or 9 ft. wide (foot- 
note, larger than Ipswich), so dark that they were anxious 
for night, that they may have a light (foot-note, We do not 
know whether the British prisoners at Ipswich have a light 


in the night) ; out of their allowance is to come expense for 
washing, fuel &tc. (foot-note, The dungeons at Ipswich we 
understand have no fires in them) ; allusion is made to the 
tiled flooring on which some unfortunates slept (footnote, 
The dungeons at Ipswich have stone flooring which is colder 
than tile or brick and in damp weather I have been told the 
prisoners lay a board or two upon the stones to keep them- 
selves out of the wet) ; the filth, vermin, and stench in the 
Inquisition's dimgeons were such that "the countenances of 
those who are brought out for an auto-da-fe show the treat- 
ment they have received, for they are so altered that nobody 
can recognize them." Fortunately, the parallel could not be 
drawn against the Ipswich prison in this dreadful climax. 
No British prisoners were removed from their loathsome dun- 
geons to be burned at the stake, but to "Howard's" feverish 
imagination, the victims of the Inquisition seem to have en- 
joyed a privilege denied to the latter day prisoners albeit 
their deliverance was by fire. 

The Worcester lail was assailed with similar bitterness. 
The Massachusetts Centinel, the Boston Patriot and otlier 
newspapers published accusations and indignant replies by 
the officials, who were taken to task. "Must we wait to hear 
from France" was the caption of an article signed by W™. 
Gray.^' Alluding to the account of the different prisons 
of the world, given by the philanthropist Howard in his pub- 
lished Works, he quotes his description of the dungeons of 
Paris and remarks, "The coincidence of the circumstances 
with those of the imprisonment of the Englishmen in the 
DUXGEOJTS at Ipswich are remarkable." "In this prison 
(the Grand Charlet at Paris) there are eight dungeons, 
which open into dark passages. In four of these dungeons 
(10 ft. 8 in. by 6 ft. 8 in.) I saw 16 prisoners, two in 
irons, all lying upon straw." His foot-note comment is, 
"These are a little bigger than the Ipswich dimgeons." 

"The Salem Gazette. January 26th. 1814. 


There can be no doubt that the jails of a century ago were 
unfit for occupancy by human beings, judged by modem 
standards, but they were in keeping with the excessive se- 
verity of the penalties imposed by the Courts upon evil- 
doers.^* Neither were these Ipswich cells any worse than 
those in other jails. The Ipswich jail had been built only 
about six years, and it is incredible that the enlightened 
and progressive County of Essex should have reverted to an 
out grown style of architecture. Indeed, they were no worse 
than the cells still in use in Sing Sing prison. Nor is it 
credible that the worthy keeper of the Ipswich jail should 
have been guilty of such brutal neglect and cruel inhumanity. 

But making due allowance for the bitter Federalist op- 
position to the War and every issue involved in it, and the 
political venom that characterized the assaults of the politi- 
cal parties upon each other, it was rightfully abhorrent to 
the New England conscience that British military prisoners 
should be treated like felons. The Marshal of the District 
visited the Ipswich jail on the 23** of January and removed 
all except one sick of a fever and a fellow prisoner to attend 
him, to "comfortable apartmonts"^^ 

This was not the end of the matter. Not only was "Re- 
taliation" repugnant to the T'ederalists and to many good 
citizens regardless of political party affiliations, but the ac- 
tion of the Federal government in assuming authority to 
make use of a Coimty institution to imprison military cap- 
tives, was resented by the State Legislature. An Act was 
passed "declaratory of the true intent and meaning of an 
Act, entitled An Act to provide for the safe keeping all 
prisoners committed under the authority of the United States 
in the several gaols within the Commonwealth." 

That nothing contained in an Act entitled . . . ., shall be 
so construed as to authorize the keepers of the said gaols 

** See Chapter V. Laws, Courts and Judges. 
» The Salem Gazette, Feb. 1. 1814. 


to take custody of and keep within said gaols, any prisoners 
committed by any other anthority than the Judicial Authority 
of the United States. 

And whereas several prisoners of war have been committed 
to gaols, within this Commonwealth, under the Executive 
Authoritv of the TTnitod States. 

Sec. 2. Be it further enacted, That the keepers of the 
said gaols are hereby authorized and required to discharge 
from said gaols all such prisoners of war after the expira- 
tion of thirty days from the passing of this Act, unless they 
shall be sooner discharged by the authority of the United 

Approved, Feb. 7, 1814. 

Caleb Strong.2« 

The prisoners were soon removed to Fort Sewall in Mar- 
blehead, and a number were sent to Halifax a little later. 

Memorials from the towns, against the War, and particu- 
larly the Embargo, poured in to the Legislature of the Com- 
monwealth. The Ipswich Town Meeting was convened on 
Feb. 9*^, 1814, and an elaborate Memorial to the Legisla- 
ture was adopted only five dissenting, according to the re- 
port sent the Salem Gazette. ^"^ 

It appears that even your Remonstrances to the Greneral 
Government have proved unavailing, and because the fate 
of numerous petitions recently sent up by our suffering citi- 
zens is a persuasive admonition not to add to the number. 
To the hand which causelessly inflicts the evils we suffer, 
we are not disposed to look for relief; to those marble 
hearts, which, instead of sympathizing, rejoice in our suf- 
ferings, we disdain to appeal. We feel that our remedy 
must be with our own States, with those who will not fail 
to vindicate our rights or avenge our wrongs. 

We are convinced that the time is arrived when Massa- 
chusetts must make a resolute stand .... The "sophisti- 
cated" Government, which those states have witnessed for the 
thirteen years past has almost completed their ruin, and every 

*• The Salem Gazette, Feb. 15, 1814. 
«^The Salem Gazette, Feb. 22, 1814. 


day still adds to their distressed condition. The patience of 

the maritime states has been wonderful. And we fondly 

hoped it would be ascribed to its true cause. We now seo 

it misconstrued, rewarded with accumulated wrongs, and 

with contempt both of our Avishes and sufferings. 

Ofr * -x- * * 

And shall it (our Commerce) now be annihilated even to 
the coasting trade, T^dthout a shadow of constitutional au- 
thority, and to the involvement of thousands in absolute 
poverty, of thousands more in distress for the want of es- 
sential supplies ? 


But who at last believes that free Trade and Seaman's 
rights ever were the true object of the War? Who is not 
convinced that enlarging the power of the authors and aid- 
ing the common enemy of free States was its prime object? 
And shall this once happy abode of Freedom, Honored 
Fathers, be rendered miserable to promote such nefarious 
purposes; and without any possible benefit to herself? And 
shall horrid Retaliation finish the climax of guilt, if any 
lawful expedients or exertions worthy of our Ancestors can 
contribute to bring these evils to an end ? 

Viewing these subjects as we view them, we dare not 
express in whole the indignation we feel. 

But with respectful confidence, we commit ourselves un- 
der the Guardian Providence of the Great Supreme, to our 
honored Legislature, with a cheerful hope, that their Wis- 
dom, Heaven directed, will adopt such measures for relief 
to their oppressed citizens, as will save them from the dire ne- 
cessity of relieving themselves individually; such means as 
will procure effectual relief from our sufferings and main- 
tain the sovereignty and independence of the Commonwealth. 
Siffiied in behalf 

of the Tovm 

George Choate 
Eben' Caldwell 
Wiir Conant J' 
Oliver Appleton 
Ammi R. Smith 

)■ of 

A Committee of the Legislature reported upon these Me- 


morialB which came from every part of the State, agreeing 
sympathetically with the complaints therein made, deploring 
that the voice of !N'ew England was lost in the General Coun- 
cils, but finding no action advisable beyond the adoption of 
Resolutions, affirming that the Embargo Act was unconsti- 
tutional, and all attempts to prohibit their rights by military 
force were destructive of freedom and repugnant to the Con- 

The State election occurred in April, resulting in the re- 
election of the Federal candidate for Governor, Caleb Strong. 
The vote of Ipswich was, Strong 412, Dexter 166. In 1811, 
299 ballots had been cast for Christopher Gore, the Federal- 
ist, and 163 for Elbridge Gerry. Popular opposition to the 
War was evidently gaining strength in Ipswich, as in New 
England generally, and throughout the nation. The Ga- 
zette of April 7, 1814, announced that President Madison 
had been compelled by public opinion and the overthrow of 
Mr. Jefferson's "Tyrant" (Napoleon Bonaparte) to recom- 
mend to Congress the immediate repeal "of their foolish, 
baneful and unconstitutional Embargo and other Restrictive 
Laws." The Newburyport Herald called captures made by 
privateers, "Licensed Kobbery." Mr. Dexter called the let- 
ter-of-marque vessels, "Algerines." The war was styled 
"Madison's War." 

One Tuesday evening in early May, 1814, the British 
man-of-war "Nymphe" dropped anchor near shore and sent 
a boat to land Capt Howe, late of the privateer brig "Ar- 
gus."^® June was a month of constant alarm. Nine armed 
vessels were in Ipswich bay on Wednesday, June 8*^, and a 
coaster was burned that evening, and another near Cape 
Ann. On Monday, the 13*^, two barges from an English 
frigate came into Squam Harbor and burnt a sloop, sunk 
another, and carried off two small schooners loaded with dry 

■• The Salem Gaaette, March 1, 1814. 
>* The Salem Gazette, May 13, 1814. 


fish.'^ Military guards were established along the coast. 
The Castle Hill farm, those on the lower Argilla road, and 
on the road to Jeffrey's Neck were exposed to attack and 
at any moment their houses might be looted and burned, 
and the sheep and cattle carried away. 

An amusing episode is told by Mr. Spofford in his Remin- 
iscences. Robert Pitman, a light-witted lad, lived with 
Capt. Eben Sutton on Plum Island. One day a boat from a 
British vessel, manned by five or six men, landed on the 
beach. They shot a cow in the pasture and proceeded to 
dress it, Bob, meanwhile, calling them all the vile names 
to which he could lay his tongue and threatening that Capt. 
Sutton "would bring down a parcel of trainers and kill em 
all." The officer in command at last ordered a man to fire 
at him, but Bob took to flight and escaped unhurt. Spying 
a gathering of men on Great Neck, the officer ordered a 
retreat, leaving the booty on the ground. 

On June 24**^, there was a sensation of a novel sort when 
Tyler P. Shaw of Northport was brought to town and locked 
up in the Ipswich jail, being committed on a charge of high 
treason, to be tried in the Circuit Court at Boston in Oc- 
tober. ^^ 

In Julv the Grovemor issued a call for 200 artillerists and 
900 infantry for three months' service. Voluntary enlistments 
were evidently inadequate and a draft was made in August 
and a camp established at Danvers. Two hundred of these 
were assigned for the defence of Salem, Marblehead and 
Gloucester. Ipswich men were among the drafted, as the 
Town voted in October, that those who had been drafted and 
had been in actual service should have their wages made up 
by the Towoi with the Government pay of $15 a month, 
raised again to $17. 

The last alarm was occasioned by the attack on Sandy 

^ The SaJem Gazette, June 10 and 14, 1814. 
*^ The Salem Gazette. June 28th, 1814. 


Bay, now Eockport, by three barges from the "]!Tymphe" 
with a oarronade and 40 or 50 men, on Sept 8, 1814. A 
landing was made before daylight, the fort surprised, the 
guard taken prisoners, and the gims spiked and thrown over 
the parapet. The church bell gave the alarm, the militia 
ran to arms, and the British withdrew. The discharge of 
their gun opened the seams of the barge ; the crew swam ashore 
and were taken prisoners. ^^ Col. James Appleton of Glou- 
cester, in later years a well-remembered resident of Ipswich 
on the Appleton Farm, and the Captains of the militia com- 
panies responded with alacrity to this and other alarms, 
but happily, no lives were lost. 

Captain Moses Whittier's company, raised in Ipswich, 
was attached to Major K. Elwell's regiment. The company 
roll, from Sept. 14 to November, 1814, in the published 
Roeorda of the M assachusetts Militia, is as follows : 

Moses Whittier, Captain 
John Brown, Lieutenant 
Robert Kimball. Ensim 
Ebenezer Ilarwood, Sergeant 
Joseph Lord, Sergeant 
Abel Andrews, Sergeant 

Andrews, Benjamin 

Andrews, Charles 
Baker, Asa 
Bickford, Silas 
Bowden, Thomas 
Bumham, Elisha 
Bumham Ezra 
Bumham, Isaac 
Burnham, Joshua 
Butman, John 
Champney, Joseph 

•« The Salem Gazette, Sept 13, 1814. 

Ilavilah Dodge, Sergeant 
Moses Knowlton, Corporal 
Samuel Kinsman, Corporal 
Samuel Andrews, Corporal 
Joseph Ilodgkins, Corporal 
Moses Perkins, Musician 
Moses Andrews, Musician 


Cheever, William 
Clark, Edward 
Clark, William 
Clark, William 2»* 
Davison, Plinev 
Dennis, Thomas 
Dickerson, Darius 
Dodge, Israel 
Dodge, John 
Dodge, William 
Durong, John 


EUery, William 
Elwell, Isaac 
Giddings, Henry 
Qoldsborough, Asa 
Greenleaf, Edmund 
Grush, Philip 
Gurley, William 
Hardy, Phineas 
Hobson, Samuel 
Hoyt, Daniel 
Hull, William 
Jewett, Eliphalet 
Jewett, Thomas 
Kimball, Nathaniel 
Kimball, Stephen 
Kneeland, Aaron 
Kneeland, John 
Lakeman, William 
Lambert, Thomas 
Leatherland, William 
Lee, Andrew 
Lee, Edward 
Lord, Daniel 
Lufkin, William 
Lull, John 
Lummus, John 
Mace, John 

Manning, Joseph B. 
Ober, Daniel 
Pearson, Amos 
Perkins, Nathaniel 
Perkins, Stephen 
Pettingill, Moses 
Phillips, James 
Pickard, Nathaniel 
Pickard, Samuel 
Potter, Benjamin 
Pulsifer, William 
Ross, Frederick 
Eussell, William 
Rust, Moses 
Smith, Aaron 3*. 
Smith, Thomas 
Snelling, Moses 
Stanwood, Robert 
Thompson, John 
Thompson, William 
Vincent, Matthew 
Welling, Michell 
W^ells, John 
Wells, Joseph 
Wells, Nathaniel B. 
Wise, John 
Wyatt, Simon 

This company rendezvoused at Essex, and marched to Cape 
Ann, where they were on duty three months. 

Many Ipswich men served in the privateers. Mr. Spof- 
ford in his Reminiscences recalls Capt. Thomas Kimball, 
Isaac Kimball, Capt. John Lord, Capt. Joseph Dennis, Capt 
Charles Treadwell, Capt. David Staniford, Daniel Ross and 
Samuel Hobson. John H. Hovey, who died on Aug. 1"*, 
1882, in his ninety-first year, was the last of the privateers- 
men of 1812. Mr. Spofford notes also that Josiah Symonds 
of Ipswich was enrolled in the detachment of 300 men 


organized and drilled in Salem, which marched through 
Ipswich to the East. They were all captured at Eastport 
and taken to Halifax. 

The Treaty of Peace was signed on Dec. 26, 1814, but 
it was not until Feb. 13, 1815, that the news reached Salem. 
A messenger galloped from Salem through Ipswich shout- 
ing "Peace, Peace," and scattering a broad-side by the way. 
All the bells were rung and the meeting house of the First 
Church was illuminated in the evening. On the following 
Sunday, an original hymn by Dr. Dana, the Pastor, was 
sung at the South Church. 

Lord of the world ! whose awful nod 
Bids nations know that Thou art God, 
In silence sink their hostile words 
And into plough shares beat their swords. 

Ipswich had good reason to be glad. Her sailors were 
languishing in Dartmoor Prison. Prices had risen to an 
almost prohibitive degree. One of our venerable citizens 
remembered that his father told the story of carrying a 
load of hay to Gloucester and returning with a barrel of 
flour as its equivalent, which was forthwith divided with 
a neighbor, as a luxury too expensive for a single family. 

The war had cost the American people the lives of thirty 
thousand men, as many more were incapacitated from lead- 
ing happy, vigorous lives, and $200,000,000. But "indi- 
rectly and unconsciously there was a gain not to be meas- 
ured in human lives or in dollars. The American people 
ceased to be provincial and began to appreciate its oneness, 
it began to feel and act as a nation."®' Domestic manu- 
factures had been stimulated by the shutting out of foreign 
goods. The great textile industries were already being de- 
veloped, and with the resumption of the fisheries and com- 
merce, a new and prosperous era for working man and capi- 
talist was close at hand. 

"" Channinsr. Student's History df United States, p. 368. 


The depression incident to the War soon disappeared with 
the return of Commerce and the resumption of the ordinary 
routine of business. The Fourth of July was celebrated 
with new zest, now that the War had revealed the strong 
and sure foundation of the national life. An old "broad- 
side" has preserved the record of the celebration of Indepen- 
dence Day in the year 1817. The great event of the day 
was the appearance of the Denison Light Infantry Company, 
recently organized, in full uniform, under the command of 
Capt. Eobert Kimball. At ten o'clock the company marched 
to the house of Capt. John H. Harris, where a beautiful 
silk flag, which had been procured by the ladies of the Town, 
was presented to Mr. Andrew Russell, Ensign of the Com- 
pany, by Caroline Goldsmith Harris, the young daughter of 
Captain Harris, with an appropriate address. Ensign Rus- 
sell responded fitly. The company then returned to the 
Court House where a procession of citizens was formed 
which was escorted by the band and the military, through 
the Town to the training field on the South side and back 
to the meeting house of the First Parish. After prayer 
by Rev. I)r. Dana, Rev. David T. Kimball "delivered to a 
crowded audience an appropriate address." The procession 
then reformed, marched up High St and back to the Tread- 
well tavern, where an elaborate dinner had been provided. 

President Monroe spent the summer following his inaug- 
uration on March 4^, 1817, in traveUing through New Eng- 
land and the Northern States. He was received with great 
enthusiasm, and his journey was a constant triumph. But 
the attitude of Ipswich was decidedly chilly. The warrant 
for a Town Meeting held on June 23*, contained an Article: 

To see what measures the Town will adopt on the intended 
visit of the President of the United States and to express 
their respect for him .... 

The meeting voted to dismiss the article. Nevertheless 


the Town awoke to the realization of the courtesy duo the 
Chief Magistrate. He arrived in Ipswich on Saturday, 
July 13*^. He was received by a procession which included 
undoubtedly the Denison Light Infantry. The new and 
showy uniforms, the waving flags, the stirring martial music, 
gave great eclat to the occasion. 

The Stone Bridge was handsomely decorated and a band 
of music stationed near it performed several national marches 
as the procession passed. After breakfasting at Mr. Tread- 
well's, the President departed for Newburyport, escorted by 
a regiment of cavalry under Col. Colman and followed by a 
numerous cavalcade of officers and citizens, who had come 
on from Newburyport and the vicinity to meet him. The 
Field and Staff officers^* of the Brigade came from Newbury- 
port to meet him. 

The Denison Light Infantry had a prominent part in the 
celebration of the Fourth of «Tuly, 1819. The correspondent 
of the Salem Gazette observed: "Under their present com- 
mander, Capt. Robert Kimball, their improvement in arms 
has exceeded our most sanguine expectations." The com- 
pany flourished for many years. Their flag and some equip- 
ments are in the museum of the Ipswich Historical Society. 

The reception to General LaFayette a few years later, was 
the most elaborate tribute the Town had ever paid to a na- 
tional hero. "No political animosities marred the unanimity 
of the welcome extended to him. Many of the soldiers of 
the Revolution still survived and their grateful appreciation 
of his great services lent a personal note to the public greet- 
ing. In Town meeting assembled, on August 24*^, 1824, 
it was 

Resolved, That the citizens of Ipswich have heard with 
unfeigned pleasure of the recent arrival in this vicinity of 
Gen. LaFayette, the undeviating defender of rational free- 

•• Salem Gazette. July 18, 1817. 


dom and the rights of man, the ilhistrions friend of America, 
who came to our relief and Gallantly devoted his early life, 
his talents & his fortune to the cause of American liberty 
and independence, and that we view his Exalted character 
with profound respect and are desirous of manifesting our 
heartfelt gratitude and attachment to him and ardently hope 
he will honor this town with his presence during his visit 
in the U. S. 

Voted, That a Committee of 3 be appointed to nominate 
a Committee of 13. 

Voted. Geo. W. Heard, Esq. William Dodge and Michael 
Brown be the committee. 

The Committee reported as the general Committee of ar- 
rangements, the three Selectmen, Ebenezer Lord, Jr., William 
Conant, Jr., and William Foster Wade, Nathaniel Wade, 
Esq., Col. Joseph Hodgkins, Hon. John Heard, Jabez Far- 
ley, Joseph Farley, ISTath. Lord, Jr., Asa Andrews, John 
Choate, Esquires, Capt. Daniel Lord and Ebenezer Bumham. 
The Committee of three was added to the reception Com- 

A flag staff was erected on Windmill Hill and a flag was dis- 
played. At the Stone Bridge, a decorated arch spanned the 
roadway. A cunnon was provided for the salute. The Es- 
sex Guards and musicians were secured from Gloucester and 
Manchester. The Ipswich Horse Troop and the Denison 
Light Infantry were assigned as an escort. Decorations 
and illuminations were provided for and an elaborate ban- 
quet was spread by Landlord Treadwell. 

The great day was rainy and the roads were muddy. The 
General's arrival was long delayed. Hour after hour passed, 
the military drawn up in line, the reception Committee at 
their post. It was after seven o'clock before he arrived, 
and the weather was then so bad that he suggested to the 
Captain of the Horse Company which met him probably 
near the Town line, that he dismiss his men at once.^° 

" Remembered by Mr. Aaron Kinsman, one of the company. 


Despite the unfavorable weather, he was received with 
great enthusiasm. The meeting house on the South side was 
thrown open and "Squire Lord"^** delivered an address of wel- 
come to which he responded briefly. When Col. Ifathaniel 
Wade approached to be introduced, LaFayette recognized 
him .immediately and grasping his hand said, "My Dear Sir, 
I am rejoiced to see you, it is just such a stormy night as we 
had when I met vou in Rhode Island."'*^ 

The General was then escorted to Treadwell's Tavern, 
where he and his suite were entertained until a late hour, 
when he continued his journey to Wewburyport, attended by 
a company of horsemen. 

" Nathaniel Lord, 8d. 

"v Felt History of Ipswich, p. 190. 


The Fibst Chuech After 1747. 

There is a tradition, and a very credible one, that on the 
first Sunday after the organization of the South Church, 
Kev. Nathaniel Rogers, the Pastor of the First Church, look- 
ing down upon his sadly diminished congregation, comforted 
his people with the Scriptural promise, "Pear not little 
flock; for it is your Father's good pleasure to give you the 
kingdonx." It was not merely the number but the quality 
of those whose seats were vacant that caused sorrow and dis- 
couragement For years prior to the division, the leaders 
of the new church had been the most prominent men in the 
old, the wealthiest, the most influential, the highest in social 
distinction. The loss of revenue was a serious matter, and 
the harder to face after the loss of membership, incident to 
the establishment of the Linebrook Church, and the setting 
off of the "Village" people to the Rowley Parish; but the 
breaking of old ties, the division of neighborhoods into disa- 
greeing factions, the initiating of inevitable rivalries and 
jealousies were even more serious obstacles in the way of 
prosperous and happy church life. 

But the people of the First Church rallied nobly to the 
help of the Pastor and to the advancement of the welfare 
of the old Parish. For years the meeting house had been 
falling into decay, though it was not fifty years old. The 
mending of the windows and putting in new glass was a sur- 
prisingly large item of annual expense. William Hunt, the 
glazier, put in his bill in 1740 for £10 5s. 6d. ; in 1741, 
£15 168. lid. and in 1743 the account of Mr. Hunt and 



Ills son Thomas, rose to £17 158. 9d. John Safford did 
the mending in the following year for £16, and in 1746 for 
£15 38. 3d. Whether the violence of wind and weather, or 
the stones thrown by mischievous boys was chiefly responsible 
for such excessive repairs, can never be known. It was de- 
cided that the old building should give place to a new one, 
and in April, 1749, less than two years after the meeting 
house on the South side had been erected, the frame of a new 
building was raised. 

There had been a frequent cry of poverty when the First 
Church opposed the Memorials of the parishes which craved 
separation, but now, with numbers reduced and financial 
ability diminished in very marked degree, they planned the 
largest and finest house in all the region. The determina- 
tion not to be out done is manifest in the verv dimensions 
of the new sanctuary. The meeting house on the South side 
was 60 feet long, 40 wide and 25 feet stud. The new meet- 
ing house on the Ilill was G3 feet long, 47 feet wide, 26 feet 
stud. The South meeting house was plain four square, with 
neither porch nor belfry, and the interior was bare and un- 
adorned. The new meeting house had a tall and graceful 
steeple, surmounted with the great gilded weather cock 
which still holds its place of pride. The pulpit and sound- 
ing board were masterpieces of skill, though made by Abra- 
ham Knowlton, the Ipswich carpenter, and it is said that 
a Boston church erected a duplicate of it in their new house 
of worship.^ Mr. Knowlton was paid for "painting the 
canopy" in 1767. In 1756, Richard Manning had his bill 
for gilding the basin and the hour glass. In 1762, a large 
clock was purchased by subscription, and the Parish voted 
Sept 16*^. 

That the Parish will be at the charge of Putting up the 
Clock (Bought by Subscription) in the steeple of the 1'* Par- 
ish, as also of the two Dial Plates and one hand for sd clock. 

* still preserved In part In the tower of the present meeting: house. 


Voted, that the subscribers for the Clock be recorded. 

By some understanding with the Town, the bell was 
removed from the Town House and placed in the steeple in 
the same year, and in the following year, the four square 
of the steeple was covered with sheet lead and steeple and 
house painted with white lead and oil. John Pinder, the 
sexton, was instructed to ring the bell at one o'clock as well 
as nine, and enjoined to sweep the meeting house once a 
month at least. Mr. Isaac Dodge and Col. Rogers were ap- 
pointed a Committee to act in conjunction with the Trustees 
of the South Parish in agreeing with Mr. Pinder about ring- 
ing the bell for the year ensuing. In 1769, the Parish voted 
that the bell be rung daily at half an hour after twelve. 

The First and South Parishes united in purchasing a lot 
for a burying ground on the South side in August, 1773. 
The two Parishes acted conjointly also, in the management 
of a reading and writing school. In June, 1769, a Commit- 
tee was appointed by the First Parish to act with a similar 
Committee of the South Parish "relating to the money voted 
by the Town for reading and writing schools & see if they 
both agree on a Plan Jointly for that purpose." John Den- 
nis was appointed the reading and writing school master 
by the First Parish in Feb., 1771. The Parish had hired 
^NTath. Smith's shop for the school in 1770. Joint action 
in choosing a school master is mentioned in 1765. 

Eev. Timothy Symnies became a colleague with Mr. 
Rogers in 1752, and continued with him until his death in 
1756. The health of the Pastor was seriously impaired, 
and he was unable to perform the duties of his office from the 
Spring of 1764 until the mid year of 1765, the pulpit supply 
being provided at the expense of the Parish. Again in 
March, 1773, the Pariah instructed the Committee respect- 
ing the supply and preachers were provided for two years. 
Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, the Pastor, died on May 8"*, 1775, 
in his seventy-fourth year, and in the forty-ninth year of his 


pastorate. A large stone was erected by the Parish over his 
grave, bearing a bas-relief and an inscription : 

A mind profoundly great, a heart that felt 
The ties of nature, friendship and humanity, 
Distinguished wisdom, dignity of manners; 
Those marked the man; — ^but with superior grace, 
The Christian shone in faith and heavenly zeal. 
Sweet peace, true greatness, and prevailing prayer. 
Dear man of God 1 with what strong agonies 
He wrestled for his flock and for the world ; 
And like Apollos, mighty in the Scriptures, 
Opened the mysteries of love divine, 
And the great name of Jesus! 
Warm from his lips the heavenly doctrine fell. 
And numbers, rescued from the jaws of hell, 
Shall hail him blest in realms of light unknown. 
And add immortal lustre to his crown. 

The death of Nathaniel Rogers brought to an end an un- 
broken service of four generations of that illustrious family, 
covering a period of one hundred and thirty seven years in 
the pastorate of the Ipswich Church. Before the Pastor's 
death, Rev. Levi Frisbie had been invited to preach three 
Sundays. His preaching gave such general satisfaction that 
he was called to the pastorate at the close of the year, 1775, 
and was installed on Feb. 7"*, 1776. He was bom at Bran- 
ford, Conn., about 1748, studied at Yale and Dartmouth, 
and was ordained at Dartmouth in 1772, a missionary to 
the Indians at Muskingum. Sickness and the hostile atti- 
tude of the Indians obliged him to give up his original plan,, 
but he spent several years in missionary labors at the South 
and in Maine and Canada. 

The Revolutionary War was already begun when he com- 
menced his ministry. The extreme depreciation of the cur- 
rency compelled extraordinary appropriations for Parish ex- 
pense. In 1780, £14,000 was raised and assessed, £10,000 


of which were for the Pastor's salary, but in the following 
year, on a hard money basis, the salary was £130. The 
Town bell was hung in the "balcony'' in 1794. The build- 
ing of pews was continued. The early fashion was to locate 
the pews about the walls, leaving the center of the house 
filled with long benches on which seats were still assigned by 
a Committee of the Parish. The singers also occupied a 
portion of these seats, but in 1781, they were assigned a 
place in the gallery, and the floor space which they had for- 
merly occupied was divided into pews. 

Two thirds of the floor space on each side of the "broad 
alley" was thus used in 1798, and the remainder was utilized 
in the same way a few years later, the purchasers of the 
spaces having the right to raise the floor in the construction 
of the pews. The singers were provided with a room and 
fuel and £9 in money to promote the singing in 1796, and in 
1801, they were located in the front gallery. On the first 
Simday that the violin, flute and bass-viol appeared, it is 
said that Dr. John Manning manifested his displeasure at 
the worldly innovation by leaving his pew, while the orchestra 
played, and taking dancing steps up and down the broad 
aisle to the mortification of the elder worshipers but to the 
great delight of the youth and the lighter minded. 

A lightning rod was fastened to the steeple in 1796 and 
as a scaffolding was erected, the weather cock received a 
coat of gold leaf and the steeple was freshly painted at the 
same time. 

The records of the vear 1795 contain a gruesome reminder 
of the great multitude, filled with morbid curiosity, which 
crowded into the meeting house when Pomp, the negro mur- 
derer, was brought there in his chains on the day of execu- 
tion to hear Mr. Frisbie preach his funeral sermon, "Joseph 
Lord, shoring up the meeting house when Pomp was executed, 

A most irreverent and desecrating use of the ancient bury- 


ing ground, where the dead had been laid from the beginning 
of the Town is revealed in the Parish vote of March, 1795. 

Voted that the herbage of the Burying Ground be now lett 
to the Highest Bidder & that no Stock be pastured in sd. 
Ground but Calves and Sheep, & it was struck off to Capt 
Eben Lord for 38/. 

Chose a Committee of Three to take care of the fence 
around the burning ground. 

This abuse of hallowed ground was continued until the 
year 1840. Land was purchased of Jeremiah Day on 
the north side of the burying ground for £70, and of John 
Manning for £32 6s. 8d. by joint action of the two Parishes 
in 1796. A fire engine having been bought by subscription, 
the two Parishes provided an engine house in 1803. The 
utilities of the Parish were further supplemented in 1814, 
by the purchase of a hearse and the erection of a hearse house. 

Mr. Frisbie bought an old house on County Street in 1788, 
which he tore down and erected a new dwelling on the same 
site. It was owned later by Mr. Chas. Bamford. Soon after 
his installation, in the vear 1780, the First and South 
Churches, with the Hamlet and Chebacco Churches, began 
the united "Quarterly Fast," the services being held in regu- 
lar rotation in each Parish. It was continued with great 
interest for more than fifty years. Mr. Frisbie died on 
Feb. 25, 1806, at the age of fifty-eight years. 

Rev. Daind Tonney Kimball, a graduate of Harvard in 
the class of 1803, was introduced to the people of the First 
Church bv Mr. Frisbie at the last service he was able to con- 
duct, the communion, on Sept. 21***, 1805. He supplied the 
pulpit during the Pastor's sickness, and after his death, was 
called to the pastorate and ordained on October 8***, 1806. 
He was the son of Daniel and Elizabeth Kimball, a native of 
Bradford, where he was born Nov. 23*^, 1782. Having spent 
a year as an assistant in Phillips Academy at Andover, he 


studied divinity with Rev. Jonathan French until he began 

The Parish offered him a salary of $600, but it was subject 
to change in very singular fashion, according to the fluctua- 
tion of the prices of the necessaries of life. The Committee 
to which this delicate matter was assigned reported at length : 

.... they have maturely considered the subject of salary 
and find that a fair and just calculation of the proper articles 
necessary for supporting a family will considerably exceed 
six hundred dollars p' year according to the present prices. 

We therefore recommend to the Parish to offer the said 
Mr. David T. Kimball the sum of six hundred dollars p' 
year to be regulated according to the price of the necessaries 
of life and to rise and fall according to the Price of sd neces- 
saries and to continue as long as he shall continue to perform 
the duties of a Gospel Minister, and in case of his being 
unable by the Providence of God to perform said duties & 
services that sum to be reduced to four hundred dollars .... 

They have agreed with him on the following articles and 

Hard wood $5 per cord 

Indian Com .90 per bushel 

Rye 1.10 per bushel 

Flour 7.50 per barrel 

Pork .07 per lb. 

Beef 4.00 per hundred 

English Hay 12.00 per ton 

Salt Hay ^ 6.00 per ton 

Flax .121/0 per lb. 

Cyder 1.50 per bbl. 

Brown Sugar of first quality 11.00 per hundred 

Coffee "^ .20 per lb. 

Best West India Rum .84 per gallon 

And it is understood and agreed by the Parties that the 
said Salary is allways to be paid in Cash and to be regulated 
as aforesaid, etc 

It was a clumsy and unworkable scheme. It was soon 
found that sundry articles had been omitted in the schedule 


and in 1810, the sum of $70 was voted to make good the 
deficiency of the past three years. Serious difficulties were 
in store. 

Mr. Kimball bought the lot occupied by the ancient prison 
on Jan 1'*, 1808 and built the large and comfortable dwelling, 
owned and occupied until her death by his grand-daughter, 
Mrs. Elizabeth K. Spaulding. He married Dolly Varnum 
Cobum of Dracut on Oct. 20"*, 1807. It is hardly probable 
that the house was finished before their first child, David 
Tenney was bom on Sept. 7^^ 1808, but all the rest of the 
children were bom here, Daniel, on May 25"* 1810, Peter 
Augustine, on Sept 9, 1812, Elizabeth, on July 9, 1814, 
John Rogers on August 23^, 1816, Levi Frisbie on April 25, 
1818 and died May 9*^, Mary Sophia on August 16, 1820. 
All, save the infant Levi Frisbie, grew to mature life. 

Here the Pastor dwelt all the long years of his busy and 
useful life. His diary notes the frequent coming of brother 
ministers on their journeys hither and thither, who never 
failed to find food and shelter for themselves and their horses. 
Here too, came many of distinguished name, Lyman Beecher, 
Calvin Stowe, Leonard Woods, famous ministers in their day. 
Catherine Beecher, Ann Hazletine Judson, N. P. Willis, Wil- 
liam Lloyd Garrison, Daniel Webster, Caleb Cushing and 
Rufus Choate were welcome guests. Zilpah Grant and Marj^ 
Lyon made their home here in the early days of their school. 

In 1816, a Sunday School was organized. Stoves were 
set up in the meeting house in 1819. The young minister 
was destined to find many trying experiences. A consider- 
able number had withdrawn at about the time of his coming 
to form the Baptist^ society and in his letter of acceptance 
he lamented, "so few attend her solemn feasts." In 1829 
and 1830, many families joined the new Methodist* Church, 
and the newly organized Unitarian* Church drew another 

» See Chapter XXI, The Baptist Church. 
» See Chapter XXII. The Methodist Church. 
* See Chapter XXVin, The Unitarian Church. 


group from the parent Church in the latter year. The Pas- 
tor, greatly troubled by these withdrawals, addressed a letter 
to his Parish on June 3^ 1830. 

Brethren and Friends 

The present is a time of great trial both to Ministers and 
Keligious Societies. The past season, though in many re- 
spects exceedingly interesting, has been to me by far the most 
trying I have ever known. My trials none can know but 
those who possess a pastor's heart ; you also as a Society, have 
had your trials ; as a token of sympathy for them I virtually 
inclose you the sura of One Hundred Dollars in the receipt 
inseparably connected with this, by which I reduce my salary 
for the last year to $457 41 cents. With the best wishes 
for your temporal and spiritual welfare, 

Your affectionate Pastor, 

David T. Kimball. 

The finances of the Parish were not in prosperous condition. 
Despite the Pastor's too liberal reduction of his salary in 
1830, a subscription was ordered in 1836, "to meet so much 
of the debt of the parish to Mr. Kimball for the year 1833, 
as is not otherwise provided for, the deficiency being about 
two hundred dollars." Denominational rivalry grew more 
acute with the growth of the Methodist Society, and in 1838 
Mr. Kimball betrayed his pique by his sermon "On the 
Utility of a Permanent Ministry," in which his animus 
against the Methodists was too thinly veiled. A sharp 
repartee from Rev. Daniel Wise followed and the pews were 
not slow to array themselves under their respective cham- 
pions. Denominational tailors and barbers had their exclu- 
sive patrons and the anti-slavery bickerings added further 
bitterness to the sharp variances of the time. 

Notwithstanding these adverse currents, a chapel was built 
by subscription on the site of the old Town Pound in 1832 
and conveyed to the Parish. The fine new meeting house 
of the South Parish was built in 1837 and only five years 


elapsed before the men of the First Parish began to consider 
the same step. The report of the Committee appointed to 
examine the old house, that it was not worth repairing, was 
accepted unanimously on Feb. 22"**, 1842; and it was also 
voted unanimously, that "the Parish grant authority to the 
subscribers for a stock for a new meeting house, to build said 
meeting house on the same land where the old house now 
stands, when said old house shall have been taken down." 

The salary contract with Mr. Kimball had brought forth 
fruits of bitterness in these latter vears. There was much 
feeling between Pastor and people, which was manifest in the 
frequent overtures looking toward the breaking of the old 
agreement. The salary was always in arrears. But in 
April, 1845, the Treasurer reported that $993.15 had been 
paid to Mr. Kimball, in full of all demands prior to April 
1844, and that the Parish was free from debt for the first 
time in more than twenty years. 

The new enthusiasm was evident again in the report of 
the Committee in July, 1845, that fifty-one pews were en- 
gaged certainly and nine others provisionally. Gkorge W. 
Heard, Abraham Hammatt, isTathan Brown, William T, 
Averill and Jacob Brown were appointed a Building Com- 
mittee in August. There was one sincere regret, in which 
all shared, the loss of the fine old pulpit and sounding board, 
and the Parish voted that if it be deemed practicable, 
they should be put in place in the new sanctuary. The old 
bell was given to the Linebrook Parish, provided the South 
Parish and the Town convey their interests. The services of 
worship were held in the Town House, although the South 
Parish had invited them to join in union services during the 
building of the new house. The farewell services in the old 
meeting house were held on February 22°*, 1846. 

The comer stone of the new building was laid on July 14"*. 
Although the Parish had suffered from the rise of new Par- 
ishes since 1749, when the old meeting house was built, the 



new one was 751/^ feet long against the 63 feet of the earlier 
building, but the width and height were nearly identical, 
48 feet in place of 47, 25 in place of 26. The new steeple, 
135 feet high, was snrmonnted by the old weathercock, a 
little enlarged and regilded. The old clock was replaced 
with its four new dials, and a new bell hung. 

Services of dedication w^ere held on February 4"*, 1847, 
the sermon being preached by the Pastor. He alluded with 
feeling to the generous gifts by friends, the two pulpit Psalni 
books by Mrs. John W. Treadwell of Salem', the pulpit Bible 
by Mrs. John Baker, the marble baptismal font by Robert 
Farley Esq., of Boston, the clock by Gen. William Sut- 
ton of Dan vers, the bell by John Heard Esq. of Canton, 
China, and the organ by Augustine Heard Esq. and $400 
provided by the ladies of the Parish for carpets and lamps. 
The great bass viol was put at the disposal of the Committee 
on music. The sale of pews netted more than $10,000, and 
as the contractor had suffered loss, a thousand dollars was 
granted him as a gratuity. 

The general rejoicing was saddened by the common feeling 
that the ministry of the Pastor, which had already covered 
more than forty years, was coming to its close. He could not 
believe however, that his usefulness or acceptableness were 
any wise impaired, and he refused to listen to any sugges- 
tions of a colleague or of his withdrawal. Eventually, an 
agreemtent was made regarding the original salary contract, 
and the life use of the parish land, and he agreed to cease 
from any ministerial or pastoral labor, retaining only the 
title of Pastor. He died on February 3^, 1860, at the age 
of seventy-seven. 

Mr. Augustine Heard, always the generous friend of the 
Society, conveyed to the Parish on June 11, 1858, the family 
mansion of the late Dr. Thomas Manning, which he had re- 
cently purchased from Joseph E. Manning, son of the de- 
ceased. He prescribed in the deed of conveyance that it 

450 IPSWICH^ IS the Massachusetts bay colony. 

should be used only as a Parsonage, and that there should 
never be any other building erected '^between the dwelling 
now standing thereon and the said land of said Cowles and 
within seventv-five feet of said Maine Street." 

Rev. Robert Southgate, a graduate of Bowdoin in the class 
of 1826, of Andover Seminary and Yale Divinity School, was 
installed on Julv 24, 1851 and remained the Pastor until 
his dismission, Feb. 5, 1868. He died at Woodstock, Vt, 
Feb. 5, 1873. He was succeeded by Rev. Thomas Morong, 
who was installed as Pastor, Feb. 5, 1868, and the same 
Council which advised his dismission, on Jan. 12, 1876, in- 
stalled Rev. Edwin Beaman Palmer. He was graduated 
from Bowdoin in 1856, and from Bangor Seminary, 1859. 
His pastorate was terminated by his resignation and advice 
of Council on May 3, 1885. Rev. George Hale Scott, a 
graduate from Williams College in 1865 and Andover Semi- 
nary in 1873, was installed Dec. 20, 1885 and dismissed 
July 13, 1891. Mr. Scott had practised law prior to his 
entrance on the ministerial profession. He resumed the law 
for a time after his pastorate in Ipswich, but turned again to 
the ministry and was settled in Atkinson, N. H. 

Rev. Edward Constant, Pastor of the Congregational 
Church in Gorham, N". H., educated for the ministry in Not- 
tingham, England, was invited to become the Pastor on !N"o- 
vember 24, 1891, and began his service January 1, 1892. 
The call was for a single year, but Mr. Constant so endeared 
himself to all by his service in the pulpit, his pastoral 
labors and his enthusiastic interest as a citizen in all public 
affairs, that his ministry was prolonged for eighteen years. 
His resignation took effect at the end of April, 1910. 

By invitation of the Parish, Rev. Frank H. Baker, Pastor 
of the Congregational Church in Bridgton, Maine, a graduate 
of Boston University 1893, Bangor Seminary 1897, began his 
ministry on July 1, 1910. His very acceptable and useful 


pastorate was terminated by his resignation on Dec. 14, 1913, 
and his final sermon on Jan. 25, 1914. 

Rev. Paul G. Macy, a graduate of Yale, Class of 1911, and 
Hartford Seminary in the class of 1914, was ordained and 
installed June 23, 1914. His pastorate continues happily 
and prosperously. 

The Ltnebbook Church/ 1746. 

Confident of ultimate success, apparently, in their long 
difference with the First Parish, the men who had their 
homes in the extreme west portion of the Town, and over the 
Rowley line, had begun building a meeting house as early 
as 1744, but it remained unfinished during the struggle for 
corporate existence. The Act of Incorporation was secured 
June 4, 1746. The first meeting of the Parish was held on 
July 7"* and on January 27*^, 1746-7, as the precinct was 
bounded on the south by Hewlett's Brook and Ipswich River, 
on the east by Gravelly, Bull and Batchelder's Brooks, and 
on the west by Strait Brook, the Parish voted that its name 
should be very appropriately, Linebrook Parish. 

A few months later, on June 27, 1747, the Parish voted 

to complete the meeting house, building first the pulpit and 

deacons' seat ; second, the body seats below ; third, three fore 
seats in each gallery; fourth, the gallery stairs, and plaster 

under the gallery; fifth, a pew for the Parish. In accord- 
ance with the custom of the time, it had windows in the gal- 
lery, a door in front, and one on each side. It stood on the 
road leading toward Rowley, a spot now called "up in the 


In the summer of 1748, a young Harvard graduate of the 

class of that year, George Lesslie, son of James Lesslie of 

^ The material for this chapter has been found in the main in the Rec- 
ords of the Linebrook Church and Parish, but grreat help has been derived 
from the history of the Church by Mr. Martin V. B. Perley, a native of 
the Parish, in his narrative of Ipswich history in the History of Kaaex 
County, Philadelphia, 1888, Vol. II: pp. 591-597. 



Topsfield, began preaching to the new Parish. He continued 
this service through the winter, and is said to have studied 
divinity meanwhile with his own pastor, Eev. John Emerson 
of the Topsfield Church. ^Notwithstanding he was just at- 
taining legal age, his preaching proved acceptable, and he 
was called to the pastorate, with a settlement of £700 and 
an annual salary of £100 lawful money and twelve cords of 
wood. He Avas ordained on ^November 15"*, 1749, and on 
the same day, the Covenant was signed and the church was 
formally organized. 

November 15: 1749 being y® day [ ] Covenant Ac- 

knowledged publicly y® Subscription of it [ ] there- 

upon Embodied into a Distinct Chh Society. 

The Chh Covenant 

copied off f y® original 

We whose Names are hereto Subscribed apprehending 
ourselves called of Gt)d (for y® advancing his Sons Kingdom 
& Edifying ourselves & posterity) to combine & Embody 
Ourselves into a Distinct Chh Society & being for that end 
orderly dismissed from y® Chhs to w*^ we heretofore belonged ; 
do (as we hope) w* some Measure of Seriousness & Sincerity 
take Upon us y® following profession & Covenant viz. 

As to Matters of Faith we cordially adhere to y® Shorter 
Catechism of y® Assembly of Divines Where w* Also y® New 
England Confession harmonizeth: Not as Supposing there 
is Any Authority much less Infallibility in these Humane 
Creeds or formr [ ] yet verily believing that these 

Principles are drawn from & agreeable to y® Scriptures w^ 
is y* Fountain & Standard of truth & we moreover adhere 
to these principles in y® calvinistical w^ we take to be y* 
Genuine or Natural Sense hereby declaring our utter Dis- 
like of y® Pelagian Arminian Principles vulgarly so calPd. 

In firm belief of y® Above Mentioned Doctrines from an 
Earnest Desire that what we are now doing May be a Means 
of so Great an [ ] ness we do now (under a Sense 

of Our utter unworthiness of y® Ho[ ] & Priviledges 

of Gods Covenant people) in most solemn yet [ ] 


chearful Manner give Tip ourselves & Offspring to Grod y* 
Father [ ] son y* Mediator & y*" Holy Ghost y® In- 

structor Sanctifier & Comiorter [ ] henceforth y* Peo- 

ple & Servants of this God to Believe in All his [ ] 

lations to accept of his Method of Reconciliation to Obey 
all His [ ] luands & to keep all His Ordinances: to 

look to & Depend upon him [ ] all for & work all 

in us especially relating to Our Eternal Salvation being 
sensible that of our selves we can do nothing. 

And it is also our purpose & Resolution (by y* Divine 
As [ ] discharge y® Duties of Christian Love & 

brotherly Watchfulness tow[ ] other to train up our 

children in y® Nurture & Admonition of y® [ ]mand- 

ing them & our households to keep y* Way of y® Lord; 
to Joyn in setting up & Maintaining y* publick Worship 
of Grod Among [ ]ly & joyfully to attend upon 

Christs sacraments & Institutions [ ] all proper 

Obedience & Submission to him or them that shall from 
[ ] to time in an Orderly Manner be Made overseers 

of y® Flock [ ] submit to all y® Regular Administra- 

tions & Censures of y® Ch[ ] contribute all in our 

power to y® Regularity & peaceableness of the [ ]nis- 


And Respecting Chh Discipline it is our purpose to 
[ ] Methods contained in our Excellent Platform so 

called for y* Substance as thinking it a Rule y® Nearest 
y® Scripture & most probable to p[ ] maintain Purty 

order & peace of Any, & we Earnestly pray y* God [ ] 

be pleased to Smile upon this Undertaking for his Glory 
y* whilst [ ] subscribe w* our Hand to y® Lord & 

Sir-name our Selves by y® Name f ] we may thro 

Grace Given us become Israelites indeed in whom there 
[ ] Guile y* our Hearts may be right w* Gk)d & we be 

Steadfast in his [ ] That we who are now Combin- 

ing in a new Chh of Jesus [ ] by y® purity of Our 

faith & Morals become One of those Golden [ ] sticks 

Among whoTn y® Son of God in way of Favour & pro- 
tec [ ] condescend to walk & y* Every Member of it 
May thro Imputed [ ]ness & inherent Grace be here- 
after found among y® Happy Multi[ ] y® glorious 
Head of y® Chh y® Heavenly Bridegroom shall present 


[ ] a glorious Ohh not having spot or wrinkle or 

any such Thing. 

George Lesslie ^^^ 
Jos. Metcalf 
James Davis 
George Hibbert 
Tho" Potter 
(Tonathan Burpe 
John Abbot 
Ebenezer Tenney 
David Perley 
Jeremiah Smith 
? Foster 
John Chaplin 

[ ] 

A few months later, the wife of Ebenezer Tenney was re- 
ceived by a letter of dismission from the First Church, New- 
bury ; Amos Jewett's wife from the Byfield Church ; Hannah 
Smith, the wife of John, the widow Mary Fowler, the widow 
Ruth Kimball, and the wives of Joseph Metcalf, James 
Davis and Mark Fiske, from the First Church, Ipswich; 
the wives of Thomas and Ezekiel Potter from the Church 
in Topsfield ; Elizabeth, wife of David Perley and Susanna 
Hibbert, wife of George, from the Rowley Church. With no 
small satisfaction, these families who lived for the most part 
in the same neighborhood, who had many interests in com- 
mon, but whose church connections were so diverse, at last 
attained the privilege of worship in their own meeting 
house, and a common interest and responsibility in main- 
taining a Church and Parish in their midst. 

The organization was completed by the choice in Decem- 
ber, 1749 of John Abbott and Jonathan Burpe as Deacons, 
James Davis and George Hibbert as Ruling Elders. The 
Deacons elect accepted their office in January, 1760, but the 
Ruling Elders found decision as to their acceptance difficult. 
That ancient office was now falling into disfavor. Evidently 


there was a strong difference of opinion in the Linebrook 
Church. George Hibbert, Elder-elect, died on April 29**", 
1750, but no action was taken to elect a successor. Mr. 
Davis gave no intimation of his acceptance of the oflSce and 
on Dec. 26***, 1751, Thomas Potter and Jeremiah Smith were 
appointed a Committee to wait on Mr. James Davis and see 
whether he accepted his call. He announced his acceptance 
on Jan. 7*^, 1752, and on the same day, Dea. John Abbott 
was chosen Ruling Elder to succeed Mr. Hibbert. James 
Davis died on March 11, 1753, and David Perley was chosen 
to fill the vacancy on Nov. 30"', 1756. 

The custom of the .time required that the Ruling Elders 
should be formally ordained to their office by a Council 
of the neighboring churches, in the same manner as the Pas- 
tor. No such service had ever been held and it is not 
probable that the Ruling Elders elect were competent to dis- 
charge the functions of their office. Finally in February, 
1757, at a Church meeting, 

Deacon John Abbott and David Perley being present Re- 
fused to Accept of y® Office of Ruling Elders in this Chh. 
. . . . y** Chief Reasons for their Refusing said Office Al- 
ledged by them were in y® first place y® apprehensions they 
had of their Own Unfitness for so Important a Trust; & 
in y® Next place their Not being fully satisfied that there 
is any such Officer in y® Chh. appoint by X as a Ruling 
Elder Distinct from y^ Pastor. 

Two weeks later, the Church elected Amos Jewett and 
Jeremiah Burpe, but a year elapsed before any move was 
made toward the ordination ceremony. The 19*^ of April 
was then selected and a Committee was appointed to sign 
the Letters-Missive for the ordaining council. No record 
remains of the ser\dce. Deacon Jonathan Burpe, Jeremiah 
Burpe and wife and Hannah Burpe, were dismissed from 
the church on May 6***, 1764, as they were then removing 
"to y® New Settlement upon St. John's River." No fur- 


ther election as Rulins: Elder was made, and the office ceased 
to be in due time. 

This mild friction regarding the Eldership was a trifling 
affair compared with the intensely personal difficulties that 
soon beset the youthful Pastor. He fell in love with Mary 
Hibbert, but the engagement was broken. Whereupon John 
Chaplin Jr. and Amos Jewett preferred formal charges of 
unbecoming conduct against him. Happily the Church 
stood by the Pastor loyally as they did again, when John 
Chaplin brought an accusing charge, '^respecting a Certain 
paragraf in his Sermon from these words, *Whom God hath 
Set forth to be a propitiation'." 

Despite the stormy atmosphere of these opening years, 
Mr. Lesslie proceeded placidly with his good work. To his 
pastoral duties, he added the work of a school-master, and 
very happily for our information, he jotted down most in- 
teresting memoranda on the last leaf of his Church Record. 

April y* 8, 1752. 

Symonds Baker & Asa Bradstreet Came to Live w* me 
at My House. 

July 11, 1753. Asa left me. 
August 4, 1753. Symonds left me. 
Capt. Baker Dr. for Symonds's Board) 

& Learning. ) 

£90-0. T. 

Aug. 17, 1756. 

Sam" Bradstreet D"". for Asa's board) 

& Learning J 

£77-10' O. T. 

Jan. 27, 1756. 

Timothy and Andrew Fuller came to school first to me. 
An® 1756, about y® Beginning of December Thos. Stickney 
came to school. 

!N"o. Be. he came before & continued about a week & then 
Tarried away for some Time. 

Ano 1757, March 31. 

Sam^ Perlev came to school. 

458 IPSWICH, in the Massachusetts bay colony. 

1757, March 9. Asa Bradstreet came to school. 
June 5. Andrew Fuller came to school. 
Sept. 6. Asa Bradstreet left me. 

Nov. 23. Tho. Stickney left me. 
Nov. 28. Tho. Gowing & Moses Nichols came to 

1758, March 13. Moses Nichols left me. 

March 14. Thos. Stickney returned to school to me. 
June 6. Daniel & Andrew Fuller came to school. 
July 10. Thos. Qt)wing left me. 
July 27. Sam^ Perley to be alowed a fortnight for a ? 

I Bought of him. 

Nov. 11. Daniel & Andrew Fuller left me. 

1759, April 19. Sam* Porter came to school. 
June 15. Sam^ Porter went home. 
June 29. Sam* Porter returned. 

Asa Bradstreet, son of Samuel Bradstreet of Topsfield^ 
after fifteen months study with him in 1752 and 1753, re- 
turned in 1756, and in 1757, was his pupil from March 
until September, when he was fitted for Harvard. Mr. 
Lesslie notes "September, 1757. Sam* Bradstreet of Tops- 
field D^ For a journey to Cambridge with Asa." 

He probably entered but did not graduate. Timothy and 
Andrew Fuller came to him in January, 1756. Daniel and 
Andrew in June, 1758. Timothy was graduated from Har- 
vard in 1760, Daniel in 1764, Andrew in 1765. Daniel 
Fuller taught school in Hampton and Haverhill two years, 
then studied divinity and began to preach in the Second 
Parish in Gloucester, (now West Gloucester) in July, 1769, 
where he spent fifty years in the pastorate. He was the 
grand-father of the late Daniel Fuller Appleton. 

Samuel Perley, son of Samuel and Ruth, began to study 
with his pastor in 1757, when a lad of fifteen. Two years 
afterward he went up to the University and was gradu- 
ated in 1763. After two years of further study, Mr. Per- 
ley was ordained as the Pastor of the church at North Hamp- 
ton, N. H., Jan. 13, 1765, and Mr. Lesslie preached the ser- 


mon on that occasion. The young minister came back for 
his bride, Hephzibah Fowler, and the Pastor married them, 
on May 21"*. 

Some of these years, when the minister was busy with his 
school and parish, were fraught with events of special in- 
terest In July, 175t3, he exchanged land with the Parish 
for "land to set a house on,'' and forthwith he built a two- 
story house and a bam on the lot thus acquired, a few rods 
west of the meeting house. John Chaplin, Jr., one of his 
accusers, a few years before, became a storm center again in 
1764. Charges were brought against him in December for 

forsaking y® Comunion of this Chh. not only in Regard of 
y' Non Attendance Upon y® Sacrament of y® Lord's Supper 
for w® you have offered a Reason But also in Respect of y*^ 
w* Draw from y^ Fellowship of y® Chh in Publick Prayer 
Singing of Psalms & hearing y® Word preached .... 

We moreover Charge you w* following & Consequently 
Encouraging Ignorant & Illiterate Persons namely Crosswell 
Hovey &tc in Taking upon era To perform Ministerial Acts : 
this we look upon As Exceeding Hazzardous To y® Souls 
of Men By Reason of y® Ignorance of these Teachers of y* 
Terms of Salvation & their Liableness to Erroneous Notions 
about Fundamental Truths. 

The second charge, undoubtedly, was related to the appear- 
ance in the churches of ignorant ranters ten years before, 
during the "Great Awakening." One Richard Woodbury of 
Rowley caused great disturbance in Ipswich at that time by 
his fanatical deliverances and insane claims of supernatural 
power. Croswell Hovey was a man of the same ilk, no 
doubt, a later fruit of the same spiritual upheaval. 

On Tuesday, Nov. 18, 1755, an earthquake caused great 
alarm. Mr. Lesslie relates the tale : 

Between y® hours of four & five in y® morning there Hap- 
pened a Most Surprizing Shock of y^ Earthquake w^ was 


afterwards succeeded by several Others tho IN^one Equal to 
y first . 

in y® Town of Ipswich much Damage was Done to Many 
Houses; yet thro y*' Goodness of God, No Hurt was Done 
Either to y® Lives or y® Limbs of any persons. 

Nov. 19. Several Shocks were Heard tho But small Com- 
pared to y® first 

May God of his Infinite Mercy sanctify it for Saving 
Benefit To All Persons in y* Land & make it an Effectual 
Means of arou[. . . .] Camaly Secure Sinners to a Sea- 
sonable [ jation of their Danger. 

The older people remembered vividly the severe shock, 
which occurred on a Sabbath night, between ten and eleven 
o'clock on the 29*** of October, 1727, which was also followed 
bv others. Mr. Felt records^ that at that time, the minds of 
the people were so affected that a very powerful revival of 
religion followed in the Ipswich parishes, and generally 
throughout New England. Only eleven years before, on the 
Sabbath again, in the forenoon, on June 3*", 1744, the ser- 
vices of worship at the Hamlet had been greatly disturbed 
by an earthquake shock. Mr. Wigglesworth calmed his peo- 
ple as best he could, reminding them, "There can be no better 
place for us to die in than the house of God." The frequent 
recurrence of these shocks may have robbed them of their 
terrors in some degree. At least, no such spiritual awaken- 
ing followed in the Linebrook Church as in the earlier days. 

The year 1756 witnessed his marriage. He made full 
entry in the Records of the Church and appended to it, an 
impressive Covenant with God. 

October 26. A. Dom. 1756 I George Lesslie, Pastor of this 
Chh. of Christ in Linebrook Was Married to her who was 
formerly Hephzibah Burpe, youngest Daughter of Deacon 
Jonathan Burpe of this Parish. 

y® Form of a Solemn Covenant with God. I take God 
y* Father to be My Chief est Good & Highest End ; I take 

• History of Ipswich, p. 206. 


God y* Son, to be My Only Lord & Saviour ; I take God y* 
Holy Spirit, to be My Sanctifier, Teacher, Guide & Com- 
forter ; I Take y*^ Word of God, to be My Kule, in all My 
Actions ; I take y* ppl of God, to be my ppl, in all Conditions 
I do likewise Devote & Dedicate Unto ye Lord, My Whole 
Self, All I Am, & all I have & all I can do this I Do 
Deliberately, Sincerely, freely & forever. 

This good man toiled on patiently and uncomplainingly for 
many years. He ministered to his people in joy and in sor- 
row. He drew up their deeds and wrote their wills. He 
kept the records of the Church with the fine hand of a school 
master. Some items are suggestive of the happenings of the 

April 29, 1773. 

Nath. How, Joseph Chapman & Jn^ Chapman were unani- 
mously chosen by y® Chh. to tune y^ Psalm in publick wor- 

1778, July 2"**, Ezra Ross was executed at Worcester for 
ye murder of Mr. Spooner. 

He had grown up in the Parish, and his parents were 
members of the Church. The Pastor attended the young 
man on the gallows, while the Church observed the day with 
fasting and prayer. 

The Eevolutionary War brought great hardship to the lit- 
tle Parish and to the Pastor. The currency was greatly de- 
preciated and the salary upon which he was settled was so 
diminished that it afforded him a living only by pinching 
economy. There is no record of his school in these later 
years. His family had grown apace until there were eight 
sons and daughters, George, David, James, Jonathan, Wil- 
liam, Hephzibah, Joseph and Mehitable. Again and again 
he appealed to his Parish to increase his salary, and his re- 
quests were just and reasonable. But the Parish did not or 
could not afford him relief, and he asked release from his 


pastorate in a long and earnest letter, dated Oct. 22, 1779, 
more than thirty years after he began his ministry. 

Mr. Martin V. B. Perley, a native of the Parish and its 
historian, tells the story of Mr. Lesslie's after life. He was 
called to a professorship in Dartmouth and also to the pas- 
torate of the church in Washington, N. H. He chose the 
latter, and on March 6, 1780, the minister and his family, 
George, the eldest, a young man of twenty-one, the baby Me- 
hitable, in her mother's arms, set forth on their journey of 
eighty miles into the northern wilderness. They were nine 
days on the way. He was installed in a bam on July 12"*, 
the meeting house not being completed until 1789. His 
salary was fifty-five poimds payable in food supplies and 
wearing apparel. They suffered great privations the first 
year. Provisions were attainable only at a distance of thirty 
or forty miles. Snow lay on the ground from October till 
the next Spring. Twenty-seven of his people's cattle died of 
starvation. They lost their only cow, and were without salt, 
a bushel of which cost five dollars in the Spring. No won- 
der the Church observed a day of fasting and prayer. In 
this lonely, humble field, this scholarly and devoted man 
was content to labor until his death in September, 1800, at 
the age of seventy-two years. 

The Linebrook Parish found it a diflScult matter to se- 
cure a successor to Mr. Lesslie. Mr. Joseph Motley was 
invited to settle by vote of Dec. 7, 1780 ; Mr. Joshua Spald- 
ing, on April 10, 1783, and Mr. Ebenezer Cleves on August 
11, 1785, but they each declined. ReV. Gilbert Tennant 
Williams, a Dartmouth graduate in the class of 1784, ac- 
cepted their call and was ordained on the first Wednesday of 
August, 1789. The Church then numbered nine men and 
fifteen women. Few annals of his pastorate remain. An 
interesting glimpse of the social life of the scattered neigh- 
borhood and of the Sabbath worship is afforded by the record 
of April 10, 1791. 

THE I.IXEBEOOK oHURon, 1746. 463 

Unanimously voted that the Singers belonging to the Sing- 
ing School of Linebrook Parish should join Mr. Joseph Chap- 
man & Nathaniel How in tuning the Psalm in the Meeting 
House & that said School should tune the Psalm when Mr. 
Chapman & Mr. How were not in the singing seat. 

A salary of £100 was voted him but it proved wholly in- 
sufficient for his support. In 1802, the Parish voted to 
raise $260 for the ministerial salary and other necessary 
charges. In 1804, it voted to add $46.66 to the salary for 
that year. In April, 1805, Mr. Williams was driven to 
tender his resignation but a temporary addition of $50 
averted the rupture. Slight relief was afforded him in 1808, 
by giving the pastor "two dollars for his son's keeping the 
key, sweeping the meeting-house & bringing water for bap- 
tism." With no fires to build nor carpets to sweep, the 
sexton's work was a slight task. In 1812, the financial 
weakness of the Parish began to be increased by the with- 
drawal of some to attend the Baptist worship, and in the 
following year, Mr. Williams was dismissed by a Council, 
convened on April 19, 1813. 

The Parish was now in a very weak condition. In 1814, 
the Church membership was reduced to one man and three 
women. It was voted by the Parish, however, on May 26, 

1813, to raise $150 and hire some person to preach the Gos- 
pel. The Committee was further instructed on July 5*"*, 
to "git the Minister Boarded as cheap as they can." The 
collection of the Parish taxes was let out to the lowest bid- 
der, Capt. W°. Conant Jr., bidding it off for 5 per cent. 
Petitions to be set off to other Parishes poured in upon the 
bewildered Society. A Committee was chosen on May 2, 

1814, to remonstrate with those who pressed for dismissal, 
but without success, and on Dec. 19*"* the Parish voted to 
remonstrate against the petition of Caleb Critchet and others 
to be set off to other societies, a similar petition of Isaac 
Smith and others, and the petition of Nathaniel Potter and 


others to be annexed to Topsfield. Furthermore a Commit- 
tee was chosen to send a remonstrance to the General Court, 
if it seemed advisable and go to the General Court in person, 
if necessary. Capt. Joseph Chaplin petitioned the General 
Court that he might be set off to the Kowley Parish. 

Preaching was maintained. Rev. Mr. Washburn supply- 
ing the pulpit in 1815, but it was a stormy time for preacher 
and people. The Committee journeyed to Boston to press 
its case before the Great and General Court, at whatever cost. 
Capt. Chaplin eventually agreed not to press his petition, 
on condition of being set off to Rowley First Parish, in con- 
sideration of his payment of $30 in 90 days and relinquish- 
ing all rights in pews or other parish property. The peti- 
tions of Critchet and others were still unsettled in May, 1816. 

Thirty dollars in cash was quite a windfall to the strug- 
gling Parish, and it was voted on April 15, 1816, to use 
part of this sum in repairing the meeting house, to let out 
half the pew by the pulpit stairs for 27^/2 cents, the other 
half for the same, and the land by the meeting house for 87 
cents. A committee was chosen "to see every man in the 
parish and see whether he is in favor of Rev. Azel Washman 
or Rev. Ebenezer Hubbert," 

The Baptist controversy reached a threatening stage in 
1817. A considerable portion of the Parish, while still re- 
taining membership in the Parish, formed a society for 
maintaining Baptist worship. It was voted by the Parish 
in ;N"ovember, 1817, "to compromise with the Baptists and 
see if they are willing to join with the Parish in having 
Preachers." Thomas Foster and others, the Baptist party, 
petitioned the Parish on Feb. 26, 1818, for the privilege 
of the meeting house half the time for their worship, and it 
was agreed that the Baptists should have two Sundays out 
of four. 

On May 1, 1818, the Committee appointed to confer with 
those "who have signed to the Society that have agreed with 


William Tayler to preach for them," recommended the Par- 
ish "to indulge the said Tayler party" with the use of the 
meeting house two Sundays alternately with the Parish. It 
was voted also, to lay out the balance of the money, $30, 
paid by Capt. Chaplin 

to some suitable Congregational minister to preach for 
said parish and the glass in hand, if those that have signed 
to hear William Tayler will find putty to set the glass in 
the meeting house at their own exspence that they may have 
it, otherwise to have the glass remain on hand. 

This chaotic condition continued for several years, the 
Baptist faction pressing evidently for the ultimate posses- 
sion of the meeting house. In April, 1820, the Committee 
of conference reported an agreement with the Baptists to 
allow them the use of the house six Sabbaths consecutively 
beginning with the third Sabbath in May, and half the time 
until April, 1821. 

No further compromise seems to have been made, and the 
Parish resumed complete possession of the meeting house in 
1822. Rev. Joseph Emerson, Principal of the Byfield Fe- 
male Seminary, a man of noblest spirit and devotion to 
the highest ideals, preached frequently during this distract- 
ing time, and was the chief factor, it may be believed, in 
saving the Church from dissolution. Deacon Foster had 
died in 1818, at the age of eighty- two. Mrs. Martha Perley 
died on Sept 3, 1819, at the age of eighty years and tem 
months. Mrs. Mehitable Chapman, and Mrs. Ruth Conant, 
wife of William Conant Esq. were the only surviving mem- 
bers. Mrs. Chapman was advanced in years and disabled 
by lameness and from 1819 to 1826 when three men and 
two women joined the Church, Mrs. Conant was the sole 
active member. 

It was a singular thing that in this critical emergency, 
it fell to an old man to save the Linebrook Church from ex- 


tinction. Rev. David TuUar, a Yale graduate of 1774, Pas- 
tor at Rowley from 1803 to 1810, then a laborer in mission 
fields, had returned to Rowley for his closing years. He 
began to preach in Linebrook in the summer of 1824, in his 
seventy-sixth year. The first accessions to the Church were 
welcomed in 1826, William Dickinson and his wife, Lydia, 
Lucy, the wife of Mark Howe, Xathan Dane Dodge and 
Charles Miller. New pride in the sanctuary is evinced in 
the choice of a Committee in April, 1827, "to prevent the 
boys and all others on Sabbath days from injuring and dirty- 
ing the meeting house" and ten men of substantial character, 
headed by William Conant Esq. were assigned the task of 
staying by the meeting house, two at a time. 

In January, 1828, the Parish had regained such vigor 
and hopefulness that the great project of taking down the 
old meeting house and rebuilding in a better locality was 
entered upon with enthusiasm. A new lot was secured, 
still occupied by the present meeting house. Daniel Searle 
and Mark R. Jewett contracted to do the work in April, and 
on November 4, 1828, the Parish voted to accept the rebuilt 
house on condition that the builders "paint the pulpit & 
elders pew and bannisters by the pulpit stairs, some devout ? 
color" and "make all necessary repairs in the pews which is 
wanted to make them good and decent." It voted also to 
"have the Communion table in the pew," and "to paint 
the breast-work of the galleries, posts, pulpit stairs, doors, 
window frames and weather boards." 

The pews apparently remained unpainted and the contrast 
between the freshly painted pulpit and gallery, doors and 
window frames, and the sombre hue, age and service had im- 
parted to the pews, must have been striking. But stoves were 
installed. Joseph Conant, Jun., was chosen Chorister, John 
Tenney, Assistant Chorister, and the rejuvenated sanctuary 
was rededicated with great dignity on January 1, 1829. 
Fifty-three men in the Parish subscribed $374 and forty-six 


women contributed $82.83. Neighboring churches sent their 
offerings, amounting to about a hundred dollars. Some six 
himdred dollars was thus secured. Six years had wrought 
wonders for Church and Parish and in 1830, Mr. TuUar, 
then eighty-two, closed his ministry. 

Kev. Moses Welch began his ministry on January 1, 1831, 
and preached several years with acceptance. Rev. J. P. 
Tyler was the supply during the winter of 1834-5, but proved 
so ill fitted for his work, that a "schism" in the Church re- 
sulted. Rev, James W. Shephard followed in May, 1835, 
and by his wise methods stilled the troubled waters. By a 
unanimous vote in both Church and Parish meetings, the 
people of Linebrook turned again to Rev. Moses Welch in 
May, 1836, offering him a salary of $350, but he did not 
accept the call. Rev. Samuel Harris supplied the pulpit in 
1836, Rev. Moses Dow preached for a time. Rev. Francis 
Welch was the stated supply from 1838 to 1842. During 
his brief pastorate he married Harriet Atwood Conant, 
daughter of William Conant Esq. and Ruth, on April 4, 
1839. Rev. Moses Welch again served as pulpit supply in 
1842, and was followed by Rev. Jacob Coggin, who continued 
preaching until 1848. 

A new. house of worship on the same site was built in 
1848, and dedicated on November 22. The building com- 
mittee contracted with Charles C. Bracket for $1850 and 
the old meeting house, the Parish furnishing the pews used 
in the Unitarian meeting house in Ipswich, which had been 
sold to the Town for a Town House. The total expense was 
$2197.55, the furniture being provided for the most part 
by the ladies of the Parish. Rev. Eliphalet Burchard sup- 
plied the pulpit in the new meeting house for a few years, 
and was followed by Rev. William Holbrook, who had been 
Pastor of the Rowley Church. His ministry of about four 
years was followed by that of Rev. Joseph Warren Healy, 
who had a prosperous pastorate of three vears. 

468 IPSWICH^ IN THE Massachusetts bay colony. 

Rev. Ezekiel Dow was installed over the Church, Decem- 
ber 25, 1860 and dismissed in 1806. Eev. Alvah Mills 
Kichardson was ordained and installed November 14, 1866. 
He was dismissed by Council on May 3**, 1871, and the same 
Council installed as his successor, Rev. Benjamin Howe, a 
native of the parish, then in his sixty-fourth year. Mr. 
Howe died on Oct. 18***, 1883, the only one of the long list 
of pastors and preachers whose pastorate was terminated by 
death. Rev. Edward H. Briggs was installed December 6***, 
1883, and dismissed May 4, 1887, when Rev. William Penn 
Alcott, a graduate of "Williams College in 1861 and Andover 
Theological Seminary in 1865, was installed. His happy 
and successful ministry still continues. 

John Perley, Esq., a native of the Parish, died on May 11, 
1860, bequeathing to the Parish seven thousand dollars, to 
be held in trust as a perpetual fund, "the income of which 
shall be paid to the Orthodox Congregational Society, Line- 
brook Parish, in the towns of Ipswich and Rowley, for the 
support of preaching and a Sabbath School in said society 
annually, while said society has a settled minister." The 
income from this fund has enabled this ancient Church to 
maintain its worship, notwithstanding the loss in population 
of the neighborhood, and the decline of the church going 


The South Church, 1747. 

The South Church, as has been noted,^ was organized in 
August, 1747, when the Covenant was signed by twenty-two 

The Church Covenant. 

We, whose Names are hereto subscribed, apprehending our- 
selves called of Gtod (for the advancing his Son's Kingdom 
& edifying ourselves & Posterity) to combine & embody our- 
selves into a distinct Church & Society & being for that End 
orderly dismissed from the Church, to which we heretofore 
belonged do (as we hope) with some Measure of Seriousness 
& Sincerity, take upon us the following Profession & Cove- 
nant, Viz. 

As to Matters of Faith we cordiallv adhere to the Princi- 
pies of Religion (at least the Substance of them) contained 
in the shorter Catechism of the Assembly of Divines, where- 
with also the ITew England Confession harmonizeth ; not as 
supposing that there is any Authority, much less Infalli- 
bility, in these human Creeds or Forms; but yet verily 
believing that these Principles are drawn from & agreeable 
to the Scripture, which is the Fountain & Standard of Truth. 
And we moreover adhere to these in the Calvinistical, which 
we take to be the genuine or natural Sense, hereby declaring 
our utter Dislike of the Pelagian, Arminian Principles, 
vulgarly so called. 

In firm Belief of these Doctrines above mentioned, from 
an earnest Desire that we and ours may receive the Love of 

* See Chapter VI for an account of the events leading up to the forma- 
tion of the South Church. 



them & with Hopes that what we are doing may be a Means 
of this Love of the Truth, We do now (under a Sense as 
we hope of our Unworthiness of the Honour & Priviledges 
of God's Covenant People) in most solemn & yet free & 
chearfuU Manner give up ourselves & offspring to God the 
Father, to the Son the Mediatour, & the Holy Ghost, the 
Instructor, Sanctifier & Comforter, to be henceforth the Peo- 
ple & Servants of this God, to believe in all his Revelations, 
to accept of his Method of Recx)nciliation, to obey all his 
Commands, to walk in all his Precepts & Ordinances, & to 
depend upon and look to him to do all for & work all in us 
relating to our Salvation, being sensible that of ourselves 
we can do Nothing. And it is also our Purpose and Reso- 
lution (by Divine Assistance) to discharge the Duties of 
Christian Love & Brotherlv Watchfullness towards each 
other, to join together in setting up & supporting the publick 
Worship of God among us, carefully & joyfully to attend 
upon Christ's Sacraments & Institutions, to yield all proper 
Obedience to him or them, that shall from Time to Time in 
an orderlv Manner be made Overseers of the Flock, to sub- 
mit to all the regular Administrations & Censures of the 
Church & to contribute all that shall be in our Power to 
the RefiTilaritv & Peaeeableness of those Administrations. 

As respecting Church Discipline, it is our Purpose to ad- 
here to the Methods contained in our excellent Platform, so 
called, as thinking it a Rule the nearest to the Scripture 
& most probable to promote & maintain Purity, Order & 
Peace of any. And we earnestly pray that God would be 
pleased to smile upon this our Undertaking for his Glory, 
that whilst we thus subscribe with our Hand to the Lord 
& surname ourselves by the Name of Israel, we may thro 
Grace given us be Israelites indeed, in whom there is no 
Guile, that our Hearts may be right with God & we be sted- 
fast in his Covenant, that we, who now are combining in a 
new Church of Christ, may by the Purity of our Faith & 
Morals become one of those Golden Candlesticks, among 
whom the Son of God in Way of Favour & Protection will 
condescend to walk, & that every Member of it, thro' im- 
puted Righteousness & imparted Grace, may be found here- 
after among that happy Multitude, whom the glorious Head 
of the Church, the heavenly Bridegroom, shall present to 



himself a glorious Church, not having Spot or Wrinkle or 
any such thing. 

Subscribed July the 21''*, 1747. 

Thomas Berry 
Daniel Appleton 
Jonathan Wade 
John Choate 
Edward Eveleth 
Andrew Burley 
Benjamin Crocker 
Oliver Appleton 
Daniel Smith 
Thomas Norton 
Joseph Foster 
Philemon Dane 
John Appleton 
James Foster 
Abraham Knowlton Jun'. 
Joseph Appleton 
John Hart 

Thomas Pearse 
Daniel Wood 
Xathan Foster 

Isaac Smith 
Nathaniel Appleton 

The following seven Mem- 
bers subscribed the foregoing 
Covenant the 23^ of Novem- 
ber, A. D. 1747. 
Aaron Potter 
Arthur Abbott 
Samuel Ross 
John Manning 
John Kimball 3^* 
Moses Smith 
Daniel Rindge 

Thomas Kinsman 
Samuel Howard 
Jacob Perkins 
Nathaniel Hovey 
Robert Holmes 

At a meeting at the dwelling house of Thomas Norton, 
on July 24***, Col. Berry was chosen Moderator, Thomas 
Norton, Clerk, and Col. Berry, Major Appleton and Col. 
Choate were appointed a Committee "to wait on Mr. John 
Walley and inform him that the Church Meeting is ad- 
journed to Tuesday next at 6 o the Clock afternoon & that 
the Church desire he would be present, that they may treat 
with him with Relation either to his Preaching or Set- 
tlement with them." Meeting again at the dwelling of 
Mr. Benjamin Crocker, on August 7*"^ it was voted, unani- 
mously that Mr. Walley be chosen the Pastor of the Church. 

Mr. Walley delayed his reply until October 17^"", 1747, 
finally accepting the call, but stating frankly that he could 


not find in the Scriptures that Euling Elders were "Officers 
of Divine Institution,'' and that in case the Church chose 
to elect such, and saw fit to have them set apart for this 
work, he must be excused from assisting in such a solem- 
nity, though he was willing that the officers thus chosen 
and set apart should exercise all the power, that the Plat- 
form gave them. 

The Church took no exceptions to his dissent, and pro- 
ceeded to set the day for his ordination, November fourth. 
The ordination service was held on that day in the meeting 
house of the First Parish, Rev. ]^athaniel Appleton, Pastor 
of the Church at Cambridge, brother of Major Daniel Ap- 
pleton, preaching the sermon. The Council was entertained 
by Col. Berry and sixty of the persons attending the ordi- 
nation ("including y® Gentlemen and SchoUars") were en- 
tertained by Col. Choate at his own cost 

Mr. Aaron Potter and Mr. Joseph Appleton were chosen 
Deacons. Mr Potter and Mr. Thomas Norton were chosen 
Ruling Elders, but the attitude of the Pastor, though never 
hostile, was so conscientiously unfavorable to their formal 
consecration, that the3' never exercised the duties pertaining 
to their office. 

The salary offered Mr. Walley was £150 payable in cash 
and in kind, on a sliding scale according to the prices cur- 

£100 in Proportion to ye Rise of ye Articles in ye follow- 
ing list, taken with ye respective Prizes affixed to them for 
1Y27 (when Mr. Nathaniel Rogers was settled). 

Oak Wood, twenty cords, at sixteen shillings. 

Syder, fifteen barrels, at eight shillings. 

Candles, one hundred and ten pounds, at one shilling and 
two pence. 

Wheat, ten bushels, at nine shillings. 

Butter, one himdred and seventy pounds, at one shilling 
and six pence. 

English Hay, three load, at sixty shillings. 

THE BOUTK CIlUKOIl, 1747. 473 

Salt Hay, two loads, at thirty shillings. 

Indian Com, thirty bushels, at five shillings. 

Malt, ten bushels, at six shillings. 

Pork, five hundred and ninety-eight pounds, at six pence. 

Beef, six hundred pounds, at four pence. 

Cheese, one hundred and twenty pounds, at seven and one 
half pence. 

Sugar, one hundred poimds, at seventy shillings. 

Madeira Wine, eight gallons, at six shillings. 

Salt, one bushel and a half, at six shillings. 

Molasses^ six gallons, at three shillings and six pence. 

The other part of his salary being £50 is in proportion to 
ye rise of English goods. 

The Parish voted £1200 Old Tenor to assist him in mak- 
ing the settlement. 

Meanwhile work on the new meeting house was progress- 
ing. It stood exactly in front of the present edifice. Its 
dimensions were sixty feet in length, forty feet in width, 
and twenty-four feet stud. The frame had been raised at 
the time of the ordination and the house was occupied May 
22°**, 1748, services of worship being held in the meantime 
in the Court House. 

Another interesting event occurred in the Fall of the 
same year, the marriage of the Pastor and Elizabeth Ap- 
pleton, daughter of Major Daniel, who had succeeded his 
father, Col. John x\ppleton, in the ownership of the family 
mansion. Their intention was published Sept. 16, 1748. 
On Feb. 6, 1750, Dr. Samuel Rogers sold to Mr. Walley, 
his house and land, near the meeting house, now owned by 
Mr. Frank T. GkK)dhue, who enlarged the ancient dwelling 
considerablv. Here thev made their home until their re- 
moval to another parish. 

The new meeting house was severely plain, with large 
windows without blinds, destitute of steeple or belfry. 
Doors opened on three sides, east, south and west, directly 
into the audience room. The "great alley," as the middle 


aisle was called, led from the south door to the unpreten- 
tious pine pulpit, painted white, at the north end, and a 
cross aisle extended from the east to the west door. The 
deacons' seat was just below the pulpit. The center of the 
house, now regarded the most desirable location, was oc- 
cupied with long benches, where seats were assigned to the 
poorer and humbler folk; the pews were built against the 
walls, under the gallery. The original plan of the floor 
has been preserved in the l^arish record and shows the 
ownership of each pew. 

Col. Berry, the most conspicuous citizen of the Town, and 
the leader in the movement to form the new church, sat 
on the left side of tlie south door. Bom in Boston in 1695, 
graduated at Harvard in 1712, he studied medicine with 
Dr. Thomas Greavps of Charlestown. He practised as a 
physician and was also Colonel of a regiment, Representa- 
tive to General Court, 1727-1730, Justice of the Sessions 
and Common Pleas Courts and afterward Chief Justice, 
Judfire of Probate, member of the Governor's Council from 
1735 to 1751, and Feoffee of the Grammar School. He 
owned what is now the Town farm and the tradition sur- 
vives of his brisk canter up High Street, his scarlet cloak 
making him "the observed of all observers." It is said 
that he rode in a "chariot," the only one in town, with 
liveried driver and footman, and the sight of such grandeur 
filled the humbler folk with awe, standing with bared head 
as he passed. He bequeathed £50, Old Tenor, to the Church 
for plate for the communion table. 

Major Daniel Appleton sat in the pew at the left of Col. 
Berry. He was the son of Col. and Judge John Appleton 
and his wife Elizabeth, daughter of President John Rogers 
of Harvard, and grand-daughter of General Denison. He 
was "Register of Probate, Justice of the Sessions Court and 
Representative from 1743 to 1746 and in 1749. Clad in 
his blue coat and breeches, velvet jacket trimmed with gold 

THE SOUTH CHURCH^ 1747. 475 

and ruffled shirt,^ he was a commanding figure in the sombre 
meeting housa 

Col. John Choate's pew was on the right side of the south 
door, a notable man, Colonel of a regiment at Louisbourg, 
a prominent promoter of the Land Bank, a Representative 
many years and member of the Council from 1761 to 1765, 
Justice of the Sessions and Common Pleas Courts and Judge 
of the Probate Court The Court named Choate Bridge in 
his honor. His house, with overhanging front, directly op- 
posite the John Heard mansion, was remembered by the 
older people a generation since. His wealth was large for 
his day, £2890 12s. 3d. He bequeathed £12 to the church 
for plate. 

Andrew Burley, a wealthy merchant. Justice of the Ses- 
* flions Court and a Representative, had the pew on the right 
of Col. Choate, and on his right sat Thomas Norton, Clerk 
of Church and Parish, a Harvard graduate in 1725 and 
teacher of the Grammar School from 1729 to 1739. At the 
right side of the pulpit steps was Benjamin Crocker's pew, 
a Harvard graduate of 1713, Representative, teacher of the 
Grammar School, a preacher and chaplain at Louisbourg. 
He occupied the pulpit frequently during Mr. Walley's long 
illnesses, but never was settled over a church. 

Daniel Staniford sat on the north side as well, a Harvard 
graduate of 1738, teacher of the Grammar School and then 
a prosperous merchant. His widow became the second wife 
of Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, and their daughter Mary, mar- 
ried Rev. Joseph Dana, the second Pastor of the South 
Church. Henry Wise and his brother, Major Ammi Ru- 
hamah Wise, occupied adjoining pews on the west aisle, 
sons of Rev. John Wise of the Chebacco Parish. Col. Ed- 
ward Eveleth, Dr. Joseph ^Manning, Increase How of the 
neighboring tavern, Jonathan Wade and a great company 
of worthy farmers, with their families, sat in dignity. 

* Inventory, Probate Records. 


Boys and girls occupied the back seats, under the eyes 
of the tithingman, but a venerable lady, who died many 
years ago, remembered that little children sat with their 
parents, and had the privilege, during the sermon time of 
playing in the sand on the floor, screened from sight by the 
high box sides of the pew. In the galleiy, the slaves had 
seats assigned them, und their menial condition did not de- 
bar them from membership and partaking of the commu- 

There was singing of the Psalms from the old Bay Psalm 
Book, revised by Dr. Prince. At the banning of the long 
prayer all arose, and the se^ts in the pews were turned back 
on their hinges with a crash, which was followed by a yet 
louder crash, when the prayer was finished and the weary 
worshipers could be seated. An hour glass timed the length 
of the sermon. Almost every Sunday saw some child or 
children baptized, often infants of a day or two old, for 
these were the days of the "Half- Way Covenant," and any 
who were not church members might present their children 
for baptism after "owning the Covenant." Services were 
held at ten and two o'clock, without Sunday School or even- 
ing meeting. 

Mr. Walley continued in the pastorate for seventeen years, 
living peacefully with his people despite the turbulent 
quarrels in which the Church was bom, and from his knowl- 
edge of the French language, being able to perform many 
kind offices for the poor French neutrals. He suffered from 
several long periods of sickness, and was dismissed February 
22"*", 1764. He was installed at Bolton, in May 1773, 
where he remained eleven years. He died at Roxburv on 
March 2°**, 17S4, remembering his Ipswich church in a clause 
of his will. 

I give as a token of my love to the South Parish in Ips- 
wich £13 Gs. the yearly income to be by them given to such 

THE SOUTH CHUKOir^. 1747. 477 

peraans in the parish, as they shall judge to be the fittest 
objects of such a charity. 

The second minister of the South Church, Rev. Joseph 
Dana, began preaching soon after Mr. Walley's dismissal^ 
but was not ordained until November 6*^, 1765. He was 
bom at Pomfret, Conn, Nov. 13"*, 1742, and was graduated 
at Tale in 1760. Miss Abby P. Wade, writing in 18348 
her recollections of her old Aunt Polly, mentions that her 
aunt heard Dr. Dana say that his father kept a tavern in 
Pomfret, and when Putnam killed the wolf he was brought 
in and laid down in the entry. He was then a little boy 
and looking over the banisters at the top of the stairs he 
saw the dead wolf lying there. Aunt Polly used to say that 
Dr. Dana preached for the Old South in Boston before he 
came to Ipswich, and was so highly esteemed that some of 
the people frequently came to Ipswich to hear him. 

He received the degree of Doctor of Divinity from Har- 
vard in 1801. His brilliant son, Daniel, began the study 
of Latin imder his direction at the age of eight, Greek the 
next year, and at the age of twelve was reading Seneca's 
Morals as a pastime.* Graduated at Dartmouth in 1788, 
he was a tutor at Phillips Academy at Exeter, then taught 
the Grammar School in Ipswich in 1792-3, while study- 
ing divinity with his father. He preached his first sermon 
in his father's pulpit on May 14***, 1793, and was soon called 
to the pastorate at Hampton. He was elected President of 
Dartmouth College in 1820. His health failing, he was 
obliged to resign after a brief incumbency. After his 
health was restored he came to Newburyport, where he 
became Pastor of the "Old South" Presbyterian Church. 
Joseph Dana was graduated from Dartmouth in the same 
class with his brother and became a college professor at 
Athens, Ohio. Samuel chose Harvard for his college, the 

* In Felt's Iietters, Bssex Institute, Salem, Mass. 

* Life of Daniel Dana^ 


ministry for his profession and preached many years in 

Sarah Dana was no less richly endowed by Nature than 
her brothers. She is reported to have be^i as briHiant 
in conversation as Margaret Fuller. She married Colonel 
Israel Thomdike of Beverly, a merchant of large wealth. 
Josiah Quincy, in his *Tigiires of the Past'- in the chapter, 
"Daniel Webster at home," speaks of Mrs. Thomdike, as 
"a lady whom my father considered one of the finest women 
he had ever met. I well remember the words in which he 
congratulated Colonel Thomdike upon his engagement. 
"Let me tell you, sir, that you have made the very best bar- 
gain you have touched yet." 

Colonel Thomdike and Daniel Webster occupied adjoin- 
ing residences in Boston and the walls were cut through to 
afford room for the brilliant reception to Lafayette, June 
seventeenth, 1825, at which Mrs. Thomdike was a central 

In the family pew of Dr. Toseph Manning, sat the boy 
John, and the daughters, Sarah and Anstice. John became 
a famous physician. Arriving home from study abroad, 
where he learned the value of inoculation as an antidote 
to the dreaded small-pox, he introduced it into Ipswich, 
notwithstanding the determined opposition of the Town. 
He was foremost in many entcrprizes of the highest value. 
Sarah Manning married William McKean, and their son, 
Joseph, was baptized on June 2"^, 1776. He was gradu- 
ated at Harvard in 1794, taught the Grammar School from 
1794 to 1796, while studying with Dr. Dana for the minis- 
try, married his playmate, Amy Swasey, daughter of Major 
Swasey of the neighboring tavern, and became Pastor of the 
ililton Church in 1797. He became Professor of Rhetoric 
and Oratory in Tfarvard College, but died at the early age 
of forty-tv^'o. While a student, he founded the famous 
Porcellian Club in 1791. His portrait, a duplicate of the 

THE SOUTH CHUBCH^ 1747. 479 

one painted for that Club, hangs in the house of the Ips- 
wich Historical Society, and his name is borne by the gate 
to the Harvard yard, built at the expense of the Porcellian 

Anstice Manning, sister of Sarah, married Francis Cogs- 
well, and their son, Joseph Green Cogswell, was bom Sept. 
27, 1786. He was graduated from Harvard in 1806, and 
returned in 1821 to become Professor of Mineralogy and 
Librarian. He established the Bound Hill School in 
Northampton, with Greorge Bancroft, the celebrated histo- 
rian. He gave his later years to planning and building the 
Astor Librarv of which he was the first Librarian.*^ 

Not a few of the Revolutionary soldiers were steadfast 
supporters of the Church, Col. Nathaniel Wade, who was 
entrusted by Washington, with the command at West Point 
when Arnold went over to the British and was a friend of 
LaFayette; Major Joseph Swasey, the Town Clerk, whose 
end came suddenly in the To\\'n House, on April 1"*, 1816, 
as he was about to perform the duties of his office; Col. 
John Baker, who added to his military functions, civil du- 
ties as Justice of the Sessions Court, Feoffee of the Gram- 
mar School and was moreover the father of twelve children ; 
and Major Thomas Bumham, a Harvard graduate in the 
class of 1772, and a famous school master. 

The Deacons were men of fine quality. Deacon James 
Foster, who died Oct. 10, 1807, in his ninety-second year, 
was the first Post-master of Ipswich. Dea. Francis Merri- 
field sat Sunclav bv Sundav in the midst of his familv, 
which included thirteen children, though a number died in 
early years. Dea. Stephen Choate removed from the Che- 
bacco Parish in 1783 and became a conspicuous citizen. 
He was a Feoffee, a member of the Committee of Corres- 
pondence and Inspection in the Bevolution, Justice of the 
Sessions Court, Representative during the Revolution and 

» For full sketch of his life, see "Augustine Heard and his Friends," 
Ipswich Histor. Soc. Pub. XXI. 


State Senator from 1Y81 to 1803. He died in 1815, and 
we may imagine that his grandson, Rufus Choate the future 
advocate and statesman, then a lad of sixteen, whose home 
was on Hog Island, now and then, sat beside his grandfather 
on the Sabbath day. 

Mr. John Patch of the Castle Hill farm sat in patri- 
archal dignity with Abigail, his worthy wife and a goodly 
portion of his twelve sons and daughters, his seventy-eight 
grand-children and twenty-four great grand-children, who 
were living in 1799, tibe year of his death. Capt. Jeremiah 
Kimball and his wife, Lois, niece of Dea. Stephen Choate, 
came with their twelve children, all of whom sat in the 
choir, and Cata, who married William Heard and lived to 
the great age of ninety-seven, was the leading soprano. The 
boy, Charles, attained honor and usefulness as Colonel of 
the Militia, a distinguished Probate lawyer, and Deacon of 
the Church. Eunice became the wife of Nathaniel Ix)rd 3**, 
Squire Lord, as he was familiarly known, in 1804, a gradu- 
ate of Harvard and Eegister of the Probate Court Her 
son, Otis P. Lord, baptized by Dr. Dana on September 6, 
1812, was graduated at Amherst in 1832 and gained a fore- 
most place in the legal profession as Justice of the Superior 
and then of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts. His 
brothers, Nathaniel and GkK)rge Robert, also had successful 
and noteworthv careers. 

Li the year 1825, the Parish proposed that a colleague 
pastor should relieve Dr. Dana of the active duties of his 
pastorate, and the choice fell upon Rev. Daniel Fitz. The 
venerable Pastor retained his vigor and preached on the 
last Sabbath but one in his life, and on the last Sabbath, 
attended public worship three times. He died on Novem- 
ber 16, 1827, in his eighty-fifth year and the sixty-third of 
his pastorate.® 

< Dr. Dana married, first, Mary St an i ford, daughter of the late Daniel 
Stanlford, and step-daughter of Rer. Nathaniel Rogers, Int. June 20, 1766. 
She died May fourteenth, 1772, aged twenty-seven years and four months, 
"lovely and beloved." 

THE SOUTH CHUKCH, 1747. 481 

During this long period many changes had occurred in 
the meeting house and more in the worshipers. Between 
the years 1776 and 1793 the men's and women's seats were 
gradually removed and pews built in their places. In 1783 
the singers left their seats on the floor and found place in 
the gallery, but let it not be thought that their services were 
lightly regarded, for in 1798 it was voted, "that the parish 
will give some encouragement to the singing company of 
this church by giving them a certain sum;" $20 was speci- 
fied for this purpose. The singing at this time was of no 
mean order for Daniel and Joseph Dana had taught a very 
successful singing school some years before. In 1785 Watts's 
Hymns were substituted for Dr. Prince's version of the 

Perhaps no greater innovation occurred during that long 
pastorate, tiban the introduction of "two iron stoves with 
their funnels and appurtenances" at the expense of a num- 
ber of petitioners. The Parish consented by a formal vote, 
January ninth, 1819, and referred the location of these 
strange visitors to the standing committee, assisted in their 
deliberations by Major Joshua Giddings and Capt. Oliver 

For many years Dr. Dana met the boys and girls in the 
meeting house on Saturday afternoon and heard them recite 
the Catechism. The Sunday School was organized in 1816, 
and in due time the Catechism class ceased. 

Rev. Daniel Fitz,'' the third Pastor, was the son of Cur- 

Second, Mary Turner, daughter of Samuel Turner of Boston. She 
died Aprtl 13, 1803. In her flfty-thlrd year. 

Third, Elizabeth, widow of Rev. Ebenezer Bradford, int. Nov. 12, 1808. 

His children by his first marriage were Mary, Joseph and Daniel. By 
his second, Elizabeth, Samuel, Sarah, Abigail and Anna» 

^ Dr. Fitz married Caroline Sawyer of Henniker, N. H., daughter of Rev. 
Moses Sawyer, intention Aiigust 11, 1826. Their children were Sarah 
Adams, George Currier, Louisa Adams and the twins, Caroline Frances 
and Daniel Francis. 

Mrs. Fitz died Jan. 10, 1862, aged 57 yrs. Dr. P^tz married Mrs. Hannah 
Bardwell Demond Bowman, at Westborough. Mass., April 14, 1863. He 
died Sept. 2, 1869. 


rier and Sarah Fitz, bom at Sandown, N. H., May 28, 
1795, graduated at Dartmouth in the class of 1818, and at 
Andover Seminary in 1825. He was ordained to the min- 
istry on June 28, 1826, and on the death of Dr. Dana, suc- 
ceeded him in the pastoral office. A long and happy pas- 
torate of forty-one years followed, and the Church had the 
rare and almost unparalleled experience of two overlapping 
pastorates, which covered a period of one hundred and two 
years. He received the degree of Doctor of Divinity from 
Dartmouth College in 1862. 

As the old meeting-house, built in 1Y4Y, had become an- 
tiquated and inadequate, land was acquired in the rear, in 
1837. The dwellings, which occupied the spot, were re- 
moved, and a new house of worship was erected. It was 
dedicated on January 1"*, 1838. The old meeting house 
was then torn down. Happily the old pulpit, hallowed 
with the associations of ninety years, was preserved and 
when the basement was finished in 1839, as a vestry, it 
found an honored place there. 

A period of great prosperity followed. A large number 
of the pupils of the Academy, who lived in the old Swasey 
Tavern, had seats in the gallery. The spacious center gal- 
lery was filled with the great choir, which sang with the 
accompaniment of violin, flute, clarionet and bass-viol until 
1847, when the more modem fashion prevailed and a church 
organ was purchased. In 1853, the basement vestry was 
abandoned because of dampness, and a new building was 
erected on a lot west of the Heard mansion and now in- 
cluded in that estate. 

Eev. William H. Pierson, a graduate from Bowdoin Col- 
lege, 1864, and Princeton Seminary, 1867, was ordained 
and installed January 1, 1868, and assumed at once the 
work of the pastorate, though Dr. Fitz remained Pastor 
Emeritus until his death. He was dismissed July 15, 1872. 
Eev. Marshall B. Angler, Yale, 1844, Union Theological 

THE SOUTH OHUEOH, 1747. 483 

Seminary, 1847, was installed February 4, 1874 and dis- 
missed on July 8, 1878. Rev. Thomas Franklin Waters, 
a graduate of Harvard College in tlie class of 1872, Ando- 
ver Seminary, 1875, was installed Pastor on January 1, 

In the summer of 1885, the meeting house was remod- 
elled. The galleries were removed, a partition erected, and 
by a judicious re-arrangement, rooms were provided for the 
Sunday school and the mid-week service. The Vestry 
building was sold, and its new owner removed it to Ham- 
matt St. and utilized it as a dwelling for two families. A 
new organ was purchased in 1887. 

In June, 1899, the steeple was struck by lightning and 
burned to the bell deck, causing the destruction of the bell. 
A few years before, the steeple had been repaired and the 
original architecture greatly modified. The graceful lines 
of the original were now reproduced perfectly in the new 
steeple. A new bell was cx)ntributed by Mrs. Elizabeth M. 
Brown, in memory of her husband, the late William G. 

Mr. Waters closed his pastorate in October, 1909, and be- 
came Pastor Emeritus. Rev. Edgar Fletcher Allen, who 
had been educated for the ministry at McQill University, 
Chicago and Andover Seminaries, was the Pastor for a few 
years. He was ordained June 10, 1912 and closed his min- 
istry in the summer of 1914. The pulpit has since been 
supplied by students in the Seminary, Rev. Harry Cartledge 
being the present preacher. 

The Baptist Chuboh, 1806. 

The Congregational Church, founded hy the first set- 
tlers, maintained the old order for many generations in un- 
disputed supremacy. From time to time, as the population 
increased, as has been noted, new Parishes within the Town 
limits had been established, in Chebacco, now Essex, in the 
Hamlet, now Hamilton, in Linebrook, and finally the South 
Parish in the center of the Town, but these were all Con- 
gregational, holding firmly to the Puritan order. 

Shortly after the middle of the 18"* century, in the year 
1754, a group of people in the West or Second Parish of 
Rowley, now Georgetown, withdrew from the Congrega- 
tional Church and organized a Society for independent 
worship. They were known as "Separatists," but in due 
time they were recognized as "Baptists." This seems to 
have been the first church holding the Baptist faith in this 
vicinity. Another Baptist Church was organized in Dan- 
versport in 1781. The Beverly Baptists established them- 
selves in 1801, and the First Baptist Church in Salem was 
gathered in 1804. The Ipswich Baptists were the next to 
withdraw from the old Congregational Parishes and organize 
independently. The original Parish Record book has been 
preserved,^ unfortunately mutilated by the removal of the 
later entries, but still containing the narrative of the form- 
ing of the Society and the Covenant, to which the members 

* Now owned by Mr. Francis R. Appleton. 


THE BAPTIST OHUROir, 1806. 485 

Ipswich, March, A. D., 1806. 

A number of friends and Neighbors having met to- 
gether at the mutual desire of each other for the purpose 
of forming a Society to Unite in Religious worship of the 
Supreme Being Doct^ W. Sawyer, M*^ Charles Lord and 
John Manning Esq. Were desired to draw up Articles of 
agreement to form ourselves into a Religious Society and 
to Report the same at an adjournment to be on the 6^ 
April, 1806. 

They having attended to our Desire and formed Articles 
for that Purpose and Reported the same which being Red 
Several times were Unanimously Accepted and Subscribed 
to and Mr Dan^ B. Lord, M' Francis Hovey and John 
Manning Esq. were Appointed a Committee to treat with 
Elder Pottle and know on what terms he would be will- 
ing to undertake to Preach the Grospel to s** Society 
thus formed and lead and Instruct them in their Relig- 
ious Exercises, said Committee made report to the So- 
ciety at a meeting being at a further adjournment on the 
29*** of sd April as followeth viz. That Elder Pottle conde- 
scended to attend one half of the Sabbaths in the insuing year 
beginning on the first of May I^ext, for the regards he has 
for the Society and on Condition that they give him 6 Dol- 
lars p' Week for one half the time for the support of his 
animal Nature. Which report was then accepted. 

Notwithstanding the great and oppulent Men of the world 
have arrogantly ClaimeKi to themselves all Wisdom, Power 
and Religion, with the right to govern themselves and all 
others both in civil and Ecclesiastical Matters, 

We the undersismers take leave to decent therefrom and 
utterly deny that they have any such Right, neither was 
there any such ever Ordained from Above — Therefore we 
make our appeal to the Supreme Ruler of Heaven and earth 
Who has endowed us with more understanding than the 
fowls of the air or beasts of the field, and we trust in his 
Great mercy and goodness has been pleased to bless us with 
a Constitution or frame of government which declares that 
all Men are bom free and equal and have among many other 
valuable rights and Priviledges that of Worshiping the Su- 
preme Being, according to the dictates of their own Con- 
sciences and the same being Garentied and confirmed by & 
in the Constitution of the United States, all which it rightly 



becomes us to Preserve and hand down to our posterity un- 
impar'd, Heaven send that we may not neglect as we humbly 
conceive the same consistant with and agreeable to the Glo- 
rious gospel of peace as recorded in the same scriptures 
of the Old & New tistiment which we desire to take as the 
Rule and gide of our life in all our Concerns, both Spiritual 
& temporal — And having for a number of Months past been 
favored with the labour of love in the Ministry of the Word 
of God, by his servant Elder Pottle, whose instruction and 
wholesome Advice has been very entertaining and we hum- 
bly trust much edifying, being as we humbly conceive con- 
sistant with the Divine Oricles — that we may be further 
Edified & edify each other and exercise and improve our 
inestimable privileges both civil & religious, agreeable to the 
liberty where with the Almighty hath made us free. 

We do hereby form ourselves into an Independant Society 
for the Purpose of meeting together statedly on the Holy 
Sabbath, and such other occasions as conveniency shall per- 
mit for the purpose of uniting in the Solemn and Religious 
Public Worship of Almighty God. 

That we may thereby Promote our own best interests, 
and the Cause of our Redeemer and saviour Jesus Christ 
who said to his imbasadors. As my Father sent me so send 
I you, and again my Kingdom is not of this world, and that 
T go to the Father to prepare a place for you, and will 
send the Comforter who shall lead you in all truth, that we 
may imbrace the Comforter and not grieve the Holy Spirit 
of Gk>d, we further more agree to impart with our temporal 
Good things that God in his all wise providence may see 
fit to bless us with, to enable us to Support such further 
helps and instruction as He may send unto us from time 
to time who may Minister unto us in Holy things and there- 
by lead and guide our minds into the paths of Peace and 
safty may we minister unto them such comfort and sup- 
port as their Animal nature require, and in all things may 
we be guided bv the unering Wisdom of Almighty God — 

We furthermore agree to Observe and adhear to all such 
Rules and regulations as may be determined upon from time 
to time by a Majority of the subscribers at any meeting r^ni- 
larly callM for the Purpose thereof and to govern ourselves 
thereby Provided Nevertheless that no rule or regulation 
agreed upon by any majority what ever, that in any re- 



spect interferes with the rights of Conscience shall be Obli- 
gatory, as we hereby utterly disdain all and every interfer- 
ance or attempt to bind any one or abridge him of the nn- 
aliable liberty thereof. 
Witnest our hands. 

Ipswich, 6 April, 1806. 

Sam' Appleton^ 
Samuel G. Appleton 
Timothy Appleton 
Charles Boyles 
Benjamin Brown 
David Brown 
Nath\ Brown 
WilUam Clark 
John Day 
W". Dennis 
Sam' Eveleth 
Isaac Fellows 
Elisha Gould 
Charles Hall 
David Harris 
Sam' Harris 
Francis Hovey 
John Hovey 
Joseph Himt 
Amos Jones 
Isaac Kilbom 
Richard Lakeman 3^ 
' Sam'. Lakeman Jr. 
William Lakeman Jr. 
Will. Leatherland 
Daniel B, Lord 
Ebenezer Lord 3* 
John Manning 

John Manning Jr. 
Thomas Meady 
Nath'. Pirkins 
Daniel Potter 
Joseph L. Row 
Daniel Russell 
Henry Russell Jr. 
Nath'. Rust 
Nath'. Rust Jr. 
Simeon Safford 
Gteorge W. Sawyer 
Isaac Smith 
Isaac Soward 
John Soward 
Nath' Stanwood 
Samuel Stone 
Richard Sutton 
Aaron Tread well 
Aaron Treadwell Jr. 
Aaron Wallis 
John Wise 

Later signatures 
George Brown 
Luke Dodge 
David Dow 
Charles Lord 
John Manning 3* 

Isaac Smith was chosen Clerk in June, 1806. About 

* The names have been rearranged alphabetically, for convenience of 


that time, tis'o women, members of the South Church, re- 
quested letters of dismission from that Church that they 
might join the Baptists, "both offering this as their reason, 
that they found themselves not baptized by any act of their 
own and quoting several texts of holy scripture, as support- 
ing their present persuasion."' "The church took the subject 
into serious consideration and appointed a committee to en- 
quire and deliberate thereon and report at a future meeting. 
The committee met once and again and on Lord's day, June 
15," presented their report 

Hon. Stephen Choate, Barnabas Dodge and Daniel Thurs- 
ton were the Committee, and they reported that they were 
agreed that the Church "cannot consistently with the cove- 
nant engagements on their part, dismiss them to the Baptist 
church." They assigned two reasons for this adverse judg- 

First, Because the Baptist churches generally are under- 
stood to refuse all acts of communion with us, as christian 
churches .... 

Secondly, Because we are persuaded that the Baptist 
churches, \ making baptism by immersion so capita! an 
article in their system and a term of communion among 
Christian churches, are maintaining and propagating a griev- 
ous error. 

The report was read "in church meeting/' Lord's Day, 
June 15, 1806, and was imanimously accepted. At the ' 
same time, the Pastor, Rev. Dr. Dana, "communicated some 
observations which he had made upon those texts of scrip- 
ture above mentioned, and upon the subject at large." The 
brethren heartily approved of the Pastor's communication, 
and voted that a special lecture be appointed on the next 
Lord's Day, at half past four P. M. "after the usual public 
exercises of the Sabbath and after a short intermission," 
that these "Obser\'^ations" might be presented to the congre- 

* South Church Records. 



gation. They were aft-erwards published in a pamplet un- 
der the title, "Observations upon Baptism .... with a 
view of Introductory Circumstances and Proceedings in the 
said Church." 

It was a candid and scholarly discussion of the true mean- 
ing of the Greek words for baptize and baptism, and the 
significance of the rite, and is a suggestive reminder of the 
unpopularity of the new sect, and the sharp division in the 
community "on denominational lines. In Edgartown, the 
tradition still remains that the Town was rent in twain 
when the Baptist Church was formed, and the two factions 
were nicknamed by the Greek words, which were in every* 
body's mouth and paraded with a great show of learning 
by those who had great zeal but little knowledge. Very 
likely the peace of quiet Ipswich was equally disturbed and 
much bitterness was interjected into the religious life. 

But the Baptist people proceeded steadily to establish 
their Church. Dr. John Manning, one of the most promi- 
nent citizens. Dr. George W. Sawyer and others of excellent 
standing were actively interested and gave tone and charac- 
ter to the new enterprize. "Elder'' Pottle, as he is always 
called, was the first minister. He had a conspicuous part 
in the Democratic celebration of the Fourth of July, 1805,* 
and the toastfi on that occasion indicate that he had already 
established himself in the affections of his flock. A Com- 
mittee of three. Dr. John Manning, Aaron Treadwell and 
Aaron Wallis, was chosen on June 24***, 1806, to treat with 
the Elder respecting his moving into the Town. Their ne- 
gotiations seem to have failed, as a meeting was held at 
the house of Dr. Gfeorge W. Sawyer on Sept. 15*^, when it 

Voted, to choose a committee to see that no stranger be 
introduced into their Desk that does not come well Recom- 
mended. Likewise to make inquiry to know if Mr. Josiah 
Convers mav be hired to Preach a few Sabbaths. 

« Pages 405, 406. 


Daniel B. Lord, Isaac Smith, and Samuel Appleton com- 
posed this Committee. Before they had time to discharge 

the duty devolved upon them, Elder Pottle evidently came 
to an agreement, as just a week later a Committee was 
chosen to provide a dwelling, into which he might move his 
family. Mr. Richard D. Jewett was chosen to take care 
of the meeting house and the Standing Committee was in- 
structed to "inform whoever take the lead in Public Wor- 
ship to read a Chapter at beginning Service." 
Early in May, 1807, the Society 

. Voted — To give Elder Pottle two hundred and eighty- 
five dollars for the ensueing year Providing he will supply 
the desk three quarters of the year, that is to preach liiree 
Sabbaths and miss one r^ularly. 

With commendable care, the Standing Committee was 
instructed not to introduce any person into the desk to 
preach, who was not well recommended, and ^likewise that 
they regulate the performances on these Sabbaths that 
Elder Pottle vdll be absent" In the course of the year, the 
Elder accepted a call to preach in Maiden, but in January, 
1808, he was again invited to Ipswich, and the project of 
building a meeting house gained favor. The lot on East 
Street, which was purchased afterward as a site for the 
Methodist meeting-bouse, was selected, though no purchase 
was made. A subscription paper was circulated and the re- 
sult was so encouraging that the Society voted on February 
22™*, "to build a house for publick worship fifty by forty." 
It was also voted that the building be divided into forty 
shares of a hundred dollars each. 

The services of worship were held in the second story of 
the building, which Dr. Maiming had built for a woolen 
mill, on the comer now occupied by Caldwell's Block. The 
business proved unsuccessful and the looms were removed. 
There is a lingering tradition that the shafting remained 


suspended from the ceiling and tliat venturesome Baptist 
boys amused themselves by climbing over it. Some altera- 
tions to secure more convenience for this new use were pro- 
posed in December. The vote to repair a window and the 
later vote, on December 1**, to choose a Committee of three 
^'to prosecute any Person or Persons that have or may dam- 
age the house of Worship/' suggest that some ill disposed 
persons, or perhaps mischievous boys, were causing them an- 

An important step was taken on Feb. 11, 1807, when the 
Society voted to choose a Committee to join with Elder 
Pottle in giving certificates to those that paid their minis- 
terial rates to and constantly attended the meetings of the 
Baptist Society. This certificate was necessary under the 
Law of the Commonwealth to secure exemption from the 
Parish tax, imposed by the Parish, with which they were 
formerly connected. 

The withdrawal of parishioners from the First and South 
Parishes caused a considerable loss of revenue, and the 
abatement of taxes levied upon those who had joined the 
Baptists was a matter of debate at the annual Parish meet- 
ings for several years. In April, 1809, the First Parish 
voted to refund the taxes paid by any one who could produce 
a certificate that he constantly attended public worship in 
the Baptist Society, and similar action was taken every year 
until the incorporation of the new Society was secured.*^ 

Similar action was taken by the South Parish. In June, 
1811, the petition of Simeon Saiford and others for incor- 
poration as a Baptist Society was before the Legislature, 
and Major Joseph Swascy and "Esquire" ]S"athaniel Lord, 
were chosen a Committee to represent the Parish. This 
petition failed of approval. In April, 1812, a Committee, 
of which Major Swasey was Chairman, reported "that the 
whole Capital of said Parish on which the Taxes of said 

• Records of First Parish. 


Parish are assessed is $176,092, and that the Capital arise- 
ing on the Estates and PoUes of those Persons who profess 
to be of a different Religious Denomination amounts to $16,- 
102.70, which is about one-twelfth of the whole Capital." 
They reported that the total taxes, assessed on Baptists from 
the year 1806, amounted to $300.97, and "feeling a strong 
Desire that everything might be done to harmonize every 
Society both in Religious and Political Sentiments," they 
recommended that this sum be abated on the lists of the 
several collectors, and it was so voted.® 

In May, 1808, the plans for building were so well ma- 
tured, that the purchase of lumber for the proposed edifice 
was considered. Dr. John Manning, Samuel Appleton and 
Aaron Treadwell were chosen a Committee in May, 1809, 
to petition the General Court for incorporation. Elder 
Pottle was the preacher, but there were intervals between 
his various periods of sendee when Elder Converse occupied 
the pulpit, and in June, 1810, a minority voted to hire him 
for the stated preacher. The Church voted in August, 1810, 
to engage Mr. Butler ^'for the present," and in November, 
to complete their agreement with Elder Lewis. In January, 
1811, the project of building was again renewed, and as 
the petition for incorporation in 1809 was not granted, an- 
other request was made in Jime, 1811. The Warrant for 
the meeting on July 1, 1811 has the significant article. 

To take into consideration the law which has lately been 
enacted in answer to their earnest Petition for that Pur- 
pose & to express their gratitude to the Supreme governor 
of the univers, who has in all wise Providence inclined the 
Harts of our Rulers to confirm unto us the rites & privi- 
leges garentied to us in the Constitution of this Common- 
wealth, notwithstanding the Extrordinary attempts of his 
& our enemies to Rest same from TJs. 

One list of pew-owners has been preserved and is of in- 

* Records of South Parish. 


terest still, as showing the principal supporters of the Church 

in 1811. 

No. 1. Sam' Appleton 6.80 


Notwithstanding the jubilant rejoicing at the favorable 
action of the Iiogislature in 1811, incorporation was not 
secured apparently as in 1817, Samuel Appleton and others 
again petitioned to be set off as an "Incorporated Society of 


Sam' Appleton 


Elisha Gould 


Jos. Hunt 


Oatis Pickard 


Livermore Dodge 


David Brown 


Aaron Treadwell 


Francis Hovey 


David Dow 


Nath' Brown 


Allen Foster 


Daniel B. Lord 


Francis Hovey 


Jn* Manning Esq. 


Daniel Smith 


Deacon Treadwell 


Deacon B. Lord 


Kichard Sutton 


Sqr. J. Manning 


Ric" Sutton 


Amos Jones 


Sqr. J. Manning: 


W"'. Dennis 


Nath. Brown 


Francis Hovey 


Seth Butler 


Bffli Brown 


James Caldwell 


Sqr. J. Manning 


Baptists," and the final item entered in the old book of rec- 
ords in Dec. 1817, by Timothy Appleton, Clerk, alludes to 
the Charter of Incorporation. Stable prosperity however 
was never secured. The plans for building did not materi- 
alize. Many pages torn from the Record, by a friendly 
hand, perchance, are suggestive of entries, which were well 
forgotten. Dissensions arose . Mr. Felt, in his History 
of Ipswich,'' records the closing chapters of their annals: 

A secession took place from the Church, because disci- 
pline was not exercised, June 4***, 1816.® This secession 
was justified by a Council the 16*** of July. The seceders 
formed themselves into a new church, Aug. 27*"* and met 
in the building now used by the Bank.^ William Taylor 
was their first minister. He continued with them until 
August, 1818, and took his dismission, because the people 
were few and unable to support him. When he left the 
church, it contained thirtv members. Thus destitute of one 
to guide them, they continued to hold meetings and have the 
sacrament administered occasionally till August, 1820. 
From this time they omitted assembling till 1823. In the 
course of this year they dissolved. The original Society of 
Baptists continued after the secession from them only one 

In 1892, through the efforts of Dr. William II. Clark, who 
had established himself in Ipswich as a physician, Mr. J. 
Choate Underbill and others, the Baptist people again be- 
gan to worship together in the hall of the Seminary build- 
ing. Eev. D. B. Gunn was engaged as acting Pastor. A 

Coimcil of Baptist Churches from the Salem Baptist As- 
sociation met on November 18*** and voted to recognize the 

new Church, known as the First Baptist Church, by their 
vote of November 6"*. Mr. Underbill and Dr. Clark were 
chosen Deacons. The recognition services were held on Sun- 
day, December 7, 1892. The Pastor resigned on March 15, 

V Faere 265. 

* Presumably !n connection with Mr. Pottle's alleered misconduct 

* On South Main St 


1895, and Eev. E. Edgar Harris of Hinsdale began his pas- 
toral service on May 1". 

The erection of a meeting house now began to be consid- 
ered. A Conunittee to report on a bnilding lot was ap- 
pointed on July 19**. In January, 1896, $125 was raised 
as the banning of a building fund. Financial difficulties 
arose and the Pastor resigned on August 13*. 

Eev. W. J. Thompson was invited to become the minis- 
ter of the Church and began his work on January 1**, 1897. 
Fresh interest in the scheme of building was aroused. The 
name, Immanuel Baptist Church, was adopted and the work 
of construction was pressed so vigorously that the new liouse 
of worship was dedicated on April 3*, 1898. Hardly had 
services begun to be held in the meeting house, when the 
Pastor sent his letter of resignation, on July 10***, to take 
effect at once, "owing to certain rumors which before God 
have no foundation," which made it wise in his judgment 
so to do. Unfortunately, a Committee of investigation found 
that the rumors were too well founded. 

Notwithstanding the burden of debt and the feeling of 
discouragement which prevailed at this critical juncture, 
in September, Eev. Arthur K. Gordon, son of Eev. A. J. 
Gk)rdon, the well known minister of Clarendon St. Bap- 
tist Church, Boston, was called to the pastorate. Though 
the salary offered was meagre and the outlook was far from 
inviting, the young minister accepted in a letter of singular 
modesty and devotion : "I only ask the hearty co-operation 
of each member of the church in all the work we may un- 
dertake for the extension of God's kingdom." 

Two years of prosperous and happy church life followed 
under his inspiring and winning leadership. Mr. Gordon 
was called to the pastorate of the Immanuel Baptist Church, 
Cambridge, and closed his work in Ipswich on July 1, 1901, 
despite the earnest endeavor of his people to persuade him 
to remain. 


Eev. William C. Cook was called on July 29**^. His 
health was so much impaired that he was obliged to resign 
in the summer of 1902. Rev. W. H. Rogers succeeded him 
in September, 1902, and closed his labors on June 19***, 
1904. Mr. Ilsley Boone acted as Pastor from October, 1904, 
to August, 1907. Rev. Mr. Reynolds was called to the pas- 
torate on March 1**, 1908. Mr. Howard B. Smith was the 
preacher from March, 1909 to October, 1911. Mr. Wal- 
lace C. Sampson, a student at the Newton Theological Semi- 
nary was the acting Pastor from October, 1911, to June, 
1912, being succeeded by Mr. Robert M. De Vault, also a 
student at N'ewton, who closed his ministry in June, 1913. 
A third student, Ernest R. Corum, filled the pulpit until 
May 23*, 1915. Rev. James Watson began his ministry on 
Dec. 19***, 1916. Rev. Harry Chamberlin is the present 


Stt ptgt 510 


The Methodist Episoopai* Church. 

Tradition has it that Rev. Jesse Lee, the itinerant apostle 
of Methodism, came to Ipswich in 1790 and preached wher- 
ever opportunity offered, but no effort to gather a church 
seems to have been made at that time. When the Baptist 
Church was virtually extinct, some of the leading members 
of that body turned to the Methodist order, which was then 
becoming prominent in Essex County. Mr. Aaron Waitt, 
a Local Preacher, was invited to come to Ipswich and hold 
services. In his own narrative^ of the rise and progress 
of Methodism in Ipswich, he tells the story of the begin- 
nings in a simple and earnest way : 

In March of 1821, I received an invitation from Mr. A. 
Tread well Jr. (a man whom I had not seen) by a friend 
of his, to visit them in their then destitute state. Unavoid- 
able circumstances prevented my compliance until October 
of the same year, when, feeling much concerned for the 
health of our little daughter, who had been declining for 
several months, and providentially hearing of Doct Spof- 
ford of ITew Rowley,^ Mrs. Waitt with myself proposed to 
go to W. R. by the way of Ipswich, accordingly on Saturday 
we set on our way for Ips. and arrived to Bro. T's at 1' 
o^clock P. M. where we received every attention. On Sun- 
day I preached three times to an attentive congregation 
on monday mom we rode to Doct Spofford's and returned 
to Ips. and in the afternoon to Saugiis where I then lived. 

In Nov. I made a second visit to Ips. & preached three 
times & returned on monday making an appointment for 

*■ Recorded in the TnisteeB' Book, 1827. 
' Now Georgetown. 



Ips. — in four weeks I preached 3 times had a prayer meet- 
ing on monday eve, at this meeting I received more encour- 
agement than on any former occasion five came forward 
, deeply conceamed for the salvation of their souls. 

on tuesday (being Christmas) I preached twice, on Wed- 
nesday we had an inqiiirering which was well attended & 
solem I took my leave of their mourning souls and re- 
turned home giveing praise to God for what I had witt- 
nessed of his power in the convertion of sinners. In two 
weeks I made a 4 visit to Ipswich found the work of con- 
viction & converrion going on in many precious souls, 

this work was deep and solem & has given good evidence 
of being the work of God which I doubt not will be had 
in joyful remembrance by many when this happiness shall 
be consimiated in the full vision of bright glory. 

Like Peter and John, Mr. Waitt was an "imleamed and 
ignorant" man. He worked at his trade as a shoe maker 
during the week, and declared the message, that he felt God 
had given him, with great earnestness on the Sabbath day. 
Services were held in the second story of the disused woolen 
factory, where the Baptist Society had worshipped many 
years, and many of the Baptist folk identified themselves 
at once with the new movement. Twenty-five of the Bap- 
tists were enrolled as Methodists in 1822. A Methodist 
Society was organized in the Spring of 1822, and Mr. Waitt 
removed to Ipswich, and took charge of the services. A 
Sunday School, consisting of three classes and twenty schol- 
ars, began itg sessions, Mr. Charles Dodge acting as Su- 
perintendent He was the first man who began the Chris- 
tian life under Mr. Waitt's teaching. 

The first class meeting was held in the house of Mr. Aaron 
Wallis.* Daniel B. Lord was the class leader and the mem- 
bers were: 

■ Owned afterward by Amos Jones. It was torn down many years a.go» 
and its site Is included in the lot on which the Town Hall stands. See 
Ipswich in Mass. Bay, Vol. 1: p. 461. 


Aaron Treadwell Jr. Susan S. Lord (m. Abram D. 

Hannah T. Lord Wait) 

Elizabeth Treadwell Elizabeth Grow (Eliz. Cald- 

Marv G. Harris "^^U ^' John Grow of Bos- 

Charlotte Smith ton, 1798) 

Hannah Meady Amy Gk)uld (widow Capt. 

Mary Martin William, who died in 1836, 

Abigail Lord m. David Berry, 1839) 

Joanna Ross (w. Timothy) Lucretia Perkins (w. John 

Dorcas Fowler Perkins, 1819) 

Martha Herrick (m. William Harriet Ijord 

Kussell) Susan TTnderhill 

Maria Lord (m. William Mary A. Jewett (m. Perkins 

Lampson of Salem) Potter of Gloucester, 1830) 

Lucy A. Treadwell (m. Israel Eliza Dodge (wife Charles) 

K. Jewett) 

Both the men and six of the women were from the Bap- 
tists. Prayer meetings were held in the homes of the people. 
Mr, TJriah Spofford's interesting Reminiscences include the 
prayer meetings and singing meetings, which he attended in 
his boyhood and young manhood. He remarks tiiat the 
"Amens" and "Glory to God" that were interjected with 
great unction "would shock the too sensitive nerves of mod- 
em Methodists.'^ 

We may well believe that the enthusiastic hymns, the loud 
voiced testimonies, the frequent sighs and lamentations and 
the resounding Hallelujahs were a rasping experience to 
those accustomed to the frigid proprieties of the old way, 
and some charity is due the owner, who may have been ten- 
ant as well, of the old house on the comer of Summer and 
County Streets, for his brusque behavior. Capt. William 
Gould hired a tenement here and his wife, a fresh convert, 
rejoiced in the assembly of the saints in her home. The 
unsympathetic proprietor served notice either to stop the 
meetings or leave the house. The doughtv Captain stood by 


his wife manfully, and they found a new home on High 
Street, in the dwelling known then as the Eobbins House.* 
Here their prayer meetings were held with all the fervor 
and at whatever length they desired. Here too, the first 
"love feast" was held. 

High Street was a congenial home of Methodism. Daniel 
Bolles Lord, the first class leader, owned and occupied the 
house, afterward the Asher Blake dwelling. Capt Daniel B. 
Smith, a near neighbor, was the second class leader, when the 
first grew so large that division was necessary. Charles 
Dodge made his home in the Caldwell house. When the 
vigorous Society built a meeting house, they chose a lot on 
East Street, where the house lately occupied by Mr. Harry 
B. Brown now stands. This had previously been selected 
by the Baptist people for the sanctuary they were planning 
to build. 

The meeting house was begun in September, 1824, it was 
completed and the sale of the pews was held on Christmas 
day. The building was forty by fifty feet with full gal- 
leries, and cost, including the price of the land, ($250), five 
dollars less than $2000. 

The Trustees, Daniel B. Lord, Daniel Lord, Aaron Tread- 
well Jr., Charles Dodge and Aaron Wait met at the meeting 
house and commenced the sale of the pews at ten o'clock. 
The total number of pews was sixty-eight A large portion 
of the most valuable ones was sold at once, a small premium 
being paid for choice. 


* The second house east of the burying ground. 



Susannah Sawyer 


Josiah Lord Jr. 


Mary Martin 


Hannah T^atherland 


John Dav 


Joseph "Wait 


Thomas Smith 


14 Joseph Wait 83 

16 Charles Dodge 40 

21 Daniel Lord 63 

22 Daniel B. Lord 64 

23 Aaron Treadwell 62 

24 Aaron Treadwell Jr. 68 

25 Nath* Treadwell 57 

28 William Treadwell 56 

29 J. C. Underhill 60 

30 Andrew Enssell 60 

31 Eichard Sutton 60 
42 William Russell 25 

45 Aaron Sweet Jr. 

46 Thomas Dennis to Joseph Hovey 12^ 
60 Asa Lord 12^^ 
51 Manning Dodge & others % 25 
63 Israel Jewett 25 
56 Benjamin Fewkes 121/^ 
68 Elizabeth Fuller 25 
20 Daniel Lord Jr. 

Mr. Spofford recalls that the pulpit was raised on pillars 
high above the people and was reached by a flight of stairs. 
The pews were plain and unpainted. The gallery was oc- 
cupied at first by the singers alone, who took their pitch 
from Thomas Greenwood's tuning fork, or from the key notes 
sounded by David Dow on his bass-viol. 

The original members of the Church, received at its or- 
ganization in 1822 were: 

Daniel B. Lord Charlotte Smith 

Aaron Treadwell Widow Hannah Meady 

Charles Dodge Mary Martin 

Hannah T. Lord Dorcas Fowler 

Abigail Lord Mrs. Martha Bussell 

Joannah Boss Mrs. Maria Lamson 

Elizabeth Treadwell Mrs. Lucv A. Jewett 

Mary G. Harris Mrs. Susan Wait 


Elizabeth Grow Harriet Lord 

Emme (Amy) Gould Susan Underhill 

Mary Warner Mrs. Mary Ann Potter 

Lucretia Perkins Mrs. Eliza Dodge 

Rev. Aaron Waitt, the first preacher, joined the New Eng^ 
land Conference in June, 1825. Ipswich and Gloucester 
were then made one circuit, and Mr. Waitt and Rev. Aaron 
Josselyn were appointed Circuit Preachers. Mr. Waitt re- 
moved to Gloucester and Mr. Josselyn came to Ipswich, 
occupying two chambers, very scantily furnished, in the house 
on the comer of Middle Lane, as it was then called. Rev. 
Nathan Paine followed in 1827, a quiet man, who wore the 
regulation Quaker cut coat and low crowned broad brimmed 
hat Rev, John T. Burrill was the Circuit Preacher in 
1828. In 1829, Rev. John J. Bliss was appointed the 
Stationed Preacher. 

During his pastorate, the famous revivalist. Rev. John N. 
MaiRt, held a "protracted meeting*' as it was called, which 
was undoubtedly the most extraordinary episode in the his- 
tory of the churches of Ipswich, since the days of Whitefield 
and Tennent. He preached sixty nights to congregations 
which occupied every inch of the meeting house. It is said 
that during an entire week, business was at a stand still, 
most of the stores were closed, the cotton mill was shut down 
for want of help, and every one seemed to be seeking the 
kingdom of Grod and His righteousness- 
Mr. Spofford's Reminiscences are of extreme interest 
He recalls that Mr. Maffit spoke with "soft, persuasive elo- 
quence.'* During his sermons, he relates, the audience 
seemed spell-bound, and when, after the sermon, he descended 
from the pulpit and went up and down the aisles, singing 
as no other man could, some familiar hymn, the people 
seemed to have no power to resist his invitation to go for- 
ward to the altar. The closing meeting was of great so- 
lemnity. The house was packed to the doors, floor and 


gallery, even the aisles. During his address, he asked all 
to join with him in repeating, "I feel to bless the Lord for 
what he has done for my soul." After an hour or more, 
all were requested to kneeL Mr. Maffit offered prayer, and 
then a hymn was sung, containing the verse, 

Now here's my heart and here's my hand 
To meet you in that heavenly land 
Where we shall part no more. 

The congregation here joined hands, forming a complete 
chain with the preacher. 

The novel methods and great excitement, incident to these 
meetings, roused great opposition among those unfriendly 
to Methodism. It is said that the other churches were so 
alarmed by the inroads upon their own congregations that 
the celebrated Dr. Lyman Beecher was invited to hold a 
series of meetings for a week to stem the tide, but to no 
purpose. It has been said that some two hundred mem- 
bers were gathered into the Methodist Church as the result 
of these meetings. That number may have been admitted 
on probation, but the records of the church for 1829 and 
1830, show that 15 were admitted to full membership in 

1829, and 79 in 1830. These included Daniel Clark, John 
Perkins, Robert Kimball, Ezekiel Peabody, Joseph Wait and 
a multitude of other worthy men and excellent women, who 
added great strength to the struggling church. 

Kev. Jacob Sanborn was the Preacher in charge in 1830, 
and the increased vigor of the Church was further manifest 
in the erection of a parsonage on the lot adjoining the 
meeting house. Joseph Wait bought the lot, June 16, 

1830, and after the parsonage was built, conveyed it to the 
Trustees "with the buildings, the same having been built 
by subscription, and by said Trustees, their Committee." 
May, 6, 1831. 

Rev. Enoch Mudge was assigned to the Church in 1831, 


but was removed in the course of the year to take charge of 
the Mariners' Church in New Bedford, the pulpit being 
supplied by Local Preachers luitil the Conference. Rev. 
Epaphras Kibby was then appointed Preacher and after a 
year, Rev. John T. Burrill returned for a two-year pastor- 
atCj 1833 and 1834. He was succeeded by Rev. Newell S. 
Spaulding in 1835. The reaction from the tense times of 
the Maffit revival was now being felt. The item appears 
in the record under Dec. 3, 1835. "It was found the classes 
were not well attended." Under Jime 9, 1836, it was re- 
ported : that the weekly prayer meetings were generally well 
attended but there was no .special revival The Class Lead- 
ers reported a total membership of 216, 122 constant in 
attendance and 7 wilfully neglectful. 

Rev. Edmund Beebe was Stationed Preacher in 1836 and 
1837. The Record of the Quarterly meetings, Sept. 17, 
1836 is interesting: 

It was found that the church was a little more engaged in 
love and unity than they were the last meeting. 

The examination of the stewards and leaders took place 
and it was found by those that were present that they con- 
tinued to believe in the doctrines, usages and discipline of 
the Church, that they enjoyed a good witness of their ac- 
ceptance with God, And were trying to go forward in every 
good word and work. 

An addition was made to the meeting house this year. 
It was voted in April, to enlarge the house, to move it back, 
raise it up and finish a vestry on the ground floor. The new 
pews were sold to Josiah Caldwell, James L. Wells, Daniel 
Clark, George Warner, Manning Dodge, Ebenezer Russell and 
Daniel L. Hodgkins, the appraised value being $60.50 each. 
The total expenditure for the enlargement was $1038.72. 
A bell was also purchased at a cost of $300, probably by 

Rev. Joel Knight occupied the pulpit in 1838 and 1839. 


He had a wife and three children under fourteen years, 
His allowance for 1838 was: Salary $248, House rent $40, 
Table expenses $75, Fuel $37, Traveling expense $14.40, a 
total of $414.40. 

Bro. John A. Newman was appointed "door-keeper for 
the love feast tomorrow morning." The Presiding Elder 
had recommended earnestly in the previous year that the 
practise of Love Feast tickets be adopted and that hereafter 
none be admitted without them, or notes of admission by 
those who were not members of the Church, and that the 
doors should be closed at the precise hour and not be opened 
until the close of the exercise. The Stewards declined how- 
ever to use the tickets, as the practise was not introduced 
at the beginning, and they had never found it convenient 
to use them. 

Sanctification was a theme of frequent remark at this 
time. The Presidino^ Elder recommended in November, 
1837, that a prayer meeting be devoted to the consideration 
of it, and also that Wesley's sermon on Dress be read to 
the congregation. The Stewards reported in April, 1839, 
that two openly profess sanctification. The total member- 
ship in full communion then numbered 154, the class mem- 
bership 125, and the average class attendance 92. It was 
also reported that there had been 60 conversions during the 
year and that 45 were on probation. 

Singularly enough at this very time, when some were pro- 
fessing sanctification and many had manifested unusual 
interest in the higher life, there were unusual trials and 
difiiculties. The Societv voted on April 5, 1838. 

That there be a tything man appointed whose duty it 
shall be [ ] attend to the faithful discharge of his duties 
and that the Society [....] any member or members that 
shall prosecute for noise or disturbance, within the bounds 
of prudence. 


Again in April, 1843, a Committee was appointed to 
keep order in and around the meeting house in time of ser- 
vice and it was voted that this notice should be read from 
the desk at some favorable opportunity. 

There is no intimation regarding the source of this dis- 
order, whether it was due to troublesome boys, who attended 
prayer meetings as a place of amusement and conducted 
themselves accordingly, or whether there was strife and bit- 
terness within the church itself. The anti-slavery question 
had now become acute, and the line of division between the 
ardent abolitionists and the moderate anti-slavery people 
and those who deprecated any discussion, was sharply 
marked. "No doubt there was much disagreement on this 
burning topic in the other churches of the Town, but in 
the Methodist, sympathy with the slave, found its fullest 
expression, and the most uncomprising attitude toward slav- 
ery was resolutely maintained. Mutterings of the coming 
storm were heard in July, 1889, when James Caldwell pre- 
sented a series of Resolutions with a Preamble, regarding 
slavery which were amended, unanimously adopted, and 
then ordered printed in Zion's Herald and Zion's Watchman.^ 

Rev. Daniel Wise came to the Church in 1840, an able 
preacher and keen controversialist. One of the prominent 
members had said that he believed it was right for men and 
women to be held in bondage under some circumstances. 
He assailed this position unsparingly from his pulpit. 
When the Rev. David Tenney Kimball preached his well 
remembered sermon from the text, "I dwell among mine 
own people," which Avas undoubtedly an attack upon Metho- 
dism and the itineracy, Mr. Wise replied very vigorously. 
He was succeeded in April, 1842 by Rev. W. Ra